Harold Brown Date of Interview: July 9, 1964 Length: 38 Pages [NOTE: the Page Numbering in This Transcript Is Not Contiguous with That of Brown’S Other Interviews.]
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October 02, 1963 Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 'Paper Regarding Dutch Participation in Talks Regarding a Multilateral Nuclear Force'
Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified October 02, 1963 Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 'Paper Regarding Dutch Participation in Talks Regarding a Multilateral Nuclear Force' Citation: “Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 'Paper Regarding Dutch Participation in Talks Regarding a Multilateral Nuclear Force',” October 02, 1963, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, National Archives, The Hague, Council of Ministers, access number 2.02.05.02, inventory number 753 and 723. Obtained and translated by Bastiaan Bouwman. https://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/117766 Summary: Paper presented at 4 October 1963 meeting of the Dutch Council of Ministers. The paper lays out the reasons for declining to participate in the Multilateral Force so far, but argues that due to changes in the situation – principally a turn on the part of the British toward participation – the Netherlands now should move to participate in the talks. The paper lists the (political) advantages of such participation. Credits: This document was made possible with support from the Leon Levy Foundation and Carnegie Corporation of New York (CCNY). Original Language: Dutch Contents: English Translation Scan of Original Document [...] SECRET Paper regarding Dutch participation in talks regarding a multilateral nuclear force . On 1 August of this year, the Council of Ministers agreed that for now the invitation by the American government to participate in talks of a working group in Washington regarding the establishment of a NATO multilateral nuclear force, consisting of surface ships with mixed crews, would not be acted upon. This invitation had been accepted by the Federal Republic, Italy, Greece and Turkey. Along with the Netherlands, the UK and Belgium decided to remain on the sidelines for the time being. -
(C) Crown Copyright Catalogue Reference:CAB/128/33 Image
(c) crown copyright Catalogue Reference:CAB/128/33 Image Reference:0037 SECRET THIS DOCUMENT IS THE PROPERTY OF HER BRITANNIC MAJESTY'S (GOVERNMENT Printed for the Cabinet. June 1959 C.C. (59) Copy No. 37th Conclusions ST CONCLUSIONS of a Meeting of the Cabinet held at 10 Downing Street, S.W. 1, on Tuesday, 23rd June, 1959, at 11 a.m. Present: The Right Hon. HAROLD MACMILLAN, M.P., Prime Minister. The Right Hon. R. A. BUTLER, M.P., The Right Hon. VISCOUNT KILMUIR, Secretary of State for the Home Lord Chancellor. Department and Lord Privy Seal. The Right Hon. SELWYN LLOYD, Q.C., The Right Hon. D . HEATHCOAT AMORY, M.P., Secretary of State for Foreign M.P., Chancellor of the Exchequer. Affairs. The Right Hon. THE EARL OF HOME, The Right Hon. ALAN LENNOX-BOYD, Secretary of State for Commonwealth M.P., Secretary of State for the Relations. Colonies. The Right Hon. JOHN MACLAY, M.P., The Right Hon. VISCOUNT HAILSHAM, Secretary of State for Scotland. Q.C., Lord President of the Council. The Right Hon. DUNCAN SANDYS, M.P., The Right Hon. Sir DAVID ECCLES, M.P., Minister of Defence. President of the Board of Trade. The Right Hon. IAIN MACLEOD, M.P., The Right Hon. HENRY BROOKE, M.P., Minister of Labour and National Minister of Housing and Local Service. Government and Minister for Welsh Affairs. The Right Hon. LORD MILLS, Minister The Right Hon. HAROLD WATKINSON, of Power. M.P., Minister of Transport and Civil Aviation. The Right Hon. GEOFFREY LLOYD, M.P., The Right Hon. -
George Washington University Undergraduate Review
KEYWORDS: MLF, Multilateral Force, non-proliferation, Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, U.S. Soviet Relations DOI: https://doi.org/10.4079/2578-9201.3(2020).01 "Das Vadanya" to the Multilateral Force: the Soviet Union's Role in the Johnson Administration's Decision to Abandon the MLF ALEXANDER CHANG International Affairs, ESIA '21, [email protected] ABSTRACT The Multilateral Force (MLF) was a proposed nuclear sharing arrangement between the United States and a number of its NATO partners. Proposed in 1958, the MLF was debated until about 1965 or 1966 and was often distinguished by its controversial nature and failure to gain traction. This paper examines documents from the Digital National Security Archive (DNSA), Foreign Relations of the United States (FRUS), Record Group 59: General Records of the Department of State, and various secondary sources to evaluate the extent to which the Soviet Union contributed to the MLF's failure as an initiative. The Force is often treated as a narrow and highly technical policy debate by existing literature. However, examination of these documents highlighted the necessity of viewing the Force as a topic of distinct political import in American-Soviet nuclear negotiations. While technical disputes over the MLF's constitution was an immediate cause of its demise, U.S. policymakers also faced strategic incentives not to pursue the treaty. In particular, the documents reflect growing belief within the Johnson administration that exiting the agreement could improve broader bilateral relations with the Soviet Union and ensure that the international community could continue to make progress on the creation of a nuclear non-proliferation agreement . -
Catalogue Reference:CAB/128/30 Image Reference:0240 THIS DOCUMENT IS the PROPERTY of HER BRITANNIC MAJESTY's GOVERNMENT
(c) crown copyright Catalogue Reference:CAB/128/30 Image Reference:0240 THIS DOCUMENT IS THE PROPERTY OF HER BRITANNIC MAJESTY'S GOVERNMENT Printed for the Cabinet. February 1956 SECRET Copy No. J 9 CM . (56) 16th Conclusions CABINET CONCLUSIONS of a Meeting of the Cabinet held in the Prime Minister's Room, House of Commons, S.W. 1, on Wednesday, 22nd February, 1956, at 4 p.m. Present: The Right Hon. Sir ANTHONY EDEN, M.P., Prime Minister. The Most Hon. the MARQUESS OF j The Right Hon. R. A . BUTLER, M.P., SALISBURY, Lord President of the | Lord Privy Seal. Council. The Right Hon. HAROLD MACMILLAN, The Right Hon. the VISCOUNT KILMUIR, M.P., Chancellor of the Exchequer. Lord Chancellor. The Right Hon. SELWYN LLOYD, Q.C, The Right Hon. GWILYM LLOYD- M.P., Secretary of State for Foreign GEORGE, M.P., Secretary of State for Affairs. the Home Department and Minister for Welsh Affairs. The Right Hon. JAMES STUART, M.P., The Right Hon. the EARL OF HOME, Secretary of State for Scotland. Secretary of State for Commonwealth Relations. The Right Hon. A. T. LENNOX-BOYD, The Right Hon. Sir WALTER MONCKTON, M.P., Secretary of State for the Q.C, M.P., Minister of Defence. Colonies. The Right Hon. DUNCAN SANDYS, M.P., The Right Hon. PETER THORNEYCROFT, Minister of Housing and Local M.P., President of the Board of Trade. Government. The Right Hon. D. HEATHCOAT AMORY, The Right Hon. Sir DAVID ECCLES, M.P., Minister of Agriculture, M.P., Minister of Education. Fisheries and Food. -
The End of Nuclear Warfighting: Moving to a Deterrence-Only Posture
THE END OF NUCLEAR WARFIGHTING MOVING TO A W E I DETERRENCE-ONLY V E R POSTURE E R U T S O P R A E L C U N . S . U E V I T A N September 2018 R E T L A Dr. Bruce G. Blair N Jessica Sleight A Emma Claire Foley In Collaboration with the Program on Science and Global Security, Princeton University The End of Nuclear Warfighting: Moving to a Deterrence-Only Posture an alternative u.s. nuclear posture review Bruce G. Blair with Jessica Sleight and Emma Claire Foley Program on Science and Global Security, Princeton University Global Zero, Washington, DC September 2018 Copyright © 2018 Bruce G. Blair published by the program on science and global security, princeton university This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial License; to view a copy of this license, visit www.creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/3.0 typesetting in LATEX with tufte document class First printing, September 2018 Contents Abstract 5 Executive Summary 6 I. Introduction 15 II. The Value of U.S. Nuclear Capabilities and Enduring National Objectives 21 III. Maximizing Strategic Stability 23 IV. U.S. Objectives if Deterrence Fails 32 V. Modernization of Nuclear C3 40 VI. Near-Term Guidance for Reducing the Risks of Prompt Launch 49 VII. Moving the U.S. Strategic Force Toward a Deterrence-Only Strategy 53 VIII.Nuclear Modernization Program 70 IX. Nuclear-Weapon Infrastructure: The “Complex” 86 X. Countering Nuclear Terrorism 89 XI. Nonproliferation and Strategic-Arms Control 91 XII. Conclusion 106 Authors 109 Abstract The United States should adopt a deterrence-only policy based on no first use of nuclear weapons, no counterforce against opposing nuclear forces in second use, and no hair-trigger response. -
Oxford, 1984); H
Notes Notes to the Introduction I. K. O. Morgan, Labour in Power, 194~1951 (Oxford, 1984); H. Pelling, The Labour Governments, 194~51 (London, 1984); A. Cairncross, Years of Recovery: British Economic Policy, 194~51 (London, 1985); P. Hen nessy, Never Again: Britain, 194~1951 (London, 1992). 2. J. Saville, The Labour Movement in Britain (London, 1988); J. Fyrth (ed.), Labour's High Noon: The Government and the Economy, 194~51 (London, 1993). 3. C. Barnett, The Audit oj War: The Illusion and Reality of Britain as a Great Nation (London, 1986); The Lost Victory: British Dreams, British Realities, 194~1950 (London, 1995). 4. Symposium, 'Britain's Postwar Industrial Decline', Contemporary Record, 1: 2 (1987), pp. 11-19; N. Tiratsoo (ed.), The Altlee Years (London, 1991). 5. J. Tomlinson, 'Welfare and the Economy: The Economic Impact of the Welfare State, 1945-1951', Twentieth-Century British History, 6: 2 (1995), pp. 194--219. 6. Hennessy, Never Again, p. 453. See also M. Francis, 'Economics and Ethics: the Nature of Labour's Socialism, 1945-1951', Twentieth Century British History, 6: 2 (1995), pp. 220--43. 7. S. Fielding, P. Thompson and N. Tiratsoo, 'England Arise!' The Labour Party and Popular Politics in 1940s Britain (Manchester, 1995), pp. 209- 18. 8. P. Kellner, 'It Wasn't All Right,Jack', Sunday Times, 4 April 1993. See also The Guardian, 9 September 1993. 9. For a summary of the claims made by the political parties, see J. Barnes and A. Seldon, '1951-64: 13 W asted Years?', Contemporary Record, 1: 2 (1987). 10. V. Bogdanor and R. -
The US Arms Control and Disarmament Agency in 1961–63 3
A HOOVER INSTITUTION ESSAY The US Arms Control and Disarmament Agency in 1961–63 A STUDY IN GOVERNANCE JAMES E. GOODBY Hoover Institution Hoover The Challenge of Existential Threats The security and well-being of the American people and of all humanity are threatened by several global challenges that can only be successfully met through international cooperation. My estimate of the top six: (1) climate change and water scarcity, (2) mass migration caused by armed conflict or climate change, (3) pandemics caused by international travel through regions ravaged by diseases that are resistant to treatment, (4) terrorism generated by organized groups of extremists, (5) massive disruption or physical damage caused by cyberwarfare, and (6) human and environmental devastation caused by use of nuclear weapons. The last of these challenges, unlike the others listed, is almost entirely under the control of a small number of governments, so improving the performance of the US federal government in this area would pay big dividends. Improving governance in the United States and elsewhere is not just a simple matter of a political choice. Governance of complex military/technical /political public policy issues in these rapidly changing times requires a combination of relevant expertise and leadership at several levels which, in the United States and elsewhere, is often missing in government institutions. The challenge is to create new institutions or reform existing ones so that they have the capacity to manage these complex issues. In this essay, I will draw on the experience of negotiating the limited test ban treaty (LTBT) during the period from 1961 to 1963 to demonstrate the unique role that a small federal agency with a crosscutting mandate and direct access to the president could play under proper conditions.1 I refer here to the US Arms Control and Disarmament Agency (ACDA), where I was a staff member with special responsibilities for test ban negotiations from 1961 to 1963. -
Pdf, Accessed 10 August 2013
Notes Introduction 1 . Kristan Stoddart, Losing an Empire and Finding a Role: Britain, the USA, NATO and Nuclear Weapons, 1964–1970 (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012) and Kristan Stoddart, The Sword and the Shield: Britain, the USA, NATO and Nuclear Weapons, 1970–1976 (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014). 2 . He eventually defeated Michael Foot in the leadership run-off. Foot would succeed Callaghan as leader in 1980, defeating Denis Healey. 3 . James Callaghan, Time and Chance (London: Fontana, 1988), pp. 385–408. 4 . David McKie, ‘Lord Callaghan Labour prime minister who, uniquely, held all four of the great offices of state, but whose consensus politics were washed away in the late 1970s’, The Guardian , 28 March 2005. 5 . ‘Why grass roots protests are now a “Must”’, The Guardian , 4 March 2010. 6 . Callaghan, Time and Chance , p. 400. 7 . Ibid. p. 448. 8 . Denis Healey, The Time of My Life (London: Penguin, 1990), pp. 388–464. 9 . Ibid. pp. 381, 393, 422–424, 429–435 and Callaghan, Time and Chance , pp. 413–447, 478, 498, 515. 10 . For a comprehensive synopsis see Richard Vinen, Thatcher’s Britain: The Politics and Social Upheaval of the 1980s (London: Simon and Schuster, 2009). 11 . Andy McSmith, ‘Margaret Thatcher obituary: the most divisive political leader of modern times’, The Independent , 8 April 2013. 12 . Quoted in Peter Hennessy, The Prime Minister: The Office and Its Holders Since 1945 (London: Allen Lane, 2000), pp. 408, 397–436. 13 . www.chu.cam.ac.uk/archives/collections/BDOHP/Coles.pdf, accessed 10 August 2013. 14 . John Nott, Here Today, Gone Tomorrow: Recollections of an Errant Politician (London: Politico’s, 2002), p. -
The Cost of the UK's Strategic Nuclear Deterrent
BRIEFING PAPER Number 8166, updated 2 March 2021 The cost of the UK's By Claire Mills strategic nuclear Noel Dempsey deterrent Contents: 1. Background 2. Historical costs 3. Cost of procuring and operating Trident 4. Cost of the Dreadnought programme www.parliament.uk/commons-library | intranet.parliament.uk/commons-library | [email protected] | @commonslibrary 2 The cost of the UK's strategic nuclear deterrent Contents 1. Background 3 2. Historical costs 4 2.1 V-Bomber Force 4 2.2 Polaris 4 3. Cost of procuring and operating Trident 6 3.1 Acquisition costs 6 3.2 Annual maintenance and running costs 7 4. Cost of the Dreadnought programme 9 4.1 Overall acquisition costs 9 What has been spent so far? 10 4.2 In-service costs 10 4.3 Additional costs 12 4.4 Who will pay for it? 13 The longstanding debate over budgetary responsibility 13 Recent discussion 15 4.5 Comparison to other Government spending 17 Cover page image copyright Dreadnought Class submarine by Royal Navy. Licenced under Open Government Licence / image cropped. 3 Commons Library Briefing, updated 2 March 2021 1. Background Since the acquisition of the UK’s first strategic nuclear deterrent in the 1950s, the cost of procuring and maintaining it, and which Government department should finance it, has always been a matter of debate. Ascertaining historical costs for the nuclear deterrent is difficult and complex, as this information is not easily available from public sources. Many records no longer exist, while others were classified. In the past successive Governments have often not discussed costs on the grounds of operational security. -
The Dilemma of NATO Strategy, 1949-1968 a Dissertation Presented
The Dilemma of NATO Strategy, 1949-1968 A dissertation presented to the faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences of Ohio University In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy Robert Thomas Davis II August 2008 © 2008 Robert Thomas Davis II All Rights Reserved ii This dissertation titled The Dilemma of NATO Strategy, 1949-1968 by ROBERT THOMAS DAVIS II has been approved for the Department of History and the College of Arts and Sciences by ______________________________ Peter John Brobst Associate Professor of History ______________________________ Benjamin M. Ogles Dean, College of Arts and Sciences iii Abstract DAVIS, ROBERT THOMAS II, Ph.D., August 2008, History The Dilemma of NATO Strategy, 1949-1968 (422 pp.) Director of Dissertation: Peter John Brobst This study is a reappraisal of the strategic dilemma of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization in the Cold War. This dilemma revolves around the problem of articulating a strategic concept for a military alliance in the nuclear era. NATO was born of a perceived need to defend Western Europe from a Soviet onslaught. It was an imperative of the early alliance to develop a military strategy and force posture to defend Western Europe should such a war break out. It was not long after the first iteration of strategy took shape than the imperative for a military defense of Europe receded under the looming threat of thermonuclear war. The advent of thermonuclear arsenals in both the United States and Soviet Union brought with it the potential destruction of civilization should war break out. This realization made statesmen on both sides of the Iron Curtain undergo what has been referred to as an ongoing process of nuclear learning. -
The Future of US Non-Strategic Nuclear Weapons and Implications for NATO
The Future of U.S. Non-Strategic Nuclear Weapons and Implications for NATO Drifting Toward the Foreseeable Future Jeffrey A. Larsen, Ph.D. A report prepared in accordance with the requirements of the 2005-06 NATO Manfred Wörner Fellowship for NATO Public Diplomacy Division 31 October 2006 UNCLASSIFIED US NSNW and Implications for NATO Larsen ii US NSNW and Implications for NATO Larsen Table of Contents List of Figures vii List of Tables vii Foreword ix Methodology x Disclaimer x Executive Summary xi I. Introduction 1 Background to Today’s Situation 2 Defining Non-Strategic Nuclear Weapons 6 Findings 8 II. Historical Background 11 Historical Summary of Non-Strategic Nuclear Weapons in Europe 12 Recurrent Themes in Alliance Nuclear History 16 Modernization Episodes in Europe 21 The Nuclear Planning Group 22 The High Level Group 23 The Montebello Decision and SNF Modernization 25 The End of the Cold War 27 The Presidential Nuclear Initiatives 30 Russian Response to the PNIs 33 Arms Control and Relations with Russia in the 1990s 35 Key Nuclear Documents 37 Summary 38 III. Is There a Future for Non-Strategic Nuclear Weapons? 39 Recent Developments 40 Current Status of NSNW in States of Interest 42 United States 42 Russia 46 Issues Regarding NSNW 48 Arguments For and Against Future Roles for NSNW 49 Arguments For 49 Arguments Against 50 Future Roles for Non-Strategic Nuclear Weapons 51 Political 51 Extended Deterrence 51 Arms Control 52 Military 52 Escalation Dominance 52 Target Coverage 53 Counter NBC 54 Supporting the Strategic Nuclear Arsenal 54 Robustness 54 iii US NSNW and Implications for NATO Larsen Hedging 54 Summary 55 IV. -
(C) Crown Copyright Catalogue Reference:CAB/128/32 Image
(c) crown copyright Catalogue Reference:CAB/128/32 Image Reference:0051 SECRET THIS DOCUMENT IS THE PROPERTY OF HER BRITANNIC MAJESTY'8 GOVERNMENT Printed for the Cabinet. July 1958 C.C. (58) Copy No. 51st Conclusions CABINET CONCLUSIONS of a Meeting of the Cabinet held at 10 Downing Street, S. W. 1, on Tuesday, 1st July, 1958, at 11 a.m. Present: The Right Hon. HAROLD MACMILLAN, M.P.. Prime Minister The Right Hon. R. A. BUTLER, M.P., The Right Hon. VISCOUNT KILMUIR, Secretary of State for the Home Lord Chancellor. Department and Lord Privy Seal. The Right Hon. SELWYN LLOYD, Q.C., The Right Hon. D. HEATHCOAT AMORY, M.P., Secretary of State for Foreign M.P., Chancellor of the Exchequer. Affairs. The Right Hon. The EARL OF HOME, The Right Hon. ALAN LENNOX-BOYD, Secretary of State for Commonwealth M.P., Secretary of State for the Relations. Colonies. The Right Hon. VISCOUNT HAILSHAM, The Right Hon. DUNCAN SANDYS, M.P., Q.C., Lord President of the Council. Minister of Defence. The Right Hon. Sir DAVID ECCLES, The Right Hon. IAIN MACLEOD, M.P., M.P., President of the Board of Trade. Minister of Labour and National Service. The Right Hon. HENRY BROOKE, M.P., The Right Hon. LORD MILLS, Minister Minister of Housing and Local Gov- of Power. ernment and Minister for Welsh Affairs. The Right Hon. HAROLD WATKINSON, The Right Hon. GEOFFREY LLOYD, M.P., M.P., Minister of Transport and Civil Minister of Education. Aviation. The Right Hon. JOHN HARE, M.P., Dr. The Right Hon.