The Final Act: the Helsinki Accords and the Transformation of the Cold War

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Final Act: the Helsinki Accords and the Transformation of the Cold War Naval War College Review Volume 73 Number 3 Summer 2020 Article 18 2020 The Final Act: The Helsinki Accords and the Transformation of the Cold War Nicholas Evan Sarantakes The U.S. Naval War College Michael Cotey Morgan Follow this and additional works at: https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/nwc-review Recommended Citation Sarantakes, Nicholas Evan and Morgan, Michael Cotey (2020) "The Final Act: The Helsinki Accords and the Transformation of the Cold War," Naval War College Review: Vol. 73 : No. 3 , Article 18. Available at: https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/nwc-review/vol73/iss3/18 This Book Review is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at U.S. Naval War College Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Naval War College Review by an authorized editor of U.S. Naval War College Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Sarantakes and Morgan: The Final Act: The Helsinki Accords and the TransformationBOOK of theREVIEWS 159 less concerned with knowledge for its of U.S. hydrographers in accurately own sake—and at times more rough- charting these waters is nowhere more hewn than their academic counter- apparent than in a comparison of prewar parts—were not always welcomed charts of Guantánamo Bay with those by pure academics, and vice versa. created after the American victory. Smith details how a powerful connec- To Master the Boundless Sea also tion between the Navy’s ever-increasing acknowledges the Naval War College’s knowledge of the maritime environment role in the development of naval and seagoing commerce was forged hydrography and the evolution of the and strengthened from the beginning. nautical chart into not only an aid Time (and safety) was money to to war but also a critical component merchant captains and the owners for of campaign and battle planning. Of whom they worked. Matthew Fontaine particular note was the work of Captain Maury’s wind and current charts cut William McCarty Little in bringing war days or weeks from sailing times, and gaming to Newport. Whereas Mahan time saved was money earned. One articulated a strategic vision, McCarty of the book’s illustrations—a whaling Little’s wargaming charts mapped ways chart produced by the Navy and used of making that vision a strategic reality. extensively by the captains of Herman Smith fills a major niche in understand- Melville’s era—speaks to the cooperation ing the role of nautical charts, the people between the commercial and military and organizations that created them, spheres. And whaling was not the only and how they all advanced scientific industry to have such close ties to the understanding and a larger American Navy; as underwater cables began to identity. To Master the Boundless Sea knit together continents and colonies, is a superb work that will reward the the requirement to map the topography interested and discerning reader. of the deep ocean floor became more significant as the mechanisms RICHARD J. NORTON to achieve this goal advanced. As steam supplanted sail and Alfred Thayer Mahan’s strategic insights grew to dominate naval thinking, charts be- The Final Act: The Helsinki Accords and the came essential enablers of U.S. imperial Transformation of the Cold War, by Michael ambitions. Using the Spanish-American Cotey Morgan. Princeton, NJ: Princeton Univ. War as a backdrop, Smith demonstrates Press, 2018. 424 pages. $35. how charts became tools of conquest. One of the bigger questions in history— Spanish charts of Cuba, Puerto Rico, right up there with why did the Roman and the Philippines were incomplete, Empire fall—is why did the Cold War and without accurate hydrographic end. This question becomes even more information American naval com- significant when one remembers that manders’ difficulties increased. After the United States and its allies defeated victory in the Spanish-American War, the Soviet Union and the Warsaw Pact accurate charts were vital in selecting without a direct, military confrontation. the locations of future naval installations Other long-term strategic confrontations and coaling stations. The diligence Published by U.S. Naval War College Digital Commons, 2020 1 160 NAVAL WARNaval COLLEGE War REVIEW College Review, Vol. 73 [2020], No. 3, Art. 18 did not end so well. There are many ex- constitute an acknowledgment of the amples, but three will suffice: Athens ver- validity of the Soviet system. The United sus Sparta generated the Peloponnesian States agreed to this gathering because War, Rome versus Carthage produced the it had suffered significantly in the 1960s Punic Wars, and Britain versus Germany from the trauma of Vietnam, which resulted in World Wars I and II. As a raised questions at home and abroad result, the issues that Michael Morgan about the United States and its leader- explores in The Final Act are rather large. ship in world affairs. While the Soviets While historians will continue wrestling pushed for the conference, the smaller with the issue of why the Cold War states of Europe were the ones most ended, it is a testimony to the intellectual eager to take part. The gathering granted power that Morgan brings to bear that them a voice, and in Morgan’s narrative this book, in all likelihood, will remain they often play key roles—for instance, the book on the final act of the Helsinki in resolving diplomatic deadlocks. Accords for decades to come. Why? Both Americans also were important, but the depth and breadth of the research more in support than in the lead. are nothing less than astonishing. Presidents Richard M. Nixon and Morgan draws on material from fourteen Gerald R. Ford both saw the gathering’s archives in eight nations; this material, potential. Secretary of State Henry A. combined with published sources, is Kissinger, on the other hand, did not in nine different languages. There are believe in this diplomatic effort, and 103 pages of notes for 258 pages of text. the best thing that can be said about The writing also is quite impressive, his role is that he did not get in the way with sections reminiscent of Barbara W. of its progress. American diplomats Tuchman’s work; Morgan even invokes were good, and often bested their her book The Guns of August with a Soviet counterparts, but mainly because chapter entitled “The Pens of August.” Brezhnev wanted to reach an agreement With that point made, some sections read quickly, so he often compromised on as if a PhD dissertation committee wrote issues involving personal freedoms, and rewrote some paragraphs until all conflict resolution, and sovereignty, in the flavor was removed—which actually ways that ended up working against the might have been the case. Fortunately, long-term interests of the Communist these passages are not frequent. system. As Morgan notes (turning some What does Morgan do with these issues upside down), “Human rights strengths? The short answer: he looks at provided a weapon for fighting the Cold the accords of the Conference on Security War, not an escape from it” (p. 6). and Co-operation in Europe “in the The most intellectually impressive part of round,” examining the perspectives of the book is the epilogue. Morgan looks at powers large and small. After a series of the legacy of Helsinki on bringing about crises in the 1960s that raised questions the end of the Cold War. What gives this about the legitimacy of the Soviet Union, chapter power is that he uses the words Leonid I. Brezhnev pushed for the of the defeated. Using source after source conference, desiring Western European from the other side of the Iron Curtain, recognition of the post-1945 borders he shows how the final act changed in Eastern Europe—which also would Communist policies and behavior. https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/nwc-review/vol73/iss3/18 2 Sarantakes and Morgan: The Final Act: The Helsinki Accords and the TransformationBOOK of theREVIEWS 161 Wars and conflicts end only when the and much, much, much stronger than defeated accept their loss, and this section those of the Soviets. Despite all the per- shows how new thinking developed suasive power of the epilogue, it comes in the capitals of the Warsaw Pact. up a bit short of convincing its readers, Even with all these points made, not even if Morgan is right . probably. everyone will accept Morgan’s arguments. In the end, though, most historians are The crisis of legitimacy in the 1960s lucky if they produce one book that certainly explains Soviet actions, but the endures; odds are that Morgan has done decade was not identical for the United that. Expect to see this book in print States. The constitutional legitimacy for five or six decades—it is that good. of the U.S. government and American NICHOLAS EVAN SARANTAKES leadership of its alliance were different OUR REVIEWERS Richard J. Norton is a professor of national security affairs at the College. His most recent publica- tions include articles in the Naval War College Review and Marine Corps University Journal. Dale C. Rielage is a senior civilian with the Naval Intelligence Activity, assigned as director for intelligence and information operations at U.S. Pacific Fleet. Angus Ross is a retired Royal Navy officer and professor of joint military operations at the College. He is a graduate of the College, received a second MA from Providence College, and is working on PhD studies, looking at naval transformation prior to the First World War. His recent published works include articles in this journal and others on the dilemma facing both the Royal Navy and the U.S. Navy in the wake of the dreadnought revolution.
Recommended publications
  • Implementation of the Helsinki Accords Hearings
    BASKET III: IMPLEMENTATION OF THE HELSINKI ACCORDS HEARINGS BEFORE THE COMMISSION ON SECURITY AND COOPERATION IN EUROPE NINETY-SEVENTH CONGRESS FIRST SESSION THE CRISIS IN POLAND AND ITS EFFECTS ON THE HELSINKI PROCESS DECEMBER 28, 1981 Printed for the use of the - Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 9-952 0 'WASHINGTON: 1982 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office Washington, D.C. 20402 COMMISSION ON SECURITY AND COOPERATION IN EUROPE DANTE B. FASCELL, Florida, Chairman ROBERT DOLE, Kansas, Cochairman ORRIN G. HATCH, Utah SIDNEY R. YATES, Illinois JOHN HEINZ, Pennsylvania JONATHAN B. BINGHAM, New York ALFONSE M. D'AMATO, New York TIMOTHY E. WIRTH, Colorado CLAIBORNE PELL, Rhode Island MILLICENT FENWICK, New Jersey PATRICK J. LEAHY, Vermont DON RITTER, Pennsylvania EXECUTIVE BRANCH The Honorable STEPHEN E. PALMER, Jr., Department of State The Honorable RICHARD NORMAN PERLE, Department of Defense The Honorable WILLIAM H. MORRIS, Jr., Department of Commerce R. SPENCER OLIVER, Staff Director LYNNE DAVIDSON, Staff Assistant BARBARA BLACKBURN, Administrative Assistant DEBORAH BURNS, Coordinator (II) ] CONTENTS IMPLEMENTATION. OF THE HELSINKI ACCORDS The Crisis In Poland And Its Effects On The Helsinki Process, December 28, 1981 WITNESSES Page Rurarz, Ambassador Zdzislaw, former Polish Ambassador to Japan .................... 10 Kampelman, Ambassador Max M., Chairman, U.S. Delegation to the CSCE Review Meeting in Madrid ............................................................ 31 Baranczak, Stanislaw, founder of KOR, the Committee for the Defense of Workers.......................................................................................................................... 47 Scanlan, John D., Deputy Assistant Secretary for European Affairs, Depart- ment of State ............................................................ 53 Kahn, Tom, assistant to the president of the AFL-CIO ..........................................
    [Show full text]
  • Amicus Curiae Brief of Human Rights Watch And
    6XSUHPH&RXUWRI&DOLIRUQLD 6XSUHPH&RXUWRI&DOLIRUQLD -RUJH(1DYDUUHWH&OHUNDQG([HFXWLYH2IILFHURIWKH&RXUW -RUJH(1DYDUUHWH&OHUNDQG([HFXWLYH2IILFHURIWKH&RXUW (OHFWURQLFDOO\5(&(,9('RQRQ30 (OHFWURQLFDOO\),/('RQ4/3E\(PLO\)HQJ'HSXW\&OHUN No. S256149 IN THE SUPREME COURT OF THE STATE OF CALIFORNIA IN RE WILLIAM M. PALMER, ON HABEAS CORPUS On Review From The Court Of Appeal For the First Appellate District Division Two, 1st Civil No. A154269 APPLICATION TO FILE BRIEF OF AMICI CURIAE IN SUPPORT OF PETITIONER, WILLIAM M. PALMER and BRIEF OF AMICI CURIAE HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH AND THE PACIFIC JUVENILE DEFENDER CENTER IN SUPPORT OF PETITIONER William D. Temko (State Bar No. 98858) [email protected] *Sara A. McDermott (State Bar No. 307564) [email protected] Michele C. Nielsen (State Bar No. 313413) [email protected] MUNGER, TOLLES & OLSON LLP 350 South Grand Avenue Fiftieth Floor Los Angeles, California 90071-3426 Telephone: (213) 683-9100 Facsimile: (213) 687-3702 Attorneys for Human Rights Watch and the Pacific Juvenile Defender Center No. S256149 IN THE SUPREME COURT OF THE STATE OF CALIFORNIA IN RE WILLIAM M. PALMER, ON HABEAS CORPUS On Review From The Court Of Appeal For the First Appellate District Division Two, 1st Civil No. A154269 APPLICATION TO FILE BRIEF OF AMICI CURIAE IN SUPPORT OF PETITIONER, WILLIAM M. PALMER William D. Temko (State Bar No. 98858) [email protected] *Sara A. McDermott (State Bar No. 307564) [email protected] Michele C. Nielsen (State Bar No. 313413) [email protected] MUNGER, TOLLES & OLSON LLP 350
    [Show full text]
  • South African Army Vision 2020
    South African Army Vision 2020 Security Challenges Shaping the Future South African Army EDITED BY LEN LE ROUX www.issafrica.org © 2007, Institute for Security Studies All rights reserved Copyright in the volume as a whole is vested in the Institute for Security Studies, and no part may be reproduced in whole or part without the express permission, in writing, of both the authors and the publishers. The opinions expressed in this book do not necessarily reflect those of the Institute, its Trustees, members of the ISS Council, or donors. Authors contribute to ISS publications in their personal capacity. ISBN: 978-1-920114-24-4 First published by the Institute for Security Studies PO Box 1787, Brooklyn Square 0075 Pretoria/Tshwane, South Africa Cover photo: Colonel Johan Blaauw Cover design and layout: Marketing Support Services Printer: D&V Premier Print Group CONTENTS Preface v About the authors vii CHAPTER ONE The South African army in its global and local contexts in the early 21st century: A mission-critical analysis 1 Professor G Prins CHAPTER TWO Change and continuity in global politics and military strategy 35 Professor J E Spence CHAPTER THREE The African strategic environment 2020: Challenges for the SA army 45 Dr Jakkie Cilliers CHAPTER FOUR Conflict in Africa: Future challenges 83 Dr Martin Rupiya CHAPTER FIVE Regional security 93 Ms Virginia Gamba CHAPTER SIX The alliances of violent non-state actors and the future of terrorism in Africa 107 Dr Abdel Aziz M Shady CHAPTER SEVEN International and regional trends in peace missions:
    [Show full text]
  • Did America Learn to Stop Worrying and Love the Bomb? An
    Did America learn to stop worrying and love the bomb? An examination of the American publics response to nuclear war in newspapers and popular culture, from the Cuban Missile Crisis to The Day After Rory McGlynn [email protected] Erasmus School of History, Communications and Culture First Reader: Dr Martijn Lak Second Reader: Professor Ferry de Goey Rory McGlynn – Did America Learn to Stop Worrying and Love the Bomb? 1 Acknowledgements Firstly, I would like to thank Dr. Martijn Lak for his support and advice throughout the year, it has been very helpful. Secondly, I would like to thank my fellow members of the research workshop War and Peace, for their helpful advice throughout the process. And lastly, I would like to thank my family for their advice and support with proof reading among other things. And also thank you to the Goats for absolutely nothing. Rory McGlynn – Did America Learn to Stop Worrying and Love the Bomb? 2 Table of Contents Introduction .................................................................................................................. 3 Methodology ......................................................................................................................... 4 Nature of Sources ................................................................................................................. 6 Structure of the Thesis ......................................................................................................... 8 Literature Report ........................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • The Helsinki Process: a Four-Decade Overview (Prepared by Helsinki Commission Staff, February 2017)
    UNITED STATES COMMISSION ON SECURITY AND COOPERATION IN EUROPE The Helsinki Process: A Four-Decade Overview (prepared by Helsinki Commission staff, February 2017) In August 1975, the heads of state or government of 35 countries – the Soviet Union and all of Europe except Albania, plus the United States and Canada – held a historic summit in Helsinki, Finland, where they signed the Final Act of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe. This document is known as the Helsinki Final Act or the Helsinki Accords. The Conference, known as the CSCE, continued with follow-up meetings and is today institutionalized as the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, or OSCE, based in Vienna, Austria.1 Confronting the Cold War The Helsinki Final Act was the culmination of “détente” in East-West relations that developed during the administrations of U.S. Presidents Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford to ease Cold War tensions. The idea of a multilateral summit document, however, was initially proposed by the Soviet Union as early as 1954. Moscow primarily wanted this to serve as a post-World War II peace treaty confirming both border changes and the Brezhnev and Ford in Helsinki, communist hold on the countries of East-Central Europe. The Soviets flanked by Kissinger and Gromyko originally also wanted to use an all-European conference to drive a wedge between the United States and its West European allies and to thwart efforts to bring Germany into the NATO alliance. The West resisted, but East-West tensions were becoming more relaxed by the early 1970s, as West Germany’s “Ostpolitik” increased regional stability and the Quadripartite Agreement on Berlin removed a barrier to broader talks between East and West.2 As the Kremlin under Leonid Brezhnev continued to press, Western capitals saw advantages in going forward provided that humanitarian concerns could be advanced, their own security concerns could be addressed, and recognition of the status quo in Europe could be formally avoided.
    [Show full text]
  • Second Semiannual Report by the President to the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe
    95th Congress COMMITTEE PRINT lst Session I SECOND SEMIANNUAL REPORT BY THE PRESIDENT TO THE COMMISSION ON SECURITY AND COOPERATION IN EUROPE REPORT SUBMITTED TO THlE COMMITTEE ON INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS JUNE 1977 Printed for the use of the Committee on International Relations U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 91487 WASHINGTON: 1977 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office Washington, D.C. 20402 Stock Number 052-070-04105-6 COMMITTEE ON INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS CLEMENT J. ZABLOCKI, Wisconsin, Chairman L. H. FOUNTAIN, North Carolina WILLIAM S. BROOMFIELD, Michigan DANTE B. FASCELL, Florida EDWARD J. DERWINSKI, Illinois CHARLES C. DIGGS, JR., Michigan PAUL FINDLEY, Illinois ROBERT N. C. NIX, Pennsylvania JOHN H; BUCHANAN, Js., Alabama DONALD M. FRASER, Minnesota. J. HERBERT BURKE, Florida BENJAMIN S. ROSENTHAL, New York CHARLES W. WHALEN, JR,. Ohio LEE H. HAMILTON, Indiana LARRY WINN, JR., Kansas LESTER L WOLFF, New York BENJAMIN A. GILMAN, New York JONATHAN B. BINGHAM, New York TENNYSON GUYER, Ohio GUS YATRON, Pennsylvania ROBERT J. LAGOMARSINO, California MICHAEL HARRINGTON, Massachusetts WILLIAM F. GOODLING, Pennsylvania LEO J. RYAN, California SHIRLEY N. PETTIS, California CARDISS COLLINS, Illinois STEPHEN J. SOLARZ, New York HELEN S. MEYNER, New Jersey DON BONKER, Washington GERRY E. STUDDS, Massachusetts ANDY IRELAND, Florida DONALD J. PEASE, Ohio ANTHONY C. BEILENSON, California WYCHE FOWLER, Js., Georgia E. (KIKA) DE LA GARZA, Texas GEORGE E. DANIELSON, California JOHN J. CAVANAUGH, Nebraska JOHN J. BRADY, Jr., Chief of Staff III) , .. .. _ _ _ .-_- .-....- .._ . .. , .._-.. .. .... ............. .. 1: ,; do .-> al .r: --~ !-, .: . -,%!:C- ': '-i --. ~ ---. - i. -)-:.t .I' l- {; :.2 FOREWORD HouSE or REPRESENTATIVES, COMMITTEE ON INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS, Wa8hington, D.C., June 26,1977.
    [Show full text]
  • Bound to Fail John J. Mearsheimer the Rise and Fall of the Liberal International Order
    Bound to Fail Bound to Fail John J. Mearsheimer The Rise and Fall of the Liberal International Order By 2019, it was clear that the liberal international order was in deep trouble. The tectonic plates that underpin it are shifting, and little can be done to repair and rescue it. Indeed, that order was destined to fail from the start, as it contained the seeds of its own destruction. The fall of the liberal international order horriªes the Western elites who built it and who have beneªted from it in many ways.1 These elites fervently believe that this order was and remains an important force for promoting peace and prosperity around the globe. Many of them blame President Donald Trump for its demise. After all, he expressed contempt for the liberal order when campaigning for president in 2016; and since taking ofªce, he has pur- sued policies that seem designed to tear it down. It would be a mistake, however, to think that the liberal international order is in trouble solely because of Trump’s rhetoric or policies. In fact, more funda- mental problems are at play, which account for why Trump has been able to successfully challenge an order that enjoys almost universal support among the foreign policy elites in the West. The aim of this article is to determine why the liberal world order is in big trouble and to identify the kind of inter- national order that will replace it. I offer three main sets of arguments. First, because states in the modern world are deeply interconnected in a variety of ways, orders are essential for facilitating efªcient and timely interactions.
    [Show full text]
  • The Helsinki Accords
    Name Date Case Study: The Helsinki Accords Read and annotate the passage below. Introduction On August 1, 1975, in the midst of the Cold War era, President Gerald R. Ford signed the historic Helsinki Accords between the Soviet Union and the United States, Canada, and most European countries (except Albania). The accords were signed in Helsinki, Finland by 35 countries and marked the conclusion of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe (CSCE). The accords covered a wide range of issues, including territorial borders, cooperation among signing countries, and human rights. The Helsinki Accords were an attempt to lessen tensions between the Soviet Union and United States and its European allies. Today, the accords are often credited with helping to pave the way for dissidents in Eastern Europe. The accords also helped improve communication between the Eastern and Western Bloc countries, and they are seen as a major turning point in the Cold War. At the time they were signed, however, the Helsinki Accords were controversial both in the United States and abroad. Geography World War II (1939-1945) devastated much of Europe. More than forty million Europeans were killed during the course of the war, and forty million more became refugees. Cities throughout the region were left with major damage to their infrastructure. During the war, borders throughout Europe were changing as the Axis powers (led by Germany, Italy, and Japan) and Allied powers (led by the U.S., the United Kingdom, and the Soviet Union) gained and lost territory. In the aftermath of World War II, these fluctuating political boundaries in Europe had to be settled.
    [Show full text]
  • Implementation of the Helsinki Accords
    IMPLEMENTATION OF THE HELSINKI ACCORDS HEARINGS BEFORE THE COMMISSION ON SECURITY AND COOPERATION IN EUROPE NINETY-NINTH CONGRESS SECOND SESSION BERN HUMAN CONTACTS EXPERTS MEETING MARCH 18 AND JUNE 18, 1986 Printed for the use of the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 59-121 0 WASHINGTON: 1986 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, Congressional Sales Office U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington, DC 20402 COMMISSION ON SECURITY AND COOPERATION IN EUROPE ALFONSE M. D'AMATO, New York, Chairman STENY H. HOYER, Maryland, Cochairman JOHN HEINZ, Pennsylvania DANTE B. FASCELL, Florida JAMES A. McCLURE, Idaho SIDNEY R. YATES, Illinois MALCOLM WALLOP, Wyoming TIMOTHY E. WIRTH, Colorado GORDON J. HUMPHREY, New Hampshire EDWARD MARKEY, Massachusetts CLAIBORNE PELL, Rhode Island DON RITTER, Pennsylvania PATRICK J. LEAHY, Vermont CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey RUSSELL B. LONG, Louisiana JACK F. KEMP, New York DENNIS DECONCINI, Arizona JOHN E. PORTER, Illinois EXECUTIVE BRANCH Hon. RICHARD NORMAN PERLE, Department of Defense Vacancy, Department of Commerce Vacancy, Department of State MICHAEL R. HATHAWAY, Staff Director MARY SUE HAFNER, General Counsel ROBERT HAND, Hearing Coordinator RONALD MCNAMARA, Hearing Coordinator (11) CONTENTS MARCH 18, 1986 WITNESS Page Novak, Ambassador Michael, head of delegation to the Bern Human Contacts Experts Meeting ............................................................ 5 JUNE 18, 1986 Ridgway, The Hon. Rozanne L., Assistant Secretary of State for European and Canadian Affairs ............................................................ 22 Novak, Ambassador Michael, head of U.S. delegation to the Bern Human Contacts Experts Meeting ............................................................. 30 Korey, William, public member to the U.S. delegation to the Bern Human Contacts Experts Meeting ............................................................. 53 Epstein, Mark, executive director of the Union of Councils for Soviet Jews ......
    [Show full text]
  • The United States and the Helsinki Final Act. a Status Report
    ri ,A;; . ;, ; . !-v- . DOCOMIT INSONN 10 1.13 446 SO 012 372 TITLE Fulfilling Our Promises: Ihe United States and the Helsinki Final Act. A Status Report. INVTITUTION Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe, Washington, D.C. PUB DkTE Nov 79 NOTE 414p.: Chart 1 from Appendix IV on pages 330-331 and Table /XII from Appendix VII may not reproduCe clearly in paper copy from !DRS due to small print ,/type and fading ink EDRS PRICE NF01/PC17 Plus Postage. DESCRIPTORS Civil Liberties: *Complianc (Legal): *Cooperation: Cultural Exchange: Economic : *Federal Government: Foreiafl Countries: Forei olicy: Global kpiroAch: Govern ent Role: Inter tonal Educational Exchiftge: *Inter ational Relations: International Studies: National Defense: *Peace: Political Science; Technology IDENTIFIERS Europe: *Helsinki Final Act: United States ABSTRACT This report examines compliance by the United States with agreements made in the Helsinki Final Act. The Act was signed in 1975 by leaders of 33 East and West European nations, Canada, and the U.S. It contains numerous cooperative measures aimed at improving East-Nest relations. This report was prepared by the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE1, an independent advisory agency that monitors the implementation recoeds of the U.S. and other countries which signed the Final Act. One of the report's purposes is the conscientious examination of the U.S. implementation record, including shortcomings pointed out by some CSCE participaats and .domestic critics. Pour maior chapters review U.S. actions injour _conceptual areas. The chapter titled "Security,in Europe" exglores principles such as soverian equality, inviolability of frontiers, and nonintervention in internal affairs.
    [Show full text]
  • A Remedy for Congressional Exclusion from Contemporary International Agreement Making
    A REMEDY FOR CONGRESSIONAL EXCLUSION FROM CONTEMPORARY INTERNATIONAL AGREEMENT MAKING Ryan Harrington* I. INTRODUCTION.............................................. 1211 II. CONGRESSIONAL INVOLVEMENT IN INTERNATIONAL AGREEMENT MAKING ................................. ..... ...... 1215 A. Ex Post Congressional-ExecutiveAgreements-Approval Requirement of Both Houses of Congress ........ ........ 1217 B. Sole Executive Agreements-Creation Without Congressional Involvement ......................................... 1219 C. Ex Ante Congressional-ExecutiveAgreements-Prior CongressionalAuthorization for Executive Action..... ..... 1221 D. PoliticalCommitments-Agreements With No Congressional Involvement ........................... ............... 1224 III. THE DOMESTIC LEGAL CONSEQUENCES OF POLITICAL COMMITMENTS............................................... 1227 A. SALT II and PoliticalCommitments' Conflicts with the Treaty Clause ........................... .............. 1227 B. PoliticalCommitments and the InterchangeabilityDebate......... 1231 C. The Problem ofExcluding Congress ..........................1234 IV. APPLYING THE CASE ACT TO POLITICAL COMMITMENTS ..... ..... 1236 A. History of the Case Act Permits Requiring Reporting of Political Commitments. ...................... ....... 1238 B. The Case Act Does Not Require Modification, the Code of FederalRegulations Does ........................... 1242 V. CONCLUSION ................................................ 1244 I. INTRODUCTION When Harold Koh, as Legal Advisor to the U.S. Department
    [Show full text]
  • INTERNATIONAL Human RIGHTS-Helsnui ACCORDS- CONFERENCE on SECURITY and COOPERATION in EUROPE ADOPTS COPENHAGEN DOCUMENT on HUMAN RIGHTS
    RECENT DEVELOPMENTS INTERNATIONAL HuMAN RIGHTS-HELsNuI ACCORDS- CONFERENCE ON SECURITY AND COOPERATION IN EUROPE ADOPTS COPENHAGEN DOCUMENT ON HUMAN RIGHTS .I. FACTS On June 28, 1990, the thirty-five representatives of the participating States' ("States") of the Conference on Cooperation and Security in Europe2 (CSCE) unanimously adopted the forty-five point Copen- hagen Document on Human Rights3 (the "Copenhagen Document" or CDHR). This document was the culmination of a three-and-one- half week meeting4 between the delegates from every European coun- Austria, Belgium, Canada, Cyprus, Czechoslovakia, Denmark, Finland, France, the German Democratic Republic, the Federal Republic of Germany, Greece, the Holy Sea, Hungary, Iceland, Ireland, Italy, Lichtenstein, Luxembourg, Malta, Mon- aco, the Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Romania, San Marino, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, Turkey, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, the United Kingdom, the United States of America, and Yugoslavia. Document of the Copen- hagen Meeting of the Conference on the Human Dimension of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe at 1, [hereinafter Copenhagen Document] re- printed in 29 I.L.M. 1305 (Sept. 1990) (in press; copies are available in the interim from Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe, United States Congress, Washington, D.C. 20515). These signatories are all participating States in the CSCE, see infra note 2. 2 The Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe began with the Helsinki Accords in 1973; the Final Act of the Helsinki Accords ("Final Act") was signed August 1, 1975, 14 I.L.M. 1292; reprinted in 73 STATE DEP'T BULL. 323 (Sept. 1975) [hereinafter Final Act].
    [Show full text]