ERAP and the LID-SDS Conflict
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The Port Huron Statement of the Students for a Democratic Society
THE PORT HURON STATEMENT OF THE STUDENTS FOR A DEMOCRATIC SOCIETY Port Huron Statement of the Students for a Democratic Society, 1962 Courtesy Office of Sen. Tom Hayden. INTRODUCTORY NOTE This document represents the results of several months of writing and discussion among the membership, a draft paper, and revision by the Students for a Democratic Society national convention meeting in Port Huron, Michigan, June 11-15, 1962. It is represented as a document with which SDS officially identifies, but also as a living document open to change with our times and experiences. It is a beginning: in our own debate and education, in our dialogue with society. published and distributed by Students for a Democratic Society 112 East 19 Street New York 3, New York, GRamercy 3-2181 INTRODUCTION: AGENDA FOR A GENERATION We are people of this generation, bred in at least modest comfort, housed now in universities, looking uncomfortably to the world we inherit. When we were kids the United States was the wealthiest and strongest country in the world: the only one with the atom bomb, the least scarred by modern war, an initiator of the United Nations that we thought would distribute Western influence throughout the world. Freedom and equality for each individual, government of, by, and for the people – these American values we found good, principles by which we could live as men. Many of us began maturing in complacency. As we grew, however, our comfort was penetrated by events too troubling to dismiss. First, the permeating and victimizing fact of human degradation, symbolized by the Southern struggle against racial bigotry, compelled most of us from silence to activism. -
The Interdependency of Mass Media and Social Movements
The Interdependency of Mass Media and Social Movements Rens Vliegenthart Stefaan Walgrave Abstract This chapter discusses the interaction between social movements and the mass media. It explains why and how this relationship can be seen as one of mutual dependency. Social movements need mass media attention to amplify their claims; the media attend to movements because they create newsworthy events. We take stock of the research that has been done and focus on various elements of this relationship. Following a classic political communication process approach, we first discuss the causes for media to devote attention to social movements and their events. Next, we focus on the content of this coverage and how it is analyzed by social movement scholars. Finally, we look at the various consequences of media coverage for social movements, in terms of mobilization, reaching political change and obtaining favorable public opinion. Authors’ bio Rens Vliegenthart is assistant professor in political communication in the department of Communication Science and at the Amsterdam School of Communication Research (ASCoR), University of Amsterdam. His research focuses on media-politics dynamics, with a special interest in the role of non-institutional actors, such as social movements. Furthermore, he has an interest in methods for comparative research in political communication and the application of time series analysis in that area. 1 Stefaan Walgrave is professor in political science at the University of Antwerp (Belgium) and head of the Media, Movements, and Politics research group (M²P). His research focuses mainly on media and politics and on social movements and political protest. In political communication, his main research is political agenda- setting by the mass media. -
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BOOK-2020/02/24 1 THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION FALK AUDITORIUM CODE RED: A BOOK EVENT WITH E.J. DIONNE JR. Washington, D.C. Monday, February 24, 2020 Conversation: E.J. DIONNE JR., W. Averell Harriman Chair and Senior Fellow, Governance Studies, The Brookings Institution ALEXANDRA PETRI Columnist The Washington Post * * * * * ANDERSON COURT REPORTING 1800 Diagonal Road, Suite 600 Alexandria, VA 22314 Phone (703) 519-7180 Fax (703) 519-7190 BOOK-2020/02/24 2 P R O C E E D I N G S MR. DIONNE: I want to welcome everybody here today. I’m E.J. Dionne. I’m a senior fellow here at Brookings. The views I am about to express are my own. I don’t want people here necessarily to hang on my views. There are so many people here. First, I want to thank Amber Hurley and Leti Davalos for organizing this event. I want to thank my agent, Gail Ross, for being here. You have probably already seen one of the 10,500,000 Mike Bloomberg ads; you know the tagline is “Mike Gets it Done.” No. Gail gets it done (laughter), so thank you for being here. One unusual person I want to -- also, another great book that you have to read, my friend, Melissa Rogers, who’s a visiting scholar here, we worked together for 20 years, her book, “Faith in American Public Life,” which has a nice double meaning, is a great book to read. And, I can't resist honoring my retired Dr. Mark Shepherd who came here today. -
The Student Voice, SNCC Newsletter, 1962-1963
- THE STUDE Vol. 3, No. NT 1 Issued by the Student VOI Nonviolent Coordinating CE Committee,197 1/2 Auburn Ave., Atlanta 3, Ga.April, 1962 TALLADEGA PROTESTS I Student Group Moves After Negotiations Fail TALLADEGA, ALA. - Be By Bob Zellner ginning with a march of 400 students and faculty mem TALLADEGA, ALABAMA - bers, Talladega Collegetook The stimulus for leadership a giant step toward freeing and effective social change their city of segregation. at Talladega College is found The march followed fruit in the Social Action Com less negotiation with Talla mittee (SAC) a group found dega Mayor J . L. Hardwick within the framework of the TALLADEGA STUDENTS PROTEST - Talladega College on April 5. The students ask college's Student Govern s tudents s taged a protest march against segregation on ed the Mayor to present plans ment. As the movement at April 6. Joined by some teachers from the school, the stu- 1 for integration of public faci Talladega has grown, the dents paraded around the Talladega Courthouse bearing lities in the city, and when concept that every student signs reading "We Want Open Libraries" - We Want Equal no plan was forthcoming, the at the college is a member Opportunity." Social Action Committee Chairman Dorothy group marched in protest. of SAC has grown also, and Vails is on the right, above, being inte rviewed by a re- The march was peaceful, and the original smaller com porter. Photo by Zellner. Mayor Hardwick praised the mittee is thought of a plan students and the Talledega ning group. SNCC Con-ference Slated I community for their c alm- Dorothy Vails, a native of J ness. -
Chapter 6. the Voice of the Other America: African
Chapter 6 Th e Voice of the Other America African-American Music and Political Protest in the German Democratic Republic Michael Rauhut African-American music represents a synthesis of African and European tradi- tions, its origins reaching as far back as the early sixteenth century to the begin- ning of the systematic importation of “black” slaves to the European colonies of the American continent.1 Out of a plethora of forms and styles, three basic pil- lars of African-American music came to prominence during the wave of indus- trialization that took place at the start of the twentieth century: blues, jazz, and gospel. Th ese forms laid the foundation for nearly all important developments in popular music up to the present—whether R&B, soul and funk, house music, or hip-hop. Th anks to its continual innovation and evolution, African-American music has become a constitutive presence in the daily life of several generations. In East Germany, as throughout European countries on both sides of the Iron Curtain, manifold directions and derivatives of these forms took root. Th ey were carried through the airwaves and seeped into cultural niches until, fi nally, this music landed on the political agenda. Both fans and functionaries discovered an enormous social potential beneath the melodious surface, even if their aims were for the most part in opposition. For the government, the implicit rejection of the communist social model represented by African-American music was seen as a security issue and a threat to the stability of the system. Even though the state’s reactions became weaker over time, the offi cial interaction with African-American music retained a political connotation for the life of the regime. -
From Participatory Democracy to Digital Democracy
Fast Capitalism ISSN 1930-014X Volume 1 • Issue 2 • 2005 doi:10.32855/fcapital.200502.003 From Participatory Democracy to Digital Democracy Mark Kann Tom Hayden posted on his website, http://www.tomhayden.com, an article he coauthored with Dick Flacks to commemorate the fortieth anniversary of the Port Huron Statement. The two SDS founders concluded, “Perhaps the most important legacy of the Port Huron Statement is the fact that it introduced the concept of participatory democracy to popular discourse and practice.” The concept of participatory democracy encompassed values such as equality, decentralization, and consensus decision-making. It provided direction for “all those trying to create a world where each person has a voice in the decisions affecting his or her life.” [1] In this article, I suggest that Port Huron’s concept of participatory democracy included some ideas that were potentially antithetical to democracy and that potential, unfortunately, is being fulfilled in contemporary theories of digital democracy. The Port Huron Statement Revisited The Port Huron Statement contained two underlying themes that potentially subverted democratic equality. One was the notion that the American people were fundamentally flawed, most apparently, by their apathy. The other was that the best means to eliminate this flaw was to follow the lead of rational, deliberative activists. Both themes could be (and would be) used to justify political inequalities. Port Huron’s student-authors expressed a dim view of American citizens. The American people had closed minds. They exhibited a foolish confidence that the nation could muddle through its problems. They harbored a false sense of contentment, “a glaze above deeply felt anxieties,” arising out of loneliness, isolation, and estrangement. -
The Sixties Counterculture and Public Space, 1964--1967
University of New Hampshire University of New Hampshire Scholars' Repository Doctoral Dissertations Student Scholarship Spring 2003 "Everybody get together": The sixties counterculture and public space, 1964--1967 Jill Katherine Silos University of New Hampshire, Durham Follow this and additional works at: https://scholars.unh.edu/dissertation Recommended Citation Silos, Jill Katherine, ""Everybody get together": The sixties counterculture and public space, 1964--1967" (2003). Doctoral Dissertations. 170. https://scholars.unh.edu/dissertation/170 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Scholarship at University of New Hampshire Scholars' Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Doctoral Dissertations by an authorized administrator of University of New Hampshire Scholars' Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript has been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI films the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from any type of computer printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. -
Call for a Workers and Farmers Government As Only Answer to Wall Street War-Makers Jft
Workers of the World, Unite! SPECIAL SWP CONVENTION ISSUE THE MILITANT __________ PUBLISHED WEEKLY IN THE INTERESTS OF THE WORKING PEOPLE __________________ Vol. XII— No. 28 267 NEW YORK, N. Y., MONDAY, JULY 12, 1948 PRICE: FIVE CENTS DOBBS AND CARLSON ADDRESS NATION IN BROADCASTS FROM SWP CONVENTION Call for a Workers and Farmers Government As Only Answer to Wall Street War-Makers Jft. SWP Candidates Address the Nation Inspiring Five-Day Gathering The Two Opens Presidential Campaign A m e rica s Of Socialist Workers Party By Art Preis James P. Cannon’s Key-Note Speech . NEW YORK, July 6 — Cheering to the echo the choice of Farrell Dobbs and Grace Carlson as first Over the ABC Network on July 1st Trotskyist candidates for U. S. President and Vice* President, the 13th National Convention of the So The following is the keynote speech delivered by James cialist Workers Party sum-® Cannon, National Secretary of the Socialist Workers Party, a propaganda blow been struck to the party’s 13th convention at 11:15 P. M. on July 1, and moiled the American peo in this country for the socialist broadcast over Radio network ABC at that time. ple to join with the SWP cause. That millions of people in a forward march to a Workers heard the SWP call is shown by Comrade Chairman, Delegates and Friends: and Farmers Government and the flood of letters and postcards We meet in National Convention at a t'ime of the gravest socialism. that hit the SWP National Head quarters in the first post-holiday world crisis— a crisis which contains the direct threat of a third Ih' an atmosphere charged with mail deliveries this morning. -
Working Class
A NEW WORKING CLASS Students for a Democratic Society and the United Auto Workers in the Sixties Amanda L. Bullock A NEW WORKING CLASS: Students for a Democratic Society and the United Auto Workers in the Sixties by Amanda Leigh Bullock A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelors of the Arts with Honors Department of History University of Michigan March 27, 2006 Advised by: Professor Matthew D. Lassiter © 2006 Amanda Leigh Bullock TABLE OF C ONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGMENTS II INTRODUCTION: STUDENTS, MIDDLE AMERICANS, AND CLASS CONSCIOUSNESS 1 DEMOCRATIC DISSENT 4 HISTORIOGRAPHY 7 CHAPTER ONE: NATURAL ALLIES? 15 THE LEAGUE FOR INDUSTRIAL DEMOCRACY 17 THE PORT HURON STATEMENT: “AN AGENDA FOR A GENERATION” 19 THE “OLD” LEFT 23 THE NEW LEFT: THE NATURAL ALLIANCE OF THE LABOR AND CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENTS? 27 STUDENTS AND LABOR 30 AUTONOMY 36 CHAPTER TWO: THE WAR ON POVERTY AND THE NEW INSURGENCY 42 THE CITIZENS’ CRUSADE AGAINST POVERTY 46 INSURGENCY TO THE WAR ON POVERTY 53 FROM FAYETTE COUNTY TO THE GHETTO 56 “AN INTERRACIAL MOVEMENT OF THE POOR” 60 THE FAILURE OF ERAP 67 FAILURE: THE CAMPUS VERSUS THE COMMUNITY 67 FAILURE: THE IMPOSSIBILITY OF AN EXPERIMENTAL PROJECT 71 FAILURE: THE ESCALATION OF THE VIETNAM WAR 73 THE LEGACY OF THE ECONOMIC RESEARCH AND ACTION PROJECT 75 CHAPTER THREE: IMPLOSION 79 THE ANTI-WAR MOVEMENT: SDS OUTGROWS ITSELF 81 STUDENTS FOR A DEMOCRATIC SOCIETY’S 1968 WORK-IN 90 THE 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 94 THE DEATH OF SDS 101 THE TROUBLED AMERICANS 106 PRIMARY SOURCES 113 BIBLIOGRAPHY 115 ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS First, I am indebted to Professor Matt Lassiter, without whose guidance and patience I never could have accomplished this. -
From Civil Rights to Women's Liberation: Women's Rights in SDS
From Civil Rights to Women’s Liberation: Women’s Rights in SDS and SNCC, 1960-1969 Anna Manogue History 4997: Honors Thesis Seminar 6 May 2019 2 “I had heard there was some infighting in the Women’s March between Jewish women and Black women, and I’m a Native American woman and I think it’s ridiculous that we’re dividing ourselves like this. We’re all women,” proclaimed Barbara McIlvaine Smith as she prepared to attend the third annual Women’s March in January of 2019.1 Smith’s comments succinctly summarized the ideological controversy over the intersection of race and gender— known since 1991 as intersectionality or intersectional feminism—that has plagued feminist activism since the emergence of the Women’s Liberation Movement in 1968.2 The concept of interactions between racial and sexual forms of oppression first emerged in the early 1960s, when women in the Civil Rights Movement began to identify similarities between the racial oppression they were fighting and the unequal treatment of women within their organizations. Many women asserted that their experiences as civil rights activists refined their understanding of gender inequality, improved their community organizing skills, and inspired their support of feminism.3 Historians have long acknowledged that women in the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) first contemplated the connection between women’s rights and civil rights in the early 1960s and ultimately inspired their fellow women in the Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) to instigate the Women’s Liberation Movement in 1968.4 During the 1960s, SNCC and SDS both gained reputations as staunchly democratic organizations dedicated to empowering students and creating a more equal society. -
Tom Kahn and the Fight for Democracy: a Political Portrait and Personal Recollection
Tom Kahn and the Fight for Democracy: A Political Portrait and Personal Recollection Rachelle Horowitz Editor’s Note: The names of Tom Kahn and Rachelle Horowitz should be better known than they are. Civil rights leader John Lewis certainly knew them. Recalling how the 1963 March on Washington was organised he said, ‘I remember this young lady, Rachelle Horowitz, who worked under Bayard [Rustin], and Rachelle, you could call her at three o'clock in the morning, and say, "Rachelle, how many buses are coming from New York? How many trains coming out of the south? How many buses coming from Philadelphia? How many planes coming from California?" and she could tell you because Rachelle Horowitz and Bayard Rustin worked so closely together. They put that thing together.’ There were compensations, though. Activist Joyce Ladner, who shared Rachelle Horowitz's one bedroom apartment that summer, recalled, ‘There were nights when I came in from the office exhausted and ready to sleep on the sofa, only to find that I had to wait until Bobby Dylan finished playing his guitar and trying out new songs he was working on before I could claim my bed.’ Tom Kahn also played a major role in organising the March on Washington, not least in writing (and rewriting) some of the speeches delivered that day, including A. Philip Randolph’s. When he died in 1992 Kahn was praised by the Social Democrats USA as ‘an incandescent writer, organizational Houdini, and guiding spirit of America's Social Democratic community for over 30 years.’ This account of his life was written by his comrade and friend in 2005. -
Shawyer Dissertation May 2008 Final Version
Copyright by Susanne Elizabeth Shawyer 2008 The Dissertation Committee for Susanne Elizabeth Shawyer certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: Radical Street Theatre and the Yippie Legacy: A Performance History of the Youth International Party, 1967-1968 Committee: Jill Dolan, Supervisor Paul Bonin-Rodriguez Charlotte Canning Janet Davis Stacy Wolf Radical Street Theatre and the Yippie Legacy: A Performance History of the Youth International Party, 1967-1968 by Susanne Elizabeth Shawyer, B.A.; M.A. Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of The University of Texas at Austin in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Texas at Austin May, 2008 Acknowledgements There are many people I want to thank for their assistance throughout the process of this dissertation project. First, I would like to acknowledge the generous support and helpful advice of my committee members. My supervisor, Dr. Jill Dolan, was present in every stage of the process with thought-provoking questions, incredible patience, and unfailing encouragement. During my years at the University of Texas at Austin Dr. Charlotte Canning has continually provided exceptional mentorship and modeled a high standard of scholarly rigor and pedagogical generosity. Dr. Janet Davis and Dr. Stacy Wolf guided me through my earliest explorations of the Yippies and pushed me to consider the complex historical and theoretical intersections of my performance scholarship. I am grateful for the warm collegiality and insightful questions of Dr. Paul Bonin-Rodriguez. My committee’s wise guidance has pushed me to be a better scholar.