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FRAMING INDEPENDENCE HALL: Resisting Purification Through

George L. Claflen, Jr.

Visions of a proper architectural most artistically advanced work of this presentation of the founding of the nation period was concerned with a move toward have motivated architectural and urban a stricter form of Palladianism as advised design proposals in for nearly by Lord Burlington and Colen Campbell. a century. Despite significant debate to the It is not surprising that Independence Hall contrary, the soon to be replaced present is influenced by the earlier and somewhat setting, planned and built in the 1950s and more casual compositional tendencies 1960s, misrepresents the historic urban associated with the seventeenth-century context that supported and evolved from work of Christopher Wren and Sir Roger these great ideas. Attempts to alter the Pratt.3 public understanding of Independence Hall through urban design raise powerful The vehicle for this sensibility was questions of authenticity, ambiguity and probably James Gibbs’ Book of interpretation. of 1728. 4 The design is credited to the lawyer , The State House (1732-1748), who worked with Edmund Wooley, a now known as Independence Hall, member of the Carpenter’s Company. Its sheltered the signing of the Declaration of most memorable feature is the tower that Independence in 1776 and the crafting of was added to the south in 1753 and is the Constitution in 1787. It widely thought to be influenced by that of became the principal element of one of Wren’s St. Mary le-Bow in London (1670- America’s first civic centers when Congress 83).5 Hall and Hall (also the first home of the Supreme Court) were built adjacent to From the beginning the it and the Walnut Street Jail was building exhibited some constructed to the south across ambiguity between front Independence Square.1 and back, reflective of its country house model Despite its crucial role in momentous where a formal face national events, the complex served most could be expected to yield to a garden Independence Hall, of its useful life as a municipal facility. facade. In Philadelphia the north or front north elevation, 1774 context of Independence Hall was Courtesy Independence Within a few years the federal government National Historical Park departed to the District of Columbia and uncontrolled, while the south context was the state government moved, eventually carefully controlled from the beginning to Harrisburg. By 1818, the buildings had through Independence Square. According become surplus state property and were to one of its principal restorers, Penelope purchased by the City of Philadelphia, Batchelor: “One gets the feeling that they which used them uneventfully until late in were more comfortable in handling the the nineteenth century when the city rear facade with its traditional and tried government moved to a new city hall.2 details, while at the front one senses the Thus deprived of a function, the complex use of untried elements remembered from entered fully the process that links elsewhere or borrowed from some book.”6 architecture and urban design in the Although Independence Hall seems small production of monuments and shrines. today, when built it was a large and monumental structure relative to the Architecture: Independence Hall modest row houses of the city. It includes only two floors, but they are tall ones, the Independence Hall reflects a typically facade rising 45 feet above the sidewalk. derivative and blurred approach to the The main building is only 107 feet wide, crucial questions of architectural thinking but the complex was planned to span the in early eighteenth-century Britain. The entire block. As to its design, the verdict of history has the last century. been decidedly mixed. It was characterized by a local historian as “an outstanding Urban Design: Representations and example of colonial Georgian public Expectations architecture,” while John Summerson rather misleadingly criticized it for This dissonance was vastly amplified as the aspirations that its makers probably did growth of the city re-contextualized not have: “The Pennsylvania State House Independence Hall. It was located at the (Independence Hall) at Philadelphia (1729- city’s western edge in 1732, but as rapid 34) represents the prevailing style for such growth occurred in the nineteenth buildings—a Palladianism totally lacking in century, the city would surround and erase scholarship and virtuous only by a Independence Hall’s original combination of chance and instinct.”7 neighborhood. By 1900 this condition would be obvious to all—a two-story, red Lewis Mumford found it evocative of larger brick and white window framed questions: eighteenth-century “Wrennaissance” palazzo embedded in the brash and Independence Hall and its adjacent competitive urban fabric of the mercantile structures are examples of Georgian decency city. In 1908 an architect observed that and quiet dignity, without a touch of the across from Independence Hall there was a grandiose. The scale of the chief structure, “row of buildings whose diversity is only two stories high, is as domestic as that of surpassed by their ugliness.”9 Mount Vernon, and far more so than some of Jefferson's later classic mansions; it was this homely, non-classic, almost anti-classic quality in Georgian work that Jefferson despised.8

Colonial architecture lacked the sophistication of contemporary English building. It was conservative and carpenterly not , architecture. The building itself is filled with indications of the mixed feelings of its makers about monumentality, order, precedent, composition and the vernacular. This is not surprising for talented but inexperienced individuals working in an uncritical environment. And it is not entirely dissimilar from the situation of the founders of the nation, self-made men embarking on a prodigious task with only But even more important than the actual The State House in 1778, their collective learning to rely upon. dissonance was the symbolic dissonance: from a drawing of that date by C.W. Peale, corrected by W.J. Breton The romantic interpretation of early Views of Independence Hall,... were sold in Courtesy Historical American architecture suggests that it quantity. The nation's painters and Society of Pennsylvania somehow expresses architecturally the printmakers created in the public's mind an egalitarian politics of the nation. idealistic “Cradle of Liberty” isolated form the Independence Hall actually reflects the rest of the world, a vignette that floated on a styles and controversies of the British Isles, cloud. By comparison, photographs of the attenuated by a less sophisticated building real Independence Hall came as shock; it was industry and a lag time in the flow of surrounded by uninspired commercial information and taste. Consequently, there buildings. To conform the reality to the pre- is a built-in dissonance between its photographic fantasy, a scheme to frame the architectural meaning and its symbolic Hall with a spacious plaza was proposed... meaning. Whether to eliminate this but it was another generation before a... condition or take notice of it is the essence vignette like image would be created with of the question that citizens, architects and Independence Mall.10 urban designers have been addressing for

In 1915, architects Albert Kelsey and D. Independence Mall was thus transformed Knickerbacker Boyd proposed a “reviewing from a Beaux Arts plan to a Modern plan. square” in front of Independence Hall. An opportunity was seen to address what Their design was the first of fifteen was perceived as the long-term economic schemes for a new setting for decline of the area due to what was Independence Hall that would be considered obsolete infrastructure. The produced over the next eighty-one years. mall became a way to revitalize the area Kelsey and Boyd went on to identify the and encourage major businesses to invest four motivations that would define future in it. Ultimately this would entail the razing debate on the subject: creating a fitting of five adjacent blocks to provide sites for setting for Independence Hall, reducing three new office buildings, including one the fire hazard, reducing congestion and for the Federal Reserve, a federal building beautifying the entire quadrant of the city. and courthouse, and a new mint.13

Kelsey and Boyd’s proposal was This new approach was both the result of characterized by a consistent application and an attraction to a remarkable pair of of the internationally accepted norms of men who provided the leadership for it. Beaux Arts design, as well as a modesty Judge Edwin O. Lewis had done much of brought about by both an explicit the organization and lobbying work recognition of the scale of Independence necessary to bring the concept forward in Hall and the probable awareness of the the 40s. In post-war Philadelphia he met absence of any mechanism to acquire a and commenced working with the new large amount of property. Later Jacques director of , , who Greber (1924 and 1930) and Paul Phillipe sought a massive renewal of the eastern Cret (1928) would produce schemes part of the city.14 similar in scope.11

By 1937 Roy Larson, who had worked with both Boyd and Cret, had prepared a drawing that would completely recast the project. In a breathtaking application of Beaux Arts principles, Larson linked the city’s most precious historic treasure, Independence Hall, with its newest public work—the River Bridge (1926), now called the Bridge, in a sequence of open spaces extending five blocks north from Independence Hall to the bridge plaza and beyond to Callowhill Street. This scheme was loosely patterned on the Place de la Carrière in Nancy.12 Again, nothing happened immediately, but a threshold had been crossed toward giganticism and formality.

Urban Design: Implementation Independence Hall, view Through the a new to north, 1952 conceptual element entered the scene. Courtesy Independence With the commencement of World War II, The effort to re-contextualize National Historic Park there was a heightened sense of Independence Hall to the north was patriotism and urgency toward the combined with a remaking of the area to protection of national monuments. Victory the east by removing many of the brought an increased role for the U.S. in buildings that were thought to be world leadership that, to many, crowding the eighteenth-century demanded a more significant architectural monuments. This effort would result in the recognition of the nation’s founding. purification of the Independence National

Park to an historically incorrect landscape The increasingly monumental interests of that preserved only the monuments of the local architects found a resonance with eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries new legislation. The idea of but without much context. It resulted in Top: Plan for Independence Square, 1874 Courtesy Independence National Historic Park

Bottom: Jacques Greber plan, 1924 Courtesy Free Library of Philadelphia

too much in Philadelphia. I [would] hate to see Independence Hall in splendid isolation, landscaped like a rest room.”16 The Peterson position would be succinctly put later by others:

The Independence Hall project is one of the outstanding examples of national interest in the preservation of our architectural heritage, but it differs from the Williamsburg and Old Deerfield projects in that it is located in a city that has grown continuously; hence it is highly artificial to restore the area back to a given date as though there had been no subsequent development....17

The second advocate of a more balanced the destruction of such significant approach was Lewis Mumford, who buildings as an early skyscraper, the Jayne became interested in the issue while Building by William Johnston and Thomas teaching at Penn: U. Walter of 1850, and the Provident Life and Trust of 1879, one of Furness’ finest If Mr. Peterson's wise lead is followed, the works. general rehabilitation of this area will not bring about a reign of compulsive Pushed hard by Judge Lewis, the Park Colonialism. There will be, rather, a wider Service had placed itself in an impossible variety of buildings, carried over from the urbanistic bind: having declared the past or newly built, each representing a nineteenth-century buildings built after significant moment in our national 1840 superfluous, while simultaneously development. Only after 1840 did a truly proscribing the notion of reconstructing indigenous architecture spring up in any of the eighteenth-century context, it American, and one of the merits of Mr. guaranteed that a falsely bucolic setting Peterson's approach is that it would insure would be the only possible result. the preservation of at least one of Frank Commenting on subsequent preservation Furness' characteristic works in this area.18 and environmental legislation a historian would later write: “...the National Park On this point the advocates of purification, Service can never again destroy so much however, won the issue. The Furness bank of the historic fabric of a city in order to and many other significant nineteenth- create an artificial vision of the past.”15 century structures were razed and to this day the park remains focused upon “the The First Battle Over Purification founding of the nation from 1775 to 1800.”19 The emerging tendency toward purification was not uncontested. Two On the subject of the Mall and its axis, powerful advocates for a more sensitive both Mumford and Peterson were again in approach came forward. The first was agreement: Charles Peterson, a park service architect The proposed creation of grand mall on who argued passionately for incorporating the axis of Independence Hall in the nineteenth century into the emerging Philadelphia threatens to disrupt the park. He prepared a report in 1947 that eighteenth century character of this drew upon other strong advocates of unique building. This is not to say that the contextual preservation, as, for example, present adjoining buildings form a suitable Hans Huth: “I hope they won’t pull down setting for the cradle of the republic, but it would [be] equally inept to impose a grandiose neoclassical or Grand Prix parti [The mall is an] empty, barren wasteland on it.20 that is a blundering, villainous, oversized beaux arts rupture of the City's historic, Mumford focused on the failure of the human-scaled fabric. Feigned City Beautiful designers: artifact, with no soul and no heart, and The problem of designing a pleasant and littered with meaningless, lifeless, ersatz fitting approach to a building whose design elements. Little used because it architectural boasts are much more modest has little function. Anti-urban barrier to than its historical claims is so new that one exploring the larger historic district. A should not be cast down because this first monstrous, disingenously conceived, exploration was tempted down a visual alley spuriously reasoned, theoretical that turned out to be a blind one...The proper “construct” which debases, rather than key for such a design is not wholly a visual hallows, Independence Hall and the one. The designers would have come out founding spirit of this country.24 better if they had thought not of a modernized baroque scheme but of the little The Second Battle Over Purification shrine itself, what it means and in what mood and for what purpose the visitor Yet another confrontation between approaches it.21 the advocates of Beaux Arts purified monumentality and those of Evaluation Mumford’s complex ambiguity was set in motion when in 1995 the Pew With the completion of the mall in [year], Foundation retained Venturi Scott these issues would be put to sleep for Brown and Associates (VSBA) to almost twenty years. There were a number provide preliminary design and of evaluations of the mall, none of them planning services for a new visitors’ particularly good. Even Judge Lewis center on the mall. Denise Scott questioned the quality of the result: “I Brown began VSBA’s only public sometimes wonder if I’ve created a presentation with an image of Frankenstein's monster, whether it’s used Independence Hall in its pre-mall enough to justify (the extra blocks).... I go urban context. Robert Venturi quoted by there and I see it all empty and think, Mumford in a memorandum that ‘Now what did you create that for? Maybe included this analysis of the gridiron you overdid it.’”22 plan of the city:

In the mid 90s the City of Philadelphia ACKNOWLEDGING THE GENIUS OF engaged in the first serious evaluation of PENN'S GRIDIRON PLAN its attractiveness as a tourist destination. The results were deeply disturbing. Studies The genius of Philadelphia's gridiron consistently showed that visitors came to plan (which was to become the Philadelphia for short visits numbered in prototype for the American City) lies in hours, not the days envisioned by the its elemental juxtaposition—that of planners. explicitly varied configurations of building types and forms evolving This effort coincided with the optionally over time that are development of a new general juxtaposed within an original street management plan for the park. The park layout that is essentially consistent in its service produced a thorough study of the geometric configuration. Here is mall in a document titled Cultural exemplified order combining with Landscape Report Independence Mall, individuality, simplicity which assessed and rejected all possible accommodating complexity...25 bases for valuing the mall as an historic or cultural artifact: “The mall as Aware of the modest scale of the constructed...cannot be considered to be a Beaux Arts schemes prior to 1937, and significant representative work of the City of Giurgola’s efforts to confront the Beautiful movement, of Beaux Arts design, scale problem in 1976, VSBA Roy Larson plan, 1938 or of International Style design.”23 Or, as a proposed a scheme as radical in its Courtesy city planner would put more bluntly: own way as Larson’s. The visitor's Independence National Historic Park

VISTA OBSESSION AND THE IRONIC HUMILIATION OF INDEPENDENCE HALL

it is important to acknowledge the specific shortcomings of Independence Mall in its current manifestation and as originally planned--that 1) IT COMPOSES A POMPOUS-BAROQUE AXIS IN A KIND OF VACUOUS-SPECIOUS VILLE RADIEUSE AND THAT 2) IT center would align east-west—with the CREATES AN IRONICALLY DEMEANING City Planning city axis—and most crucially south of SETTING FOR INDEPENDENCE HALL AS Commission rendering Market Street, decisively closing the vista ARCHITECTURE AND AS SHRINE. (Howe Hough of the Mall and incorporating a Livingston replacement to the existing Liberty Referring implicitly to the language Larson), 1956 pavilion. of urban design implied by Mumford Courtesy Philadelphia some forty years earlier, VSBA asked: City Planning The scheme combined a low-key south Commission elevation facing Independence Hall with Is Bacon unaware of the vital urban an electronic “mural-frieze within the tradition of gradual revelation—as in glass-faced gallery extending the length of your perception of the majority of the block”26 on the north side. This scheme palaces and churches that are along meant a complete rebuilding of the first streets in Rome and that you approach block. At the same time VSBA also, and obliquely—and of glorious surprise— reluctantly, proposed a an alternative as with the palaces and churches on scheme placing a building with a similar piazzas in Rome you suddenly come footprint north of Market Street, thus onto? How has he ignored this leaving the first block relatively established tradition as he debases the untouched. This caught the attention of genius loci of the gridiron city he is a Edmund Bacon, who launched a vigorous prominent citizen of and an alleged campaign to save the axis. Bacon argued expert on.29 that: Our forbears at great expense to the The reaction of concerned public taxpayers, destroyed three blocks of officials and professionals was mixed. buildings to give Independence Hall a Bacon was not the only one who felt foreground of open space,.... To disrupt this the south of Market site was too continuity now would be a crime against close, although the vast majority of history and cultural sensibility...I feel deeply architects thought the mall to be a that any obstruction of the central open mistake. To still other officials it space of Independence Mall would be a seemed like a tempest in a teapot, a terrible cultural blunder ...27 large-scale 1960s urban renewal battle in reverse. A newspaper Bacon built a model of his scheme and editorial reported on the result: aggressively sought the support of the Director of the National Park Service: Architects hired by Pew [VSBA] favored the Mall's first block, with visitor center The way things are going now this can near or even encompassing the Liberty become pretty nasty. There is a pleasant and Bell. That rightly set off alarms among gentlemanly way out of this...I suggest that some planners and Mall devotees [read you thank me ... for producing such a fine Bacon]... . Planners at the Park Service personal vision for the development of [are] recommending that the visitor Independence Mall. ...my plan is carefully center go in the middle block, and that considered and unified. Your casual makes far more sense.30 scatteration of numbers is worthless.28

VSBA completed its work and has Venturi Scott Brown These efforts ultimately brought the had no further involvement in the Associates proposal, following response from VSBA: project. The rationale of the next 1996 Graphic: Venturi Scott Brown Associates design plan that grew out of the ashes of these efforts is described in this issue by Laurie Olin, one of its authors. Each of the major buildings has now been designed: the National Constitution Center by Henry Cobb, Pew’s Visitor’s Center by Michael McKinnell, and the new pavilion by Bohlin, Cywinski, Jackson.

Although a detailed assessment of these works might best await their completion, it seems appropriate to consider how the present narrative might motivate new critical investigations. Two issues seem provocative now: First, although the VSBA and Olin/Cywinski schemes differ fundamentally in their strategies, they are both seen by their authors as anti-imperial. Will the new scheme as built enable the public to experience the multiple readings that it clearly aspires to? Second, the National Constitution Center, which reads as a reworking of the East Wing of the National Gallery by the same firm, seems to be the least sensitive to the aspirations of the final urban design. Will it serve remind us that, in cases of national image, recognized monumental languages almost always trump hard won locally inflected complexity?

Figure ground, Figure ground, Independence Independence Mall, 1998 Mall master plan Graphics: Olin Partnership

Notes 1 Richard Webster, Philadelphia Preserved 13 Ibid., 133-134 (Philadelphia: Temple, 1976) 77-79. Charles Peterson, “Philadelphia’s New National 14 Ibid., 41-44. and 75 Park,” Eightieth Annual Report (Philadelphia: Fairmount Park Art 15 Constance Greiff, Independence, The Association, 1952), 20 Creation of a National Park (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania, 1987), 77-112, 2 Webster, 78 267

3 This paragraph follows Giles Worsley, 16 Hans Huth, quoted in Charles Peterson, Classical Architecture in Britain (New Haven: “A Preliminary Report, June 1947: The Yale University Press, 1995), 112-128 Philadelphia Shrines National Park Commission,” 13 4 James Gibbs, A Book of Architecture (London: 1728; reprint, : 17 Caroll L. V. Meeks, letter to Judge Edwin Benjamin Blom, 1968), 64 O. Lewis, 25 September 1956 INDE archives, quoted in Cultural Landscape 5 John A. Gallery, Philadelphia Architecture Report, 149 (Cambridge, Mass: MIT Press, 1984), 247 18 Mumford, 203 6 Penelope Hartshorne Batchelor, “Independence Hall: Its Appearance 19 Abbreviated Final General Management Restored” in Peterson, ed. Building Early Plan, Environmental Impact Statement, America (Radnor, Pa: Chilton, 1976), 299 Independence National Historical Park (Denver: United States Park Service, March 7 Daniel Webster, Philadelphia Preserved 1997), 1-9 (Philadelphia: Temple, 1976), 77, and John Summerson, Architecture in Britain, 1530- 20 Turpin Bannister, Chair of AIA national 1830 (Middlesex: Penguin, 1953, 1969), 339 committee on the preservation of monuments, 1947, quoted in Charles 8 Lewis Mumford, The Highway in the City Peterson, “Philadelphia’s New National (New York: Harcourt Brace, 1953, 1963), Park,” in Proceedings of the Eightieth 184. On Mumford’s outlook, see Robin Fairmount Park Art Association Evans, The Projective Cast (Cambridge: MIT, (Philadelphia: 1952), 16 1995) 73 21 Mumford, 193 9 Huger Elliot, “Architecture in Philadelphia and a Coming Age,” Architectural Record 23 22 Judge Edwin O. Lewis from the original (April 1908) 299-300, quoted in Kathleen interview by Eleanor Prescott, 19 January Cook, “The Creation of Independence 1971, pp. 31-33 quoted in Cultural National Historical Park and Independence Landscape Report, 152 Mall,” M.A. thesis, University of Pennsylvania, 1989, 172, quoted in Deirdre 23 Cultural Landscape Report, 147 Gibson, et. al., Cultural Landscape Report Independence Mall (Denver: National Park 24 An anonymous city planner, 1997 Service, 1994,) 22 25 Robert Venturi, “Redesign of 10 Kenneth Finkel, Philadelphia Then and Independence Mall with Visitor Center: Now (New York: Dover, 1988), 78 VSBA’s Preliminary Analysis and Conceptual Design: Scheme A,” 11 Albert Kelsey, INDE Archives, IHA, Boyd copyrighted memorandum to National Coll. Box 1 1915 Colonnade Plan, quoted in Park Service, September, 1996, 1 Cultural Landscape Report, 24. On Greber and Cret, see Cultural Landscape Report, 26- 26 Venturi, 2 30 27 Edmund N. Bacon, letter to the editor of 12 Cultural Landscape Report, 39-40 the Philadelphia Inquirer, 5 February, 1995

28 Bacon, letter to Roger Kennedy, Director of the National Park Service, 7 October 1995, published in Abbreviated Final General Management Plan, Environmental Impact Statement, Independence National Historic Park (Denver: National Park Service, March 1997), 4-93

29 Venturi, 8-9

30 Editorial, Philadelphia Inquirer, 11 September 1996