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Home , Kushabhau Thakre, Pramod Mahajan

COVER STORY BJP’S CHANGING COLOUR Is It For Real?

By SABA NAQVI BHAUMIK grammes and priorities, we have ours”. At the same time, the RSS chief insists TAL BIHARI VAJPAYEE COULD BE STRIVING FOR on the importance of having “our friends in politics” in view of the bans the impossible. Trying to keep Bhagwan, Allah and and controversies that have dogged the Christ happy. Last Tuesday, when he filed his nomi- brotherhood. No wonder the dreaded nation from Lucknow, he had a traditional Hindu ha- R-word continues to haunt Vajpayee. As he traverses making Avan; visited the Christian College where he released a meaningful speeches about swasthya, version of the New Testament in the Avadhi dialect; made a shiksha and suraksha (health, educa- tion and security), he is pestered by the thundering speech declaring that “my religion may be differ- familiar questions: what about the ent but my dharma is the same”; and ended his day at an Iftar Ram temple in Ayodhya? Uniform Civil attended by several of the city’s Muslim notables. A typical day Code? Hindu Rashtra? Periodically, they even irritate him with queries in the life of a politician whom the BJP would have described as about Kashi and Mathura. a “pseudo-secularist”. It is an awkward predicament. The BJP can never abandon the Ram mandir But that was in the old days. plank that contributed to its great elec- In the new-look BJP, smartened up for the polls, leaders are toral leap forward in 1991. Yet, it is a not just attending Iftars, they are even hosting them. And so touchy issue to raise at a time when the party has tied up disparate alliances and what if the fare is vegetable pakoras instead of the mandatory may even be seeking more allies after the election results are announced. kebabs? Some, like Vajpayee, are even suggested that the face is merely a mask. Vajpayee himself has effected a subtle photographed wearing Muslim prayer This is perhaps the most intriguing con- change in tack and says it is no longer caps. A complete turnaround for a tradiction that confronts the voter. On necessary for a BJP government to enact party that stormed the national stage the one hand there is Vajpayee’s unde- legislation to build a temple at Ayodhya. by bringing down a mosque that niable cross-party appeal, his formida- “We will resolve the issue through dia- unleashed a wave of communal mad- ble parliamentary experience and his logue—the same way we resolved the ness five years ago. dizzying mass appeal. On the other is the Azadari dispute between the Shias and That too was in the old days. niggling doubt: is Vajpayee and the new- Sunnis of Lucknow. A law will not be Today’s BJP aspires to be the epitome look, moderate, responsible BJP for real? needed.” He is speaking the language of of sobriety and respectability. It is try- Or is it just an expedient cover for a com- conciliation and compromise. ing to reach out to an audience that has munal agenda set by some high priests BJP General Secretary Kushabhau hitherto shunned saffron. It is telling in Nagpur? A master strategy to wrest Thakre puts a different spin on the is- disoriented floating voters that it is the power under false pretences? sue. “Can anyone think about India only voice of sanity in the din of frac- Vajpayee himself rubbishes all sug- without Ram?” he asks, adding, “We tious coalitions. That the “ability” to gestions of the RSS being the puppeteer: can only implement our ideology if we bring “stability” is vested in Vajpayee, “It is ridiculous to say that the RSS will have the strength to do so. Yeh sab a man perceived as a moderate de- remote-control a BJP government. The hamara karyakram hai, lekin shakti nahin spite a life-long association with the RSS has views of its own. The BJP has hai(All this is on our agenda but we lack Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). views of its own. And the BJP is chang- the strength to pursue them).” This is a The BJP has posited its most amiable ing, adjusting to a more real situation.” euphemism for saying that ideology face for Election ’98. The only problem He echoes the assertion of RSS chief Ra- will not be jettisoned. Just kept on hold. is that a section of the party itself has jendra Singh that “they have their pro- Another general secretary K.N. Govindacharya, loaned to the BJP It is intriguing that a section of the BJP sees Vajpayeeby the RSS, has his own interpretation of BURNING AMBITION: Vajpayee chief Bal Thackeray’s sug-

at a havan before filing his SHARAD SAXENA as a mukhauta(mask), a Pope without divisions. gestion that a national monument be nomination from Lucknow

MARCH 00, 1996 ♦ INDIA TODAY 000 COVER STORY

built at Ayodhya. The only monument movement to a mass-based party”. That that Thackeray could be referring to, is why there are hiccups at every stage. L.K.ADVANI declared Govindacharya on national Take the recent agonising over the television, “is a glorious temple dedi- party’s manifesto. While a manifesto Party Man cated to Lord Ram”. He too was reaf- may be so much waste paper for most Mass Leader firming ideology. Four years ago, political parties, every small nuance is Advani laid down the line. , pored over in the BJP. he said, is the BJP’s “ideological mascot”. The party’s attempt to be more prag- If Vajpayee often comes across as dif- matic on the economic front is reveal- ferent, it is because he perceives politics ing. Former party president and as an art of the possible. Despite his own swadeshi hardliner Murli Manohar quiet corporate loyalty to the Sangh Joshi was the person most involved in Parivar—he enjoys a fantastic rapport drafting the sections on the economy in with the RSS chief—many of the RSS the 1996 manifesto. This time, though pracharaks in the BJP are not among his a formal member of the manifesto com- favourite people. As one of the most mittee, Joshi distanced himself from the skilled practitioners of parliamentary exercise and merely attended the final politics, he has little time for those who meeting last week. A valiant attempt are in public life without the ability to was made to appear more pragmatic, win elections. He is more comfortable particularly on the question of foreign with the likes of Bhairon Singh direct investment and the membership Shekhawat, and, in- of the World Trade Organisation, but the creasingly, and Pramod swadeshi inheritance still shows in the Mahajan. The cumulative effect of his final draft. There is an unstated tussle in prolonged back-seat role in the party the BJP between those like Jaswant Singh between 1984 and 1994 shows. and Pramod Mahajan who prefer a greater market-friendly tilt—but with a REDICTABLY, Vajpayee dis- bias towards domestic entrepreneurs— misses suggestions of being and those like Joshi and Govindacharya somewhat of an outsider—the who are swayed by ideological consid- BJP’s mukhauta (mask), a Pope erations. Advani plays a delicate bal- Pwithout divisions: “I must be ancing act while Vajpayee’s heart is not enjoying the full confidence of the party really in economics. or else I would never have been be- One of the more interesting side- SONDEEP SHANKAR SHARAD SAXENA stowed the highest honour of being the lights of the present manifesto is the us- prime ministerial candidate.” Yet, there age of the UNDP’s human-development ◆ Master of agitational politics. is no doubt that in the saffron index of index, increasingly being accepted the ◆ Most at home in parliamentary Acute analytical mind. Shrewd political correctness, Vajpayee does not world over as a more accurate measure politics. Accomplished orator. strategist. come out tops. Sadhvi Rithambara, the of poverty than the traditional meth- Uses instinct to guide decisions. ◆ Sees RSS as a moral authority venom-spewing relic from the Ram Jan- ods. The idea reportedly came from ◆ Uncomfortable with RSS’ politi- and has full backing of the party. mabhoomi movement, described him Advani who recently read a study by cal diktats. But enjoys the confi- ◆ Formidable control over party as “half a Congressman” and Vishwa Amartya Sen and Jean Dreze. An indi- dence of Rajju Bhaiyya. Hindu Parishad chief is cator of the BJP leadership’s ability to organisation. Has groomed the ◆ Has little inclination for party second-rung leadership. barely on talking terms with him. Not have an open mind? Likewise, scientist that Vajpayee is bereft of humour when M.G.K. Menon, a new convert to the nitty-gritty. At times forgets the ◆ Believes Hindutva is the ideo- it comes to imagined or real slights: cause, was entrusted with the responsi- names of BJP functionaries. logical mascot. members of his inner circle recall him bility of drafting the sections on science ◆ Prefers Bharatiyata (Indian- ◆ Sees Ayodhya movement as an privately referring to Govindacharya as and infrastructure in the manifesto. ness) to Hindutva. important political intervention. “Rajneeshacharya” in one humorous But most of the change is being ◆ Believes a political party ◆ Free marketeer by instinct but aside, and in another instance gen- forced by circumstances—living with should stay away from overtly yields to swadeshi pressures. uinely forgetting his name and calling allies, many of whom have completely religious issues. Once said “BJP is him “Dronacharya”. PRAMOD PUSHKARNA different backgrounds, orientations and ◆ Interacts with every level of not a dharam sansad”. The Advani-Vajpayee relationship is paign purposefully, he could consider en- HOME TURF: In his constituency Lucknow, ideologies. The BJP has deferred the party functionary. ◆ Has little interest in economics. more complex. On the one hand, there is tering Parliament through the Rajya Vajpayee has Kalyan at hand for the rally vexed question of a Common Minimum Prefers foreign affairs and ◆ One of the most energetic polit- the mutual respect based on long-stand- Sabha. However, he changed his mind Programme (CMP) with its allies till after defence-related matters. ical campaigners. ing friendship and association. Advani when it became apparent that Advani, keeper. In the event of a Vajpayee admin- the elections. This is obviously an at- ◆ ◆ Wrings his hands in awkward masterfully handles organisational mat- contesting from Gandhinagar, would istration running into problems, will Ad- tempt to preserve its ideological core and Prefers the company of a small situations. ters—something Vajpayee is impatient boost the BJP’s prospects in . But vani show his true colours and lead simultaneously soft pedal on those is- circle of very close friends. ◆ ◆ Vegetarian, with spartan culi- with. Yet, the question of who is more it is still not clear whether Advani will be another devastating and diversionary sues it does not have the numerical In difficult moments shuts eyes nary taste. powerful remains unanswered. Advani relevant in any future Vajpayee govern- rath yatra? Or look for easy scapegoats? strength to push through its agenda. and hopes problem will go away. because he has the full party and RSS ment—despite his stated willingness to Paradoxically, it is Advani who best Vajpayee sums up the complexities of the ◆ ◆ Loves a good Chinese meal. Voracious reader and Hindi backing? Or Vajpayee because he has serve in it—or will position himself on identifies the current state of the BJP: exercise: “There is no question of dilut- ◆ film buff. greater mass support? At the national the outside as the BJP’s conscience- “the transformation of an ideological ing ideology. But in the case of a CMP be- Writes poetry, loves children. ◆ Pores over the fine print in the executive meeting in Bhubaneswar last ing necessary, all the parties will have to ◆ Is concerned with his projec- English language press. Sensitive December, Vajpayee, in his traditional The changes are being forced by expediency—living with give up something. It is the controversial tion in the Hindi press. Also sensi- to personal criticism. closing address, indicated that if Advani issues that are always left out.” In the tive to personal criticism. wanted to coordinate the election cam- partners who have very little in common with the party. case of the BJP, these remain Ram

000 INDIA TODAY ♦ MARCH 00, 1996 MARCH 00, 1996 ♦ INDIA TODAY 000 GOING SOFT: RSS chief Rajendra Singh concedes BJP has to make compromises

mandir, Uniform Civil Code and Article 370. The President’s address in May 1996 during Vajpayee’s 13-day term raised none of these issues. Only cow protection found a feeble mention. Some allies are looking to this address as an indicator of what Vajpayee’s CMP could consist of. But most BJP leaders admit in private, “Our position will be determined by our strength.”

HE BJP can afford to be assertive at this point as there is a feeling that ultimately the party has to bank on its traditional strong- Tholds, particularly in Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, , and Gujarat, to give it the six per cent swing needed for outright victory. That is why Vajpayee recently told a Lucknow audience to “give us 65 to 70 seats from Uttar Pradesh and we will give you stability in Delhi”. In- deed, some of the hype over new al- liances could be exaggerated, a reason SONDEEP SHANKAR SONDEEP why the BJP is itself contesting 378 ■ RSS seats. Advani has all along stressed that alliances are largely of “psycho- logical” importance, showing the party is no longer untouchable. But Back-seat Driving the tie-ups with the Samata Party in Bihar, the Akali Dal in Punjab and Shiv Sena in Maharashtra remain INCE INCEPTION, THE BJP HAS BEEN DOGGED BY ITS RSS LINKS. central to all calculations at a time Formed as a result of the “dual membership” controversy that de- when the incumbency factor could go Sstroyed the Janata Government in 1979, the top leadership of the BJP against the party in . sees itself as a part of the . Nearly the entire top leadership However, the BJP has already shown of the party, including A.B. Vajpayee, L.K. Advani, M.M. Joshi, S.S. Bhan- a far greater flexibility than it was ever dari, Kushabhau Thakre, Pramod Mahajan, K.N. Govindacharya, Kalyan credited with having. The more things Singh and Sunderlal Patwa, are self-confessed swayamsevaks. The only ex- change in the BJP, the more they remain ceptions are B.S. Shekhawat, and Jaswant Singh. the same. The umbilical cord to the RSS “After Mahatma Gandhi’s death, when many of our people were refuses to be cut. The “communal” tag thrown into jail, we realised that we would not be allowed to work in this refuses to come off. Vajpayee denies any country unless we had some of our people in politics,” says Rajendra deviousness in the party projecting a Singh (Rajju Bhaiyya), the sarsanghchalak of the RSS, the man vested with moderate face and tries to brush off the the ultimate authority in the entire parivar. However, he insists that the past by saying that “sometimes cir- RSS and the BJP are separate, although “there are areas where the BJP is cumstances may have forced us to take guided by the sangh”. He adds: “But we do not always expect them to im- a hard line. But the BJP has always been plement our agenda. The BJP has to make adjustments to stay in politics. a moderate party”. They have to put certain issues on the backburner. The RSS has no com- The sceptics remain. Says historian pulsion to modify its agenda.” The RSS chief compares the parent body to Bipan Chandra: “Anyone who asks if a university. “We teach people, they learn, they move on.” the BJP is changing should phrase it dif- Nominally this may well be true, but in real life the RSS does influence ferently. Since it is the political wing of important political decisions, like the possible choice of a successor to the RSS, is the mother organisation Advani as BJP president. Routine power fights are often referred to the RSS changing? Why don’t you attend an for final arbitration. Vajpayee may not like this, but he has learnt to live with RSS shakha (camp) and hear what they it. Nobody has flowered in the BJP with an antagonistic relation to the Sangh. preach there?” This is echoed by the Given its spectacular growth in recent years, the BJP is not quite an ex- left-wing cultural organisation SAHMAT tension counter of the RSS as the Jan Sangh was, but practical realities pre- in Delhi which has roped in intellectu- vent the umbilical cord from being cut. The 40,000 shakhas throughout als to alert people to the BJP’s “true the country are a lifeline for political mobilisation, particularly during agenda”. The only problem is that this elections. Therefore, separate or otherwise, the BJP swayamsevak can never alarmist view doesn’t take into ac- defy the adesh (instructions) of the RSS sarsanghchalak. count the RSS’ diminishing appeal in a rapidly-changing society. There are

000 INDIA TODAY ♦ MARCH 00, 1996 MARCH 00, 1996 ♦ INDIA TODAY 000 COVER STORY

■ ALLIANCES ments attaching themselves to the BJP. Anti-Congressism is the sole focus. Has survived a bitter wran- gling over seat-sharing. Circle of Friends LOK SHAKTI: Karnataka: Ramakr- ishna Hegde; Candidates: 10 Some of the hype over the new alliances could be Alliance forged after Hegde was re- exaggerated but they are of psychological importance:buffed by the post-Sonia Congress. Another offshoot of the collapse of to show that the party now has a pan-Indian appeal the old Janata Dal. No ideological basis, but defined areas of influence. SHIV SENA: Maharashtra: Bal Thack- HARYANA VIKAS PARTY: Haryana: AIADMK: Tamil Nadu: J. Jayalalitha; eray; Candidates: 16 Bansi Lal; Candidates: 4 Candidates: 34 This is a fairly equal partnership that The alliance was negotiated just A psychological triumph since it con- has gone from strength to strength in prior to the 1996 election and swept ferred the BJP a level of acceptability in the industrialised state of Maharash- the state. It was the BJP’s first exper- the south. The BJP won’t benefit but tra. The only fear is, has the alliance iment in recent times of allying with could be Jayalalitha’s lifeline in a pos- peaked? Despite ideological com- what is basically a party of ex-Con- sible Vajpayee government. monality, Thackeray’s angularities SOUMITRA GHOSH create strains. The BJP is not comfort- able with his proposal for a national monument in Ayodhya, but delights in his Sonia-baiting. SAMATA PARTY: Bihar: George Fer- nandes; Candidates: 22

In spite of being one of the BJP’s most loyal allies, Fernandes insists that he remains a “socialist”. Fernandes and Nitish Kumar are in fact trying to reinvent the old JD minus Laloo Yadav. If the RJD performs poorly in this election, Samata Party may be tempted to go it alone in Bihar. AKALI DAL: Punjab: ; Candidates: 8 ALLIES ARE IN: Partners like Nitish Kumar, Fernandes and Badal lend credibility A traditional alliance that was res- urrected in the 1996 assembly elec- gressmen. Has endured, despite ab- TRINAMOOL CONGRESS: West Bengal: tions, with spectacular dividends. It sence of ideological commonality. Mamata Banerjee; Candidates: 29 was cemented when BJP supported BIJU JANATA DAL: Orissa: Naveen Surjit Singh Barnala’s candidature A last-minute understanding that for vice-president’s post. Hiccups Patnaik; Candidates: 12 Mamata has admitted to very grudg- arose when the Akalis decided not to This alliance is the result of the dis- ingly. Certain to be a short-term put up a candidate against Prime integration of the Janata Dal into arrangement with no discernible Minister I.K. Gujral in Jalandhar. splinter groups, with many ele- electoral gains for either party.

one million active RSS members, but After the 1984 debacle, when the is likely to reach its climax next month. the BJP’s clout is far greater. If Vajpayee party was reduced to two seats in the In 1980, Vajpayee’s vision of the has his way, the story could even end in and Vajpayee himself suf- BJP was way ahead of the times. Now, the tail wagging the dog. fered a humiliating defeat, the party 18 years later, that experiment is at its When the BJP was formed in returned to basics and rebuilt its core most decisive stage. If the battle of the in 1980 in the wake of the support by playing the Hindu card. ballot box goes in Vajpayee’s favour, the “dual membership” controversy that That phase ended in 1993 after the de- change and transformation of the BJP is brought down the gov- feat in the Uttar Pradesh assembly certain to be accelerated. It could even ernment, Vajpayee’s presidential ad- election when the party realised that replace a dynasty-obsessed Congress dress played down the RSS and Jan stridency could fetch no further elec- as the new broad church, the RSS will- Sangh connection and instead focused toral returns. The calculated search for ing. In the event of failure, however, a on the legacy of Jayaprakash Narayan. incremental votes and allies began and regression cannot be ruled out. This election will not merely determine the Given the RSS’ diminishing appeal, the BJP under government of India, it will determine the future face of the BJP. Vajpayee could end up as the tail wagging the dog. —with FARZAND AHMED

000 INDIA TODAY ♦ MARCH 00, 1996 MARCH 00, 1996 ♦ INDIA TODAY 000