The Probability of Casting a Decisive Vote in a Mixed Member Electoral System Using Plurality at Large
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A Canadian Model of Proportional Representation by Robert S. Ring A
Proportional-first-past-the-post: A Canadian model of Proportional Representation by Robert S. Ring A thesis submitted to the School of Graduate Studies in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of Political Science Memorial University St. John’s, Newfoundland and Labrador May 2014 ii Abstract For more than a decade a majority of Canadians have consistently supported the idea of proportional representation when asked, yet all attempts at electoral reform thus far have failed. Even though a majority of Canadians support proportional representation, a majority also report they are satisfied with the current electoral system (even indicating support for both in the same survey). The author seeks to reconcile these potentially conflicting desires by designing a uniquely Canadian electoral system that keeps the positive and familiar features of first-past-the- post while creating a proportional election result. The author touches on the theory of representative democracy and its relationship with proportional representation before delving into the mechanics of electoral systems. He surveys some of the major electoral system proposals and options for Canada before finally presenting his made-in-Canada solution that he believes stands a better chance at gaining approval from Canadians than past proposals. iii Acknowledgements First of foremost, I would like to express my sincerest gratitude to my brilliant supervisor, Dr. Amanda Bittner, whose continuous guidance, support, and advice over the past few years has been invaluable. I am especially grateful to you for encouraging me to pursue my Master’s and write about my electoral system idea. -
Governance in Decentralized Networks
Governance in decentralized networks Risto Karjalainen* May 21, 2020 Abstract. Effective, legitimate and transparent governance is paramount for the long-term viability of decentralized networks. If the aim is to design such a governance model, it is useful to be aware of the history of decision making paradigms and the relevant previous research. Towards such ends, this paper is a survey of different governance models, the thinking behind such models, and new tools and structures which are made possible by decentralized blockchain technology. Governance mechanisms in the wider civil society are reviewed, including structures and processes in private and non-profit governance, open-source development, and self-managed organisations. The alternative ways to aggregate preferences, resolve conflicts, and manage resources in the decentralized space are explored, including the possibility of encoding governance rules as automatically executed computer programs where humans or other entities interact via a protocol. Keywords: Blockchain technology, decentralization, decentralized autonomous organizations, distributed ledger technology, governance, peer-to-peer networks, smart contracts. 1. Introduction This paper is a survey of governance models in decentralized networks, and specifically in networks which make use of blockchain technology. There are good reasons why governance in decentralized networks is a topic of considerable interest at present. Some of these reasons are ideological. We live in an era where detailed information about private individuals is being collected and traded, in many cases without the knowledge or consent of the individuals involved. Decentralized technology is seen as a tool which can help protect people against invasions of privacy. Decentralization can also be viewed as a reaction against the overreach by state and industry. -
W5: Manipulability & Weighted Voting Systems
MATH 181 D2: A MATHEMATICAL WORLD W5: Manipulability & Weighted Voting Systems Objectives: SWBAT Manipulate a given election to produce the desired winner under any manipulable voting system. r Recognize which voting systems are manipulable. r Describe a weighted voting system using the quota and the voting weights r Determine which players are dictators or dummy voters r Recall Arrow's Impossibility Theorem: With three or more candidates and any number of voters, there does not exist{and there never will exist{a voting system that always produces a winner, satisfies the Pareto condition and IIA, and is not a dictatorship. So how badly do the suggested voting systems do? We are going to start by looking more closely at the manipulability of the system. Group Activity: Worksheet W5.1 Def: A voting system is said to be manipulable if there exist two sequences of preference list ballot and a voter (call the voter Jane) such that 1. Neither election results in a tie. 2. The only ballot change is by Jane. 3. Jane prefers{assuming that her ballot in the first election represents her true preferences{the outcome of the second election to that of the first election. We see this illustrated in the example from the worksheet. Note: Neither majority rule, in the case of two candidates, nor Condorcet's method, in the case of three or more candidates are manipulable. What about the Borda Count? We saw earlier that with four candidates and 2 voters it was manipulable, what about with 3 candidates? Group Activity: Worksheet W5.2 1 Example: Suppose the candidates are A; B, and C, and that you prefer A to B, but B is the election winner using the Borda count. -
Appendix A: Electoral Rules
Appendix A: Electoral Rules Table A.1 Electoral Rules for Italy’s Lower House, 1948–present Time Period 1948–1993 1993–2005 2005–present Plurality PR with seat Valle d’Aosta “Overseas” Tier PR Tier bonus national tier SMD Constituencies No. of seats / 6301 / 32 475/475 155/26 617/1 1/1 12/4 districts Election rule PR2 Plurality PR3 PR with seat Plurality PR (FPTP) bonus4 (FPTP) District Size 1–54 1 1–11 617 1 1–6 (mean = 20) (mean = 6) (mean = 4) Note that the acronym FPTP refers to First Past the Post plurality electoral system. 1The number of seats became 630 after the 1962 constitutional reform. Note the period of office is always 5 years or less if the parliament is dissolved. 2Imperiali quota and LR; preferential vote; threshold: one quota and 300,000 votes at national level. 3Hare Quota and LR; closed list; threshold: 4% of valid votes at national level. 4Hare Quota and LR; closed list; thresholds: 4% for lists running independently; 10% for coalitions; 2% for lists joining a pre-electoral coalition, except for the best loser. Ballot structure • Under the PR system (1948–1993), each voter cast one vote for a party list and could express a variable number of preferential votes among candidates of that list. • Under the MMM system (1993–2005), each voter received two separate ballots (the plurality ballot and the PR one) and cast two votes: one for an individual candidate in a single-member district; one for a party in a multi-member PR district. • Under the PR-with-seat-bonus system (2005–present), each voter cast one vote for a party list. -
Cesifo Working Paper No. 3347 Category 2: Public Choice February 2011
The Importance of the Electoral Rule: Evidence from Italy Massimo Bordignon Andrea Monticini CESIFO WORKING PAPER NO. 3347 CATEGORY 2: PUBLIC CHOICE FEBRUARY 2011 An electronic version of the paper may be downloaded • from the SSRN website: www.SSRN.com • from the RePEc website: www.RePEc.org • from the CESifo website: www.CESifo-group.org/wpT T CESifo Working Paper No. 3347 The Importance of the Electoral Rule: Evidence from Italy Abstract We employ bootstrap methods (Efron (1979)) to test the effect of an important electoral reform implemented in Italy from 1993 to 2001, that moved the system for electing the Par- liament from purely proportional to plurality rule (for 75% of the seats). We do not find any effect on either the number of parties or the stability of governments (the two main objectives of the reform) that remained unchanged at their pre-reform level. JEL-Code: H000. Keywords: electoral system, plurality rule, Duverger’s law, bootstrap. Massimo Bordignon Andrea Monticini Catholic University of Milan Catholic University of Milan Largo Gemelli no. 1 Largo Gemelli no. 1 20123 Milan 20123 Milan Italy Italy [email protected] [email protected] 1 Introduction Among political institutions, the most widely studied is certainly the electoral rule. This reflects the crucial importance that both political scientists and economists assign to the rules governing the ballot box in shaping the characteristics of the political system, the behaviour of voters, the selection of politicians, the policies chosen by governments and finally, the economic outcomes. For instance, among political scientists, Duverger (1954) analysis has spanned an enormous lit- erature attempting to connect the features of the electoral rule with the equilibrium number of parties and candidates (e.g. -
In Search of an Alternative Electoral System for Botswana
The African e-Journals Project has digitized full text of articles of eleven social science and humanities journals. This item is from the digital archive maintained by Michigan State University Library. Find more at: http://digital.lib.msu.edu/projects/africanjournals/ Available through a partnership with Scroll down to read the article. Pula: Botswana Journal of African Studies, Vol.14 NO.1 (2000) In search of an alternative electoral system for Botswana Mpho G. Molomo Democracy Research Project University of Botswana Abstract Electoral systems are manipulative instruments that determine how elections are won and lost. Botswana is widely regarded as a frontrunner in democratic politics,but the electoral system that it operates has been wanting in some respects. Tthe First-past-the-post system has helped to consolidate democratic practice, and also provides for an effective link between Members of Parliament and their constituencies, but empirical evidence suggests that it is the least democratic electoral system. Its winner-take-all practic distorts electoral outcomes, and often produces minority governments. The article proceeds to discuss proportional representation (PR) and semi-proportional representation, and outlines their strengths and weaknesses. The paper concludes that since both the FPTP system and PR systems have inherent limitations, the best system would be one that draws on the best aspects of each system. The anicle recommends a variation of the Mixed-Member Proportionality system. Introduction Political institutionsshape the rules of the gameunder whichdemocracyis practised,and it is often argued that the easiest political institutionto be manipulated,for good or bad, is the electoralsystem. [Thisis so] becausein translatingthe votescast in a generalelectionintoseats in the legislature,the choice of electoral systemcan effectivelydeterminewho is electedand whichparty gains power (Reynolds,A. -
Better Choices Voting System Alternatives for Canada
BETTER CHOICES Voting System Alternatives for Canada 1 Written by Mark Coffin Matt Risser Edited by Jesse Hitchcock Research Support by Angela Hersey Marla MacLeod 2 BETTER CHOICES Voting System Alternatives for Canada 3 BETTER CHOICES VOTING SYSTEM ALTERNATIVES FOR CANADA TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 6 I) INTRODUCTION 12 II) CRITERIA FOR EVALUATION 14 III) FIVE VOTING SYSTEM OPTIONS FOR CANADA 16 FIRST-PAST-THE-POST (FPTP) 16 ALTERNATIVE VOTE (AV) 17 PARTY LIST PROPORTIONAL REPRESENTATION (LIST PR) 21 MIXED MEMBER PROPORTIONAL REPRESENTATION (MMP) 23 SINGLE TRANSFERABLE VOTE (STV) 29 IV) CRITERIA ASSESSMENTS 34 1) VOTE FAIRNESS and ACCOUNTABILITY 34 2) VOTER PARTICIPATION 39 3) SIMPLICITY 40 4) STRONG PARLIAMENT 42 5) COLLABORATIVE POLITICS 46 6) EFFECTIVE GOVERNMENT 49 7) GEOGRAPHIC REPRESENTATION 51 8) WOMEN’S REPRESENTATION 55 V) SUMMARY AND NEXT STEPS 58 VI) GLOSSARY 61 Recommended Citation: Coffin, M. & Risser, M. (2016).Better choices: voting system alternatives for Canada. Springtide Collective. Halifax, NS. 4 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 5 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY INTRODUCTION & CONTEXT - This paper models how five different voting systems could work for Canada, and the impacts those systems could have beyond electoral politics. - The paper is being released at a time when the Government of Canada and Parliament of Canada are actively considering an alternative system to first- past-the-post, and inviting Canadians to contribute to the conversation. - Voting systems are the foundation of our public institutions. These systems determine what Parliament looks like, and influence the quality and brand of executive government, and the quality of laws, government services and programs that affect every Canadian. -
From Votes to Seats: FOUR FAMILIES of ELECTORAL SYSTEMS
From Votes to Seats: FOUR FAMILIES OF ELECTORAL SYSTEMS Prepared by Larry Johnston under the direction of the Ontario Citizens’ Assembly Secretariat TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Chapter 1 Introduction to Electoral Systems . .1 Chapter 2 Plurality Family First Past the Post . .9 Chapter 3 Majority Family Alternative Vote . .17 Two-Round System . .23 Chapter 4 Proportional Representation Family List Proportional Representation . .27 Single Transferable Vote . .36 Chapter 5 Mixed Family Mixed Member Proportional . .41 Parallel . .50 Glossary . .53 DESIGN AND LAYOUT www.citizensassembly.gov.on.ca WWW.PICCADILLY.ON.CA CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION TO ELECTORAL SYSTEMS and the selection of its leader. ELECTORAL So the significance of the electoral system goes SYSTEM far beyond its immediate function of translating votes into seats. It also affects the party system, Having citizens elect members of the legislature is the nature of the government, and the composition a feature common to all democracies. These elected of the executive (the Cabinet). representatives are responsible for making laws, and for approving the raising and spending of public funds. The electoral system is the way citizens’ Political parties group voters with similar political beliefs so preferences, expressed as votes, are translated they can elect candidates who will promote common policies. into legislative seats. In contemporary democracies, where polling and mass market- Most people who seek election to the legislature ing expertise drive election contests, parties are indispensable do so as candidates of a political party. This means for their ability to gather the resources (human and financial) that turning votes into seats is also a process of distributing the legislative seats among the different needed for a successful campaign. -
The Mixed Member Proportional Representation System and Minority Representation
The Mixed Member Proportional Representation System and Minority Representation: A Case Study of Women and Māori in New Zealand (1996-2011) by Tracy-Ann Johnson-Myers MSc. Government (University of the West Indies) 2008 B.A. History and Political Science (University of the West Indies) 2006 A Dissertation Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Interdisciplinary Studies In the Graduate Academic Unit of the School of Graduate Studies Supervisor: Joanna Everitt, PhD, Dept. of History and Politics Examining Board: Emery Hyslop-Margison, PhD, Faculty of Education, Chair Paul Howe, PhD, Dept. of Political Science Lee Chalmers, PhD, Dept. of Sociology External Examiner: Karen Bird, PhD, Dept. of Political Science McMaster University This dissertation is accepted by the Dean of Graduate Studies THE UNIVERSITY OF NEW BRUNSWICK April, 2013 © Tracy-Ann Johnson-Myers, 2013 ABSTRACT This dissertation examines the relationship between women and Māori descriptive and substantive representation in New Zealand’s House of Representatives as a result of the Mixed Member Proportional electoral system. The Mixed Member Proportional electoral system was adopted in New Zealand in 1996 to change the homogenous nature of the New Zealand legislative assembly. As a proportional representation system, MMP ensures that voters’ preferences are proportionally reflected in the party composition of Parliament. Since 1996, women and Māori (and other minority and underrepresented groups) have been experiencing significant increases in their numbers in parliament. Despite these increases, there remains the question of whether or not representatives who ‘stand for’ these two groups due to shared characteristics will subsequently ‘act for’ them through their political behaviour and attitudes. -
The Impact of Mixed-Member Proportional Representation in Scotland and Wales: Lessons from Germany?
The Impact of Mixed-Member Proportional Representation in Scotland and Wales: Lessons from Germany? Thomas Carl Lundberg Keele European Parties Research Unit (KEPRU) Working Paper 20 © Thomas Carl Lundberg, 2003 ISSN 1475-1569 ISBN 1-899488-18-9 KEPRU Working Papers are published by: School of Politics, International Relations and the Environment (SPIRE) Keele University Staffs ST5 5BG, UK Tel +44 (0)1782 58 4177/3088/3452 Fax +44 (0)1782 58 3592 www.keele.ac.uk/depts/spire/ Editor: Professor Thomas Poguntke ([email protected]) KEPRU Working Papers are available via SPIRE’s website. Launched in September 2000, the Keele European Parties Research Unit (KEPRU) was the first research grouping of its kind in the UK. It brings together the hitherto largely independent work of Keele researchers focusing on European political parties, and aims: • to facilitate its members' engagement in high-quality academic research, individually, collectively in the Unit and in collaboration with cognate research groups and individuals in the UK and abroad; • to hold regular conferences, workshops, seminars and guest lectures on topics related to European political parties; • to publish a series of parties-related research papers by scholars from Keele and elsewhere; • to expand postgraduate training in the study of political parties, principally through Keele's MA in Parties and Elections and the multinational PhD summer school, with which its members are closely involved; • to constitute a source of expertise on European parties and party politics for media and other interests. The Unit shares the broader aims of the Keele European Research Centre, of which it is a part. -
Flexible Representative Democracy: an Introduction with Binary Issues
Flexible Representative Democracy: An Introduction with Binary Issues Ben Abramowitz and Nick Mattei April 3, 2019 Abstract We introduce Flexible Representative Democracy (FRD), a novel hybrid of Representative Democracy (RD) and direct democracy (DD), in which voters can alter the issue-dependent weights of a set of elected representatives. In line with the literature on Interactive Democracy, our model allows the voters to actively determine the degree to which the system is direct versus representative. However, unlike Liquid Democracy, FRD uses strictly non-transitive delegations, making delegation cycles impossible, and maintains a fixed set of accountable elected representatives. We present FRD and analyze it using a computational approach with issues that are binary and symmetric; we compare the outcomes of various democratic systems using Direct Democracy with majority voting as an ideal baseline. First, we demonstrate the shortcomings of Representative Democracy in our model. We provide NP-Hardness results for electing an ideal set of representatives, discuss pathologies, and demonstrate empirically that common multi-winner election rules for selecting representatives do not perform well in expectation. To analyze the behavior of FRD, we begin by providing theoretical results on how issue-specific delegations determine outcomes. Finally, we provide empirical results comparing the outcomes of RD with fixed sets of proxies across issues versus FRD with issue- specific delegations. Our results show that variants of Proxy Voting yield no discernible benefit over RD and reveal the potential for FRD to improve outcomes as voter participation increases, further motivating the use of issue-specific delegations. arXiv:1811.02921v2 [cs.MA] 1 Apr 2019 1 Introduction Since the Athenian Ecclesia in 595 BCE Direct Democracy (DD) as an ideal collective decision making scheme has loomed large in the western imagination [18]. -
Accountability and Electoral Systems the Impact of Media Markets on Political Accountability Under Majoritarian and PR Rules
Accountability and Electoral Systems The Impact of Media Markets on Political Accountability under Majoritarian and PR Rules Pia Raffler⇤ March 15, 2016 Draft – Please do not cite. Abstract This paper examines the differential impact of media coverage on representatives’ behav- ior across different electoral systems. Taking advantage of an original data set on newspaper circulation, of exogenous variation in spatial congruence between media markets and con- stituencies, and of the mixed electoral system in Germany I answer two questions: First, what is the extent to which media coverage influences the roll call voting behavior of politicians? Second, how does this effect differ between systems of majoritarian and proportional represen- tation (PR)? I find that a one unit increase in the level of congruence between media markets and constituencies decreases a direct MP’s propensity to vote in line with his/her party lead- ership by an average of 3 to 7 percentage points, while it has no effect on list MPs. I do not find an effect of congruence on absenteeism or committee membership. The findings suggest that greater transparency through the press aligns the behavior of single-member district rep- resentatives with their constituents’ preferences, while it has no such effect on representatives elected through party lists. This raises questions about the ‘electoral connection’ of list MPs. This paper makes two main contributions. First, it uses a rigorous identification strategy to show how the responsiveness of representatives elected through PR and majoritarian rules to media coverage vary. Second, it presents an original, highly disaggregated data set on news- paper circulation and MP behavior in Germany.