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“EnūmaElišandtheTransmissionofBabylonianCosmologytotheWest” PHILIPPE TALON

Publishedin MelammuSymposia2: R. M. Whiting (ed.), Mythology and Mythologies. Methodological Approaches to Intercultural Influences. Proceedings of the Second Annual Symposium of the Assyrian and Babylonian Intellectual Heritage Project. Held in Paris, France, October 4-7, 1999 (Helsinki: The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project 2001), pp. 265-77. Publisher: http://www.helsinki.fi/science/saa/

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TALON T RANSMISSION OF B ABYLONIAN C OSMOLOGY TO THE WEST

PHILIPPE T ALON Brussels

En uma Eliš and the Transmission of Babylonian Cosmology to the West *

y interest in the remarkable text in Brussels and Köln universities, Philippe known to us as En uma Eliš (Ee) Derchain. Unfortunately, this paper did not Mbegan more than ten years ago, really find its way into Assyriological cir- probably in the same way as it is for many cles and is not widely known. I’ll take this assyriologists. It has been translated so opportunity to bring this matter to light many times that it seems easy to have a look again and expand it into the topic of this at it and, furthermore, the cuneiform text symposium. prepared by Lambert gives wonderful teach- Verses 1 to 108 of Tablet I are concerned ing opportunities. first with the description of the primordial In 1987, however, H. Vanstiphout pub- world and then the appearance of the main lished a short note in NABU 1 in which he gods, ending with Ea. But Apsû and Tiamat proposed a reinterpretation of the first eight are disturbed by the noise of the younger verses of Tablet I which rather profoundly gods. Apsû then decides to destroy the gods changed my views on the text. Vanstiphout and goes to Tiamat with this proposal. It is read the first eight verses in two four-verse remarkable to note that the first break in the units, which looked to me as quite in- four-lines rhythm appears with lines 45-46, genious since it gave the text a much richer when Tiamat refuses to participate in the sense. I had the rather simple idea then to killing of her creation: 3 extend this proposal to the rest of the poem and I began to examine tablet I with this in Why then should we destroy what we have created? mind. It came as a real surprise to see that Yes, their actions are worrysome, but let us the four-verse units really worked most of still remain patient! the time. When clearly, for syntactical or semantic reasons, this system did not work, Apsû then turns to Mummu and both of it seemed clear to me that we were looking them decide to go on anyway. Ea hears at special cases, stanzas which had a very about their plans and, while the gods are special meaning and were thus emphasized despairing, he immediately acts. His magic by a simple break in the rhythm. arts easily overwhelm Apsû and Mummu Another idea came out of this reading, and Ea kills the former. He then proceeds to which I published in 1992 in a Festschrift 2 establish Apsû as his dwelling and this is honoring an eminent Egyptologist teaching where his wife Damkina will give birth to

* I wish to express my gratitude to my wife, Michèle Ph. Talon (eds), L’Atelier de l’Orfèvre. Mélanges offerts Broze, who contributed a lot to this paper and helped me à Philippe Derchain , Lettres Orientales 2 (Leuven, in finding and understanding many Classical references. 1992), 131-46. 1 NABU 87/95. Abbreviations are given according to the 3 Ee I 45-46, mi-na-a ni-i-nu šá ni-ib-nu-ú nu-uš- hal- Chicago Assyrian Dictionary . laq-ma | al-kàt-su-nu lu šum-ru- $at i ni-iš-du-ud #a-biš . 2 “Le premier épisode de l’ En uma Eliš ,” in M. Broze -

R.M. Whiting (ed.) MELAMMU S YMPOSIA II (Helsinki 2001) ISBN 951-45-9049-X 265 TALON T RANSMISSION OF B ABYLONIAN C OSMOLOGY TO THE WEST

Marduk. The birth of Marduk is emphasized and their transfer to the West, I shall now by a shout and this is where the second come back to the opening lines of our poem. break of rhythm appears (lines 101-102): 4 The first two stanzas, that is the first eight verses have been unanimously interpreted Mari’utu, Mari’utu! as representing the undifferentiated chaos Son of the Sun, Sun of the Gods! of the origins: 6

With a well-known play on the name of When above the sky was not named d Marduk, commonly written AMAR .UTU and below the earth had no name, “young bull of the Sun.” When this is done, Apsû was the first, their ancestor, the universe is again at peace. But Anu the creator was Tiamat , mother of them all. gives Marduk the Four Winds to play with They had mingled their waters together, and this prepares the rest of the story (line the pastures were not agglomerated, the 108): 5 canebrakes were not extended, when the gods – none had yet appeared – He brought the tide in existence, it was had been given no name, the destinies were going to disturb Tiamat… not yet fixed.

With this wonderful use of a verb in the These two stanzas are full of riddles and imperfect ( udalla h) ends the first part, the difficulties. First of all, the occurrence of deeds of Ea. It is nothing more than a first ammatu (var. abbatu ) in verse 2 instead of episode in which every element of the main the expected er $etu “earth” is not easy to story is already present. It is a kind of re- interpret. The word is attested only here, in hearsal of the epic fight between Marduk a lexical text 7 and in the Theodicy. It is and Tiamat, but here the protagonists are worth noting that in this text, it appears in Apsû and Ea. Everything Ea has accom- a comparison where the sufferer is called 8 plished will be later accomplished by Mar- “Palm tree, tree of wealth, my precious duk, on a grander scale. Apsû and Mummu brother, endowed with all wisdom, jewel of announce Tiamat and Kingu and they are [gold], you are as stable as the earth ( am- vanquished in the same way, by magic. Ea ma-tíš ), but the plan of the gods is remote.” has created his dwelling with the body of The ancient commentary of line 58 gives Apsû as Marduk will create the intelligible the interpretation am-ma-tíš : [GIM ] er- $e-tú world with the body of Tiamat, the exact “ammatiš means ‘like the earth.’” One correspondance of the Apsû being the could thus readily accept that this rare term Ešarra. The deeds of Ea are thus a prefigu- was taken by the Babylonians themselves as ration of the great deeds of Marduk, who a synonym for earth. will receive as his last name the name of his Then comes the tricky part: Apsû and father in Tablet VII. Tiamat are mentioned as being respectively Since the topic of this paper is to examine “ancestor” and “begetter” of “all of them” the cosmological views of the Babylonians (-šunu ). There is no indication to the beings

4 d Ee I 101-102, ma-ri-ú-tu ma-ri-ú-tu | ma-ri UTU -ši pa-ra la ki-i $-$u-ru $u- $a-a la še- ’u-ú | e-nu-ma DINGIR . d UTU -ši šá DINGIR .DINGIR . DINGIR la šu-pu-u ma-na-ma | šu-ma la zuk-ku-ru ši-ma- 5 Ee I 108, ú-šab-ši a-ga-am-ma ú-dal-là h ti-amat . tú la ši-i-mu . 6 Ee I 1-8: e-nu-ma e-liš la na-bu-ú šá-ma-mu | šap-liš 7 Malku I 51 where it is equated with dannatu (CAD A/2, am-ma-tum (var. ab-ba-tum ) šu-ma la zak-rat | ZU .AB -ma 75a). reš-tu-ú za-ru-šu-un | mu-um-mu ti-amat mu-al-li-da-at 8 BWL, p. 74-75, line 58 gi-na-ta-ma am-ma-tíš ni-si gim-ri-šú-un || A.MEŠ -šú-nu iš-te-niš i- hi-qu-ú-ma | gi- mi-lik i-lim .

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referred to by the pronoun šunu . The trans- everything,” 15 mummu b an binûtu “creator lators have all considered that the pronoun of all creatures,” 16 mummu b an šamê u here meant “the gods,” and this could be er $eti “creator of heaven and earth” 17 helped by the fact that the only other occur- (which is also said of Marduk in Ee VII 86 rence of the term zarû “progenitor, father, in the exegesis of the name Zulum). It is, ancestor” 9 in En uma Eliš is in line I 29 “It remarkably, once used to qualify Ištar: was then that Apsû, ancestor of the great mummu b an par $i u šulu hhi “creator of the gods, 10 called Mummu, his messenger.” The rites and purification ceremonies.” 18 use of the verbs zarû for Apsû and al adu for On the other hand, mummu is also used to Tiamat also hints that Apsû is masculine designate a school or a workshop, abode of and Tiamat feminine. Nabû and Tašm etu, 19 and, in the expression What now about the term mummu at the “house of M/mummu” ( bit mummu/i ), it is beginning of line 4? Most of the modern a workshop used to make and repair ritual authors see this word as an epithet of Tiamat, objects. 20 translating, for example, “maker Tiamat,” 11 Elsewhere in En uma Eliš , Mummu ap- “matrix-Tiamat,” 12 “Mère(?)-Tiamat.” 13 Their pears as a god, written with the divine deter- comments show that, most of the time, minative, playing the role of Apsû’s vi- mummu is taken as a synonym, or even a zier. 21 His name is equated with Ilabrat and mistake, for the usual word ummu Papsukkal 22 and it also appears in two suc- “mother.” We will see that the appearance cessive series of names: B elet-il i B elet-m ati of the term here has led Damascius to pos- Anšar Kišar Enmešarra Dumuzi Lugaldu- tulate a triad in the first stage of the Baby- kuga Anu Kinga Mummu u B elili | Kinga lonian cosmology. But we will return to this Mummu Apsû u Allatu. 23 later. What is the status of Mummu/ mummu The word mummu is probably not a mis- here ? The parallels with the epithet of Ea take for ummu , since it appears elsewhere suggests that it is a title of Tiamat. Never- at least once as an epithet of Tiamat ( mu-um theless it is always used elsewhere after the Ti-amat ). 14 It is otherwise attributed to Ea name of the god and usually followed by an as the creator: mummu b an kala “creator of explanatory note “creator of…” ( ban). Here

9 CAD s.v. zarû 1. ator,” but something more like “that which inspires cre- 10 i-nu-šu ZU .AB za-ri DINGIR .DINGIR ra-bí-ù-tim ation.” 11 S. Dalley, Myths from Mesopotamia , Oxford Univer- 21 Ee I 30, 31, 47, 53, 66 (var. d), 70 (var. d), 72 (var. d), sity Press, (Oxford - New York, 1991) p. 233. 118, VII 86 (said of Marduk, see above). I 48 seems to 12 B.R. Foster, From Distant Days (Bethesda, 1995), p. use the name as a substantive without determinative: 11. (dmu-um-mu ) suk-kal-lum la ma-gi-ru mi-lik mu-um-mi- 13 J. Bottéro - S.N. Kramer, Lorsque les dieux faisaient šu “(Mummu answers to Ea) and of an unfavorable vizier l’homme (Paris, 1989), p. 604. was the counsel of his mummu .” 14 In a hymn to Nanaya, BA 5 664:15. 22 J. Nougayrol, “Textes et documents figurés,” RA 41, 15 Iraq 15, 123:19 and VAS 1 37 iii 5 (kudurru of Mero- 1947, p. 23-53; AO 17626 (and duplicate, TCL 6, 47), p. dachbaladan II) 30:3. This text is a list of god names (with equations) 16 PSBA 20 158:14 ending with the note PAB 7 DINGIR .DINGIR DINGIR .MEŠ 17 d LKA 77 i 29ff. ki- [ši ]t-tum (var. 7 EN .LÍL .MEŠ ki-šit-ti ) šá IGI .2.MEŠ -šú- 18 Loretz-Mayer, Šu-ila , p. 15 (BMS 5+:17). nu ina ŠÀ MEZE ZABAR GAR -nu “Total: 7 gods, captured 19 See in general CAD M/2 197ff. gods, whose eyes are put into a bronze manzû -drum.” 20 CAD M/2 p. 198. Note also the appearance of the word 23 RA 41, 1947, p. 37:25f, last section of a list of gods in the Anzu myth: mu-um-mu qašti ana q išatiki (cited receving merd itu -offerings. This last section unfortu- CAD M/2, 198b and translated there “(return) frame of nately does not have an explanatory note. Cf also the the bow, to your forest”). The use of mummu to designate broken commentary DT 184, published by W.G. Lam- the “frame” of the bow could as well mean “idea” or bert, JCS 10, 1956, p. 100, mentioning ti-amat (ll. 8, 13) “concept,” thus implying that mummu doe not mean “cre- and dmu-um-mu (l. 14).

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we would have to assume that it is empha- have not yet appeared and have still not sized and put before the name of Tiamat been named. “The destinies were not fixed” (“the creator” par excellence ). Another is then to be understood as a depiction of a possibility, reflected in my translation is to silent and immobile universe without any take the sentence as a non-verbal clause rules or awareness. “the creator was Tiamat” with Tiamat as Structurally, lines 7-8 are an echo to lines predicate. 1-2, with the repetition of en uma “when.” One could also include in the discussion But if it is the case, we should equally the meaning of the term mummu . The trans- understand lines 5-6 as an echo to the men- lation “Creator” is clearly influenced by the tion of Apsû and Mummu-Tiamat. Lines various expressions which accompany it in 5-6 would then depict the original unity of the above mentioned epithets. We will see the two (or three) first entities and not the later on that Damascius calls it ton noèton undifferentiation of the universe (which kosmon “the intelligible world” and Simo does not exist yet). Parpola has argued 24 that it is the equivalent From this situation “are created” ( ibba- of the Sefira Daat “the world’s conscious- nû ) two pairs of beings: La hmu-La hamu ness.” Speaking strictly from an assyrio- and Anšar-Kišar. The expression used does logical point of view, the attestations of the not refer to a genealogical process in the word and their uses suggest that it has some- human sense of the word. The two pairs of thing to do with knowledge or understand- gods are created in the passive, they “come ing of ritual and cultic objects or practice. to existence” without any external means Could we see it as the ability to elaborate mentioned. We then have the first mention concepts and to thus to create them? As of time in line 13 “they lengthened the days, such it could be seen as a qualifier of Tiamat added the years.” 25 It is only after this that, as well as an independent entity. The ques- at last, a real action intervenes: Anšar is tion must remain open for the time being. said to “reflect” ( umaššil ) his son Anu, and Next come the mention of the mingling of Anu himself begets ( ulid ) Ea/Nudimmud as the waters and the unfinished state of the his “reflection” or “image” ( tamšilašu ). We pastures and the canebrakes. These verses have here the first use of punctual verb- clearly depict the unfinished and undiffer- forms denoting a definite moment in time. rentiated state of the universe. Again we With a four-line verse describing the excep- have the annoying use of the possessive tional wisdom and strength of Ea/Nudim- pronoun šunu , but here most commentators mud, the first section is closed. The nar- will agree that it refers to Apsû and Tiamat, rative will now switch to the destabilization seen as the principles of sweet and salt caused by the noise of the gods and the water not yet separated. One has the visual anger of Apsû. It is perhaps worth noting impression of the South Iraqi marshes that Ea will only be called by this name (Ea) where land, river and sea mingle together in later, in line 60 (!), when he decides to take a chaotic environment, and it is perhaps this measures against Apsû and Mummu. image that the poet had in mind. The text of En uma Eliš was widely The last two lines of the introduction known in the learned circles of Babylonia come back to the absence of the gods who and Assyria, as the number of copies found

24 “The Assyrian Tree of Life: Tracing the Origins of (1993), p. 161-208 (especially note 110, p. 191). 25 Jewish Monotheism and Greek Philosophy,” JNES 52 I 13 ur-ri-ku UD .MEŠ u$-$i-bu MU .MEŠ .

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in various sites of Mesopotamia shows. It and finally Apsû and Tiamat by Anu and was not only copied in Assyria, but also Antu (or Ištar). 31 It was probably this proce- used as a reference work in other literary dure which gave birth to a series of curious texts. Elnathan Weissert has demonstrated allusions in mystical texts to the death of that the annalistic account of the campaigns Anu and the depiction of this god as an evil of Sennacherib made extensive allusions to entity. It explains also the equations be- our text. 26 In that way, the battles of the king tween Tiamat and Ištar or Antu. 32 It is in this could achieve a mythical dimension. En uma perspective that one has to take into account Eliš was sufficiently known in academic the possibility to read En uma Eliš with the circles that the allusions could be easily Assyrian Tree of Life diagram in mind. understood by all members of the Assyrian Even if such was perhaps not the case at the elite. time of its composition, it is nevertheless In other Assyrian scholarly works, the plausible that the scholars of Nineveh read poem is alluded to, either by a typical use it with a comparable model in mind. The of words, extracts or by its name. It is the fact that the number of gods mentioned in case, for example, in Marduk’s Ordeal, with the first section (lines 1-16) is nine (if one comments such as “it is said in En uma Eliš : takes the mummu into account) could not When heaven and earth were not created, have escaped them: Aššur came into being” 27 or “ En uma Eliš , Apsû Tiamat which is recited and chanted in front of B el mummu in Nisan, concerns his imprisonment.” 28 La hmu La hamu The recitation of the poem during the Akitu Anšar Kišar Festival in Nisan (on the 4th day) is also Anu attested in the Akitu ritual 29 itself, with the additional precision that the tiara of Anu Ea and the throne of Enlil had to remain One should also note that in this perspec- covered during the recitation. tive the place of mummu is that of Ištar and The Neo-Assyrians certainly studied and that the god Mummu in En uma Eliš assumes commented En uma Eliš . There are also the role of Apsû’s lover, replacing Tiamat copies of the myth in which the scholars of when they plan their destruction. The Nineveh changed the name of Marduk and possible androgyny of Mummu is another replaced it by the name of Aššur. 30 This was link with Ištar. The role of Mummu in not simply a matter of writing Aššur instead En uma eliš is one of destabilization, and of Marduk, but the whole genealogy of Mar- most of the myths involving Ištar present duk was thus lifted on a higher level, repla- her in a quite similar aspect. Ištar and cing Anšar and Kišar by Aššur and Mullis- Mummu both destabilize a situation which su, La hmu and La hamu by Ea and Damkina, Ea will later on reorganize.

26 E. Weissert, “Creating a Political Climate: Literary $a-bit-u-ni [šu-ú ]. Allusions to En uma Eliš in Sennacherib’s Account of the 29 F. Thureau-Dangin, Rituels accadiens , p. 136, 280-84. Battle of Halule,” 39ème Rencontre Assyriologique In- 30 Cf W.G. Lambert, “The Assyrian Recension of En uma ternationale (1997), 191-202. Eliš ,” 39ème Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale 27 SAA 3 34:54 = 35:45: šu-ú ina ŠÀ e-nu-ma e-liš (1997), 77-79. 31 iq- [#i-bi ] ki-i AN -e KI .TIM la ib-ba-nu-ni AN .ŠÁR it- [tab- See my forthcoming paper “Esoteric Lore in Neo- ši ]. Assyrian Tradition.” 28 SAA 3 34:34 = 35:28: e-nu-ma e-liš ša da-bi-ib-u-ni 32 SAA 3 39 = KAR 307. d ina IGI EN ina ITI .BARAG i-za-mur-ú-šú-ni ina UGU ša

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Another possibility of interpreting the Greek, called Babyloniaka . Unfortunately, opening lines of En uma Eliš within the this book is lost and only fragments survive model of the Assyrian Tree of Life is to read in the works of other ancient authors, in this the first two lines as metaphors for the two case mainly Eusebius of Cesarea. 36 Euse- opposing points of the diagram. “Above” bius himself wrote in the beginning of the then represents the first Sefira , Anu, i.e. the fourth century AD , and his citation of Be- sky, and “below” means the last one, Ner- rossus is only an abridgment of the accounts gal, clearly associated with the earth. The of Polyhistor and Abydenus. From what we opening lines can then be understood as a know, Berossus was of Chaldaean origin statement that the flow of emanation has not and, after leaving Babylon, taught Chal- yet begun, and the first section describes the daean astrology on the island of Cos. He coming into being of the universe. But this was also said to be an “interpreter,” i.e. a interpretation needs more evidence. 33 “prophet” of B el. 37 There is another passage which might His depiction of Babylonian cosmology perhaps be linked with the Tree diagram. In is presented in Book I of the Babyloniaka . tablet VI, after Marduk has created the The fragments which came down to us are world and assigned stations to all the gods, relatively different from the account of there is a feast. The great gods, being fifty, En uma Eliš , at least in the beginning. They take place with the seven gods of destinies. evoke much more the famous Seleucid text Marduk shows them his weapon, the Bow, published by Van Dijk in 1962 38 which and Anu kisses it, declaring “this is really gives the list of the antediluvian kings and my daughter.” 34 It is well-known that the their apkall u. Berossus thus says that in the Bow represents Ištar, especially as her stel- first year Oannes, a being half-man half- lar incarnation. 35 Thus the seven gods of fish, came out of the Persian Gulf and destinies, in front of Marduk, assign the brought knowledge and civilization to the place of Ištar as the daughter of Anu, bring- people of Mesopotamia. This Oannes has ing their number to nine and the diagram to been recognized in the figure of U ’anna, the completion. apkallu or mythical scholar of the first ante- En uma Eliš continued to be studied and diluvian king, Ayalu. U ’anna is also known copied down to Seleucid times, as is shown in some texts under the name of Adapa. 39 by the fact that some manuscripts were According to Berossus, Oannes revealed found in the Sippar library, for example. It the mystery of origins to man. One should is at this stage that the first attested case of remember here that the En uma Eliš is also transfer into another language of our myth said to be a revelation ( taklimtu ), but does occurs. At the beginning of the third century not give the name of the speaker. Thus in BC , a priest of B el, named Berossus, wrote lines VII 157-158, it is said: 40 a book on Mesopotamian traditions in

33 See the remarks of S. Parpola, “Tree of Life,” p. 190ff. the god Hermes. Oannes-Adapa, on the other hand, is the 34 Ee VI 87: GIŠ .BAN it-ta-šiq ši-i lu-ú DUMU .MUNUS exact parallel of Hermes Trismegistos, the one who trans- (var. mar-ti ). mits knowledge. 35 E. Reiner, Astral Magic in Babylonia (Philadelphia, 38 W.20030,7: UVB 18, p. 44ff. 1995), p. 88. 39 See Picchioni, Il poemetto di Adapa (Budapest, 1981), 36 For a translation of all extant passages, see S.M. p. 85ff; Ph. Talon, “Le mythe d’Adapa,” SEL 7, 1990, Burstein, The babyloniaca of Berossus , (Malibu, 1978). 43-57. 37 Burstein, p. 15 and n. 19. The Latin verb interpretari 40 tak-lim-ti ma h-ru-ú id-bu-bu pa-nu-uš-šú | iš- #ur-ma is the equivalent of the Greek hermeneuein , which evokes iš-ta-kan ana ši-mé-e ar-ku-ti .

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The Revelation, the First One recited it be- influence of the word-play with the Greek fore him, word for “sea” Thalassa. 46 As for the name he wrote it and and placed it at the disposal Omorka, it has been proposed that it was a of future generations. corruption of the expression ummu Hubur 41 And also in lines VII 145-146 : “Mother Hubur,” designating Tiamat in En uma Eliš . 47 Let them (the 50 names of Marduk) be re- membered, let the First One comment upon After this simple statement, Berossus goes them, on to describe the creation of the universe let the wise and the scholar meditate on them by B el and gives no account of the conflict together. between Marduk and Tiamat. Two versions of the creation are given, both of them men- The “First One” mentioned in En uma Eliš tioning the division of Tiamat into heaven is probably Oannes-Adapa, 42 who was and earth, as is done in En uma Eliš . In one credited with the authorship of literary version, Berossus explicitly says that B el works, 43 and this tradition was taken up by cut the “woman” in two. In the other, it is Berossus. 44 “darkness” which is divided. At the beginning, he writes, there was a The account of Berossus is thus concise time “when everything was darkness and in the extreme concerning the cosmological water”, 45 which corresponds with the open- opening of the Babylonian myth. He seems ing lines of En uma Eliš . But then Berossus more interested in the Revelation of Oannes goes on to explain that many strange crea- and the creation of the planets and the stars, tures came to life in these waters. Most of as could be expected from an Chaldaean these creatures are curiously marked by a astrologer. binary aspect: two wings, two faces, two After Berossus, we have seen that Baby- heads, two sets of sexual organs. It is only lonian cosmology had been treated by sev- after this episode that Berossus introduces eral Greek authors, like Polyhistor and Tiamat: “A woman named Omorka ruled Abydenus, but these works are now lost. We over these creatures. In Chaldaean her name have to go down to the end of the 5th cen- was Thalath which translated into Greek tury and the beginning of the 6th to find one means Thalassa (sea).” The name Thalath last echo of En uma Eliš . Damascius, 48 born is probably a corruption of an original in Damascus around 460 and raised in Alex- Thauthe (as found in Damascius), under the andria, made an extensive visit to the great

41 li-i $-$ab-tú-ma ma h-ru-u li-kal-lim | en-qu mu-du-u 44 It is also attested in other Hellenistic works, e.g. in the mit- ha-riš lim-tal-ku . fragments of Chaeremon, an Egyptian priest of the first 42 The parallelism between the first episode and the main century AD, see P.W. Van der Horst, Chaeremon, Egyptian Priest body of En uma Eliš authorizes an intriguing hypothesis: and Stoic Philosopher , Etudes préliminaires aux religions In the main myth, Marduk defeates Tiamat and Kingu. orientales dans l’empire romain, vol. 101, (Leiden, 1984). With Tiamat, Marduk creates the world and, afterwards, Two fragments preserved by Psellus mention Oannes/ proceeds to create man with the blood of Kingu. In the Ioannes, clothed in a fish-skin, descendant or son of first episode, Ea kills Apsû and puts the leash on Mum- Hermes and Apollo (p. 11 and 27). mu. We are told that he used Apsû to create his new 45 I use the translation given by Burstein, Babyloniaca . dwelling, but nothing is said about the fate of Mummu. 46 See Burstein, p. 14 n. 15. If the parallelism between both situations is applied, we 47 The opinion of Komoróczy cited by Burstein, p. 14 would expect Mummu to be killed in order to create a note 14, has to be abandoned: e-ma-ru-uk-ka in line Ee servant of Ea, which is exactly the way in which Adapa II 134 (not II 101) is for am arukka , derived from the verb is described in the Adapa Myth. am aru “to see” and has nothing to do with the flood. 43 48 W.G. Lambert, JCS 16, 1962, p. 62, line 11 [ šá u 4-an- See L. Couloubaritsis, Histoire de la philosophie an- na a-da ]-pà ina pi-i-šú iš- #u-ru “[that Oannes-Ada]pa cienne et médiévale , (Paris, 1998), p. 802-803. wrote under his dictation.”

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En uma Eliš Damascius

1 Apsu Tiamat Apasôn Tauthe

?

Mummu Môümis

2 La hmu La hamu Dachè Dachos

3 Anšar Kišar Assôros Kissarè

Anu Anos Illinos Aos Daukè

Ea (Damkina)

Marduk Bèlos

Fig. 1. The cosmological scheme of En uma Eliš and its reflection in the writings of Damascius (6th century AD )

philosophical centres of Syria 49 before middle of the 3rd century. 52 These Oracles going to Athens where he eventually be- are considered today as the “Bible” of the came director of the Platonic School. When Neoplatonic philosophers. 53 I shall come the School was closed in 529, Damascius back to this later. and his disciples left Greece for Syria and Explaining the various approaches to Persia. It is believed that he ended his life the qualities of the One, Damascius passes in Harr an where a Neo-Platonic School in review the Orphaic tradition and the functioned until the 10th century. 50 opinions of Oriental theologies, mainly the Damascius is a representative of Neopla- Babylonians, the Mages, the Phoenicians tonic thought and wrote several books, in- and the Egyptians. Of the Babylonians he cluding commentaries to Plato’s works. In writes: 54 his Treatise of the First Principles , one of the major last works of Greek philosophy, Among the Barbarians, the Babylonians he discusses at length the relations between seem to be silent on the unique principle of the One and the World, or the One and the the all and pose two principles, Tauthe and All. 51 His position is largely influenced by Apasôn, considering Apasôn as the husband of Tauthe, whom they call mother of the the commentaries of Proclus (beginning of gods. From Apasôn and Tauthe has been en- the 5th cent.) and by the Chaldaean Oracles, gendered, they say, an only child, Môümis, a collection of prophetic revelations origi- who is, I think, the intelligible world pro- nating from Syria and dating from the duced from the two principles. Then , from

49 See M. Tardieu, Les paysages reliques. Routes et choix de commentaires anciens , Les Belles Lettres, 3rd haltes syriennes d’Isidore à Simplicius (Leuven, 1990); ed. (Paris, 1996); R. Majercik, The Chaldaean Oracles: P. Chuvin, Chronique des derniers païens (Paris, 1991). Text, Translation and Commentary (Leiden, 1989). 50 See Chuvin, Chronique and T.M. Green, The City of 53 P. Athanassiadi, “The Chaldaean Oracles: Theology the Moon God. Religious Traditions of Harran (Leiden, and Theurgy,” in P. Athanassiadi - M. Frede (eds.), 1992). Pagan Monotheism in Late Antiquity (Oxford, 1999), 51 A recent edition can be found in L.G. Westerink - J. 149-84; especially p; 152 n. 15. Combès, Damascius. Traité des Premiers Principes , Les 54 Damascius, p. 165 and commentary on p. 234-36. It is Belles Lettres (Paris, 1991). possible, but not certain, that his source on this passage 52 Edition: E. des Places, Oracles Chaldaïques avec un is Eudaemus of Rhodos.

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the same, another generation proceeded, It is remarkable to note that the triad of Dachè and Dachos. then, from the same, a Anu, Enlil and Ea appears as such in En uma third one again, Kissarè and Assôros, from Eliš at the very end of Tablet IV when whom were born three gods, Anos, Illinos and Aos. Finally, from Aos and Daukè, a son Marduk has created the Ešarra and placed was born, Bèlos, who, they say, is the demi- therin the sanctuaries of these three gods. urge. Furthermore, Damascius says that the Babylonians are silent on the first principle The names Damascius uses are easily of the universe, the One, which he implicit- converted to their Babylonian counterparts, ly considers to be removed from the first even if some manuscript mistakes have oc- three generations. Damascius writes else- curred. Tauthe and Apasôn are Tiamat and where: 55 “As for Epimenides, Eudaemus Apsû; Môümis has to be Mummu. Dachè says that he supposed two first principles, and Dachos must be La hmu and La hamu, Air and Night, after having honoured, by with the easily explained mistake of the silence of course, the unique principle Greek letters Lambda and Delta. Kissarè which precedes both….” This shows that and Assôros are Kišar and Anšar (or more when Damascius speaks about silence, he exactly Aššur). Anos, Illinos and Aos will does not mean the absence of the concept then be Anu, Enlil and Ea, and, finally, itself, but the fact that the first principle is Bèlos is Marduk, the demiurge, son of Aos unknowable. In this respect it is interesting (Ea) and Daukè (Damkina). We thus have to note the mention in Gnostic thought of a the figure seen on the facing page (Fig. 1). companion to the first unnamable principle, Damascius, or his source (which could be who is called Silence, and with whom the Eudaemus of Rhodos, but this is not cer- First One created the Intellect. 56 tain), is very well informed. His presenta- Being largely influenced by Proclus, tion closely follows the opening lines of whom he considers as one of the wisest En uma Eliš , even going into details. There theologians, and the Chaldaean Oracles, it are, though, some slight discrepancies: is also remarkable that Damascius presents First of all, he describes Mummu as the to us a series of three dual generations, child ( paida ) of Apsû and Tiamat. We have dyads. The theology of the Oracles, as we seen that the status of this Mummu in the will see, is completely organized around opening lines of the Babylonian myth is three successive triads. Nevertheless, Da- very difficult to ascertain. Even here, Da- mascius has to introduce a third component mascius seems to give him a special role, in his first generation, that is Mummu, not counting him among the three gener- whom he then considers as being the intel- ations and adding a personal interpretation. ligible world ( ton noèton kosmon ), linked The two next pairs of gods are here de- with the nous , that is the Intellect which scribed as generations proceeding from the conceives before creation or action actually first, whereas En uma Eliš only marks them occurs. In Semitic terms this would be the as “being created” ( ibbanû ). Finally Anšar “heart” ( libbu ), siege of thought and emo- and Kišar are said to produce three gods, tion. This could well correspond to the whereas our myth only speaks of Ea in this placement of the term mummu immediately place. before the name of Tiamat in Ee I 4.

55 Damascius. , p. 164. tiques aux origines du christianisme , Supplement au Ca- 56 This is mentioned in Ireneus, Against the Heresies , I, hier Evangile 58 (Paris, 1987), p. 142). 1, 1-2 (text translated in Nag Hammadi. Textes gnos-

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Môümis is presented not as a “son,” but as are known today, transmitted through the a “child,” which is neuter in meaning, and books of principally Syrian authors, such as with an ending -is which could suggest a Porphyry, Iamblichus, Proclus and Damas- feminine entity. In En uma Eliš , the status of cius. the “divine” Mummu, the vizier of Apsû, is In his commentary to Plato’s Parmenides, rather ambiguous and we could read some Proclus, speaking of the Chaldaean Oracles, lines as meaning that he took the place of has this interesting note: 58 Tiamat in Apsû’s heart. This, we have seen, could be an interesting link with Ištar. There are many, saying a variety of other things, but they all try to direct the thought The presence of Môümis in the Greek text of the soul towards the One. The gods, of Damascius is nevertheless difficult to knowing what concerns them, tend upwards explain. Where did this author find this towards the One by means of the One in name? Appearing as it does immediately themselves. And this precisely is their theo- after Apsû and Tiamat, it is necessary for logical teaching: through the voice of the true theologians [i.e. the Chaldaean Damascius (or for his source) to have Oracles] they have handed down to us this known the Akkadian text of En uma eliš . We hint regarding the first principle. They call have no knowledge of a Greek translation it by a name of their own, ‘Ad,’ which is of the Babylonian myth. Did the source of their word for ‘one’; so it is translated by Damascius still know how to read cunei- people who know their language. And they duplicate it in order to name the demiurgic form? Even the orthography of the Greek intellect of the world, which they call word is interesting, since it suggests a read- ‘Adad, worthy of all praise.’ They do not say ing mu ’umm (u) instead of mumm (u) (cf. n. that it comes immediately next to the One, 14 above). but only that it is comparable to the One by In fact, the main aim of Damascius in this way of proportion: for as that intellect is to the intelligible, so the One is to the whole book is to show that every approach comes invisible world, and for that reason the latter to a unique principle: there is a transcendent is simply called ‘Ad,’ but the other which One, completely removed from the intel- duplicates it is called ‘Adad.’ ligible world, and this is the unifying prin- ciple of all theologies. The emanations and What we have here is an exegesis on the fragmentation of the divine powers only name of Adad, head of the pantheon in start at a lower stage. The Babylonians also many Syrian cities where he is commonly took part, he says, in this conception, even called B el, the demiurge, as meaning “one- if they do not speak about it as such. one,” thus equating him with the Twice- This unifying principle, the One, is at the Beyond, the creator of the intelligible world centre of the doctrine of the Chaldaean (dis epekeina ). The One-Beyond ( apax epe- Oracles. 57 The revelation of these Oracles is keina ), the unknowable first principle, can attributed to a Syrian, Julian the Theurgist, then be deduced as being ‘Ad,’ that is in the 3rd century AD. They were written “One” in Syriac. Adad is linked with the down by his father, Julian the Chaldaean Assyrians in an interesting note of Macro- and became one of the main reference of bius 59 (beginning of the 5th cent.), saying: Neoplatonic philosophers. Only fragments

57 For the edition, see above, and cf. P. Athanassiadi, 58 R. Klibansky - C. Labowky, Plato Latinus , vol. III “The Chaldaean Oracles: Theology and Theurgy,” in P. (London, 1953), p. 59-61 and commentary p. 95. Athanassiadi - M. Frede (eds.), Pagan Monotheism in 59 Macrobius, Saturnalia I 23, 17; cf Klibansky - Labow- Late Antiquity (Oxford, 1999), pp. 149-84. ky, Plato Latinus , p. 95.

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Learn what the Assyrians thought about the this subject, I would like to cite a note of power of the sun. To the god they worship Damascius about Zeus: 65 “Effectively, the as the highest and greatest ( summum maxi- Twice-Beyond (i.e. the demiurge) is com- mumque ) they gave the name Adad. The interpretation of his name means “one one.” pletely in all (the gods); if he is called him- self Zeus and if one of the particular sources Let us remember at this point that Adad, which are inside him is also called Zeus, in or more exactly the variant Addu, is one of the same way as another is called Helios and the fifty names given to Marduk, 60 the cre- another Athena, (…), then in this way if ator of the world, in En uma Eliš , and that there is a certain source called source of the link between Marduk and the sun is Zeus, homonymous with the universal explicit in the interpretation of his name as source, this one will also produce a particu- mari Utu , son of the Sun (Ee I 101-102). On lar series from itself.” This is of course the other hand, one of the frequent graphies rather convoluted, but it shows that, in the of the name of Aššur is dAŠ , literally “the opinion of Damascius, there is no ambiguity Divine One” or even simply AŠ “the One.” 61 between the source of emanation and one of The importance of the names is not to be the emanations, even if they are called by understressed. One of the preserved Chal- the same name. 66 It also shows that the three daean Oracles 62 says: “Never change the members of the triad may be called by the Barbarian names” and in his commentary same or different names. This brings to Psellus (in the 11th century) adds 63 “This mind the various aspects that the winged means: there are among the peoples names sun of Aššur can assume in Assyrian icono- given by God, which have a particular graphy: the winged sun alone or containing power in the rites. Do not transpose them in one or three persons (one of them being Greek.” 64 A god may also have more than female). one name, even if this seems to introduce a I have already mentioned Psellus, a high difficult element of confusion, at least for official in the Byzantine court in the 11th us. We can think, for example, of Marduk, century. Psellus knew the Chaldaean who is equated with Aššur and thus named Oracles and the various commentaries writ- in many texts (especially Assyrian texts ten on them throughout the centuries, espe- written for a Babylonian audience). He then cially the one by Proclus. He wrote his own assumes either the aspect of the One him- commentary and is one of the main sources self or the aspect of only an emanation of of our knowledge of the oracles. He also the One. The same occurs when Aššur re- wrote different presentations or explana- places Marduk in the Assyrian version of tions of the Chaldaean doctrine. All these En uma Eliš . This can become confusing. On texts are quite remarkable and the links they

60 Ee VII 119. natural to them the formulas which we choose, and 61 See Parpola, Tree of Life , p. 206. since this type of language is primitive or very 62 Fr. 150, des Places, p. 103. ancient – the more so that those who taught the first 63 des Places, p. 169-70. names of the gods have transmitted them to us while 64 The same idea is present in Iamblichus’ De Mysteriis mingling them to their own language, thought to be VII 4 (ed. E. des Places, Jamblique. Les Mystères proper and adapted to those names –, we keep until now d’Egypte (Paris, 1989), p. 192-93): the law of tradition, intangible and unchanging. But why do we prefer the Barbarians’ signs to those of 65 Westerink-Combès, p. 37. our respective languages? There is in fact a mystical 66 It appears that in such a structure, the second takes the reason. As the gods have taught us that the whole attributes of the first and the third takes those of the two language of the sacred peoples, like the Assyrians and precedent ones. The One’s unity in fact diminishes with the Egyptians, is apt to the sacred rites, we believe we its growing qualification. must address to the gods in the language that is con-

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seem to establish between the oracles and in his comments on the Chaldaean Oracles Assyrian religion are many. This subject is or on Chaldaean doctrine. It is worth noting beyond the scope of this paper so I shall that one of these explanations uses the word only give some examples worthy, I think, of Assyrian instead of Chaldaean. 68 attention. But a lot of work has still to be Psellus writes: 69 done in this area. The Chaldaean doctrine does not directly In the definition of the Chaldaeans, Hekate occupies an exactly intermediate order and reflect Mesopotamian cosmology in itself, assumes the role of the centre relative to all but is rather like an echo. Fragment 7 of the the powers. And to her right they put the Oracles says: 67 “Because the Father created source of the souls, and to her left the source everything in perfection and gave it to the of the virtues. second Intellect, whom you call the first, all of you, human race.” On which Psellus This could precisely describe the position comments: “After having worked the whole of Ištar in the Assyrian Tree of Life dia- creation, the first Father of the Triad gave gram. 70 The whole diagram, with its series it to the Intellect, the one that the human of triads, is described by Psellus in these race, ignorant of the preeminence of the terms: 71 Father, calls the first God.” Psellus, being of Christian faith, is here linking the Oracle After the One, they (the Assyrians) affirm the paternal abyss, filled with three triads, with his own doctrine and he adds: “Be- each of which has first a Father, then, in the cause in the book of Moses, the Father gives middle, a Power, and then, thirdly, an Intel- the Son the idea of the production of crea- lect, which closes the triad on itself … They tures, and the Son becomes the artisan of think Hekate is the source of the angels, the creation.” This agrees with the role of Mar- demons, the souls and the natures. And they often make the soul descent into the world, duk in the Babylonian myth if we see him for multiple causes: either by loss of the as the Demiurge, the Twice-Beyond who wings, or by a fatherly will in order to ornate created the universe, distinct from Aššur/ the world.” Marduk, the One from which the other gods emanate in the diagram elaborated by S. I could multiply the examples, but I think Parpola. It also agrees well with En uma this will be enough to show the interest of Eliš , if we understand the Father as Ea and the commentaries of Psellus on our subject the son, the Creator, as Marduk. It is Ea who in general. 72 advises his son and gives him the plan, the To conclude, I would say that Babylonian idea, leading to his victory over Tiamat. cosmology certainly was known by West- Later, at the end of the myth, Marduk event- ern philosophers and scholars in the first ually assumes the name of his Father, Ea, millennium A.D. They certainly had a good and thus all of his powers. source, probably other than Berossus, at The Sefirotic model proposed by S. Par- their disposal, which was close to the orig- pola is almost directly described by Psellus inal, at least concerning the Akkadian

67 des Places p. 68; Psellus’ commentary, p. 178. Egyptian priest Chaeremon, cf P.W. Van der Horst, 68 des Places, p. 194-95. Chaeremon , p. 11 (fgt. 2) and p. 27 (fgt. 16D), see above. 69 des Places, p. 173. Here Oannes also appears as Ioannes, and traces his 70 Parpola, SAA 9, p. XXXI and note 105. ancestry to Hermes and Apollo. The use of the form 71 des Places, p. 194. Ioannes could perhaps be linked with the important 72 Psellus also knew of Oannes, through the works of the figure of Johannes in Mandaic texts.

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names and expressions involved. 73 Because many Western philosophers were in fact of of their Syrian origin, the Chaldaean Syrian origin or education. It should thus Oracles were a primary means of transmit- not come as a surprise to find these concepts ting Oriental ideas into Western philoso- used and rephrased. They give us a whole phies. But these Western philosophies, es- new perspective with which to examine the pecially Neoplatonism, were in search of a Mesopotamian texts. universal doctrine and were deliberately in- It is no wonder that many pagan scholars terpreting everything they found to justify came to Syria and especially to Harr an to their system. There is thus a risk of trans- discuss with men versed in Chaldaean lore. posing wrongly their conceptions or inter- I think that Harr an is one of the main links pretations of Oriental themes back to the between the ancient East and Western phil- original Mesopotamian religion and thought. osophical movements. One should perhaps One should also not ignore the fact that remember that the Assyrians fell back on Neoplatonism took over many Egyptian this city after the fall of Nineveh and that ideas and this is particularly true of the Harr an was the last Assyrian capital. From Orphaic doctrine. Many concepts now rec- there we can trace a link to Constantinople ognized in Assyrian esoterism are also pres- through Proclus, Damascius and Psellus. ent in Egypt. It is not always easy to sep- And from there we could envision a link to arate both origins. The whole process is the first Kabbalistic texts. Through all these always threatened by the risk of Pan-Assyr- reinterpretations and commentaries, it is in ianism. my opinion quite possible that something of Nevertheless, the Greeks themselves at- the original Mesopotamian concept of the tributed many concepts to the Assyrians and divine left its mark in the Western mind.

73 See, in this context, M.J. Geller, “The Last Wedge,” pretation of En uma Eliš by Damascius without some ZA 87, 1997, 43-95. It is difficult to imagine the re-inter- knowledge of the Akkadian original.

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