sign in sign up
<<
Home , Darjeeling tea

CHAPTER-IV

EXPANSION OF PLANTATIONS IN COLONIAL

The purpose of this Chapter is to explore the impacts of commercial tea plantations on the forested lands and the landscape and on the socio-economic and material conditions of people living in Darjeeling hills. Darjeeling had been the first location in Colonial Bengal to have been penetrated by the tea plantation on a large scale since the mid of the nineteenth century. In the initial years, the growth was simply phenomenal in the wake of large colonial capital investment. The expansion and growth of tea plantation in Darjeeling had been a moment of history created in the mid-fifties of nineteenth century; credit must go to imperial science, European entrepreneurship, knowledge, wisdom and management skill at the one end as well as innumerable hardship of neighboring human labors on the other. Till then, tea continued to be the backbone of the economy of Darjeeling hills and (Foot hills) with the resultant consequences on the lands, landscape and demographic configurations.

With the expansion of commercial tea plantations in Darjeeling hills, the natural forest wealth had been subjected to virtual plunder. In fact, the idea of forest conservation and application of scientific forestry reached in Darjeeling at later decade, when a large area of forest land was alienated for tea plantation. Natural dense forest at the initial years was considered to be as an obstruction to development of physical infrastructures and commercial expansion of tea. The realization of optimal revenue had been the priority of the East Company. Consequentially, by the late fifties of the nineteenth century, sixty percent of the forest cover had been cleared for development purposes including expansion of tea gardens. The rapid and continuous depletion of forested zone, extensive deforestation produced irreconcilable balance in the human-nature relations giving rise to

122

continuous soil erosion, innumerable landslides, devastating floods in the foot-hills and the plains. The depletion of forests resulted massive degradation of the ecologically fragile Darjeeling hills.1

The establishment of first commercial , Tukvar tea Estate at the Lebong spur by the British owned in 1856 heralded the beginning of a new era in the Darjeeling hills by exercising new mode of natural resource use necessary for much needed economic growth.2 The then prevalent nature of subsistence economy, mostly based on barter economy, with few exceptions of briskly Tibetan trade and a few of East-West Himalayan mountain trade, was radically transformed to monetized economy due to of colonial capital in commercial tea plantations. Tea plantation capitalism in the mid of nineteenth century Darjeeling had substituted the landless labors to wage earning workers.

Brief Review of Plantations in Colonial India

The history of tea in India is intrinsically associated with England, however, at the initial few centuries, the British imperial science and knowledge system did not have contribution to the development of tea plantation or tea manufacturing but England was proved to be the number one country as consumer of tea exported from China. It was the Dutch traders who first brought to European in 1606. The first written British reference to tea dates back to 1615 as made by an agent of the East India Company in Japan.3 Garraway’s House in Exchange Alley, London, has been credited with being the first public place to serve tea. By 1660’s, the East India Company as the biggest trading company got interested in tea trading with China and had arrived in Canton and Amoy and initiated direct tea trade with China by 1669. At the initial years tea drinking had been purely restricted to the British royal and aristocratic society. By the mid of 18th Century social gatherings called ‘tea parties’ became common among the middle classes. The agricultural and industrial

123

revolutions of the 18th and 19th Centuries helped improve the living standards of many people in England. One index of rising domestic comfort was the habit of tea drinking among these people. As the popularity of tea increased gradually among all classes in society more tea was imported. By the beginning of nineteenth century, the habit of tea drinking by all classes was firmly established. Till such period, china remained as the only source of supply.4

With the passage of time, the danger and vulnerability of the exclusive dependence on China tea became apparent. It was to overcome the growing subordination to China that the East India Company turned to India and deployed company officials having knowledge of Botanical science, agro climatic conditions and the tropical and temperate condition of soil fit for the growth of tea for ensuring a steady and reliable supply of cheap and uncontaminated tea. The primary concern of the East India Company was to assure its commercial interest as it had enjoyed the monopoly of tea import from China into England since 1715. The EIC’s problems with China tea were essentially three-fold: (i) uncertainty about regular supply; (ii) unsatisfactory price structure and (iii) deteriorating quality.5

In China, tea could only be purchased at Canton and the entire tea market in the port was in the hands of a few Chinese merchants forming ‘Kong-soo” or guild flanked by powerful local Chinese Officials. The East India Company regarded this arrangement very unsatisfactory and experienced with humiliating situations. The occasional suspension of trade by the Chinese authorities with East India Company had made the issue worst. The matter reached its culmination when EIC tea trading monopoly with China was withdrawn in 1833. Another problem was with the China had been the growing price of tea at the whims of monopolistic traders in China, mostly Hong Merchants. As a result, the price of tea in England along with the other parts of the British Empire experienced an unprecedented rise. The sharp deterioration in China tea was considered inferior.6

124

In addition to the above problems, the EIC had to face growing threat of American competition in China trade – a trade in which the East India Company and a few British merchants had been the sole distributors of Chinese goods throughout the world for many years. When in 1832, Isaac Mckim, a Bultimore merchant built a vessel, specially designed for China trade, the British felt threatened. What made the matter worst was that the American duty was remained always lower than the British duty. Americans traders could offer a better price than the British to the Chinese. In a memorial to Sir Robert Peel, the East India Association of Glasgow laid down the growing menace of American competition:

“formidable and increasing competition with American Merchants to which British interests are exposed in the China market, not only as regards the cheaply manufactured cotton goods of America, of certain fabrics, but more especially in connection with the subject of this memorial as competitors in obtaining for return. In the U.S. the duty on tea is trifling: consequently American can afford to purchase teas at higher prices for their manufactures in bartering them for teas, a mode of dealing common in China. It has indeed long been a matter or notoriety that the American merchants have the choice of all the better qualities of green teas whether by barter or by purchase: this is therefore a point of which importance, connected with the tea duties, as justly merits on the part of the Government the most solicitude”.7

All this was very disconcerting, especially at a time when the demand for tea was increasing not only in England but throughout the Empire. The EIC did have no option in finding alternative places in the Empire especially in India for tea cultivation. Meanwhile, investigations were conducted in different parts of the Himalayan region to find areas suitable for tea cultivation. In 1815, Colonel Latter of the British Army, then posted in Upper , reported on the tea drinking habits of the

125

Singpho tribes. At about the same period, Dr. Gordon, Superintendent, Botanical Garden at , North West Provinces, suggested the district of North to be suitable for tea plantations. Nearly half a century’s efforts, sporadic and unsystematic, had so far been proved unsuccessful. Ultimately, after roughly a decade, the desired objective was gained to find out ideal site for the tea plant in India.8

The soil and climatic conditions in the UK were quite unfavourable for tea cultivation. Since tea formed such an important item in the British consumption, the British government and traders had taken a more direct and intensive interest than in the case of most other tropical products. Because of its importance in the British balance of payments, the governments of Great Britain and British India rendered all sorts of direct help for the promotion of tea industry in India. The policy of the British government was to make Britain independent of foreign, that is, non-imperial supplies of tea. The court of directors of the East India Company made all efforts to foster the tea industry in India, where, from all respects, the condition was supposed to be the best for its cultivation and manufacture. In 1838 the first Indian consignment of 488 lb of tea was sent to the UK and received high praise and attention.

The number of gardens and land under cultivation began to increase only after 1854, when the existing restrictions on leasing out of land to European planters were relaxed by the promulgation of Waste Land Rules of 1854 by the government of India. It lured many big sterling and rupee companies, and during the following five years the tea industry in India made a steady progress. The successful working of these companies and the nominal rents charged for the waste lands engendered in time a spirit of speculation. The speculation and the rapid extension of cultivation between 1863 and 1865 led to a depression during 1865-75. Thereafter, the industry took a favourable turn, and the companies which paid due regard to cultivation and management of gardens made handsome profit. By the 1880s the

126

drinking of Indian was firmly established in the UK and by producing better quality with a relatively low price India displaced Chinese black tea and became a leading tea producer and exporter in the world market. The unique aroma of Darjeeling tea provided for additional momentum to this growth.

British government recognised that Indian tea planting community had been one of the most important factors in the Empire and their voice was worthy of being heard in the Council of States in 1893. The government of British India offered more easy terms of land settlement in the rules of 1861 than the Waste Land Rules of 1854 to the British planters. Labour Emigration Legislation Acts of 1863, 1865, 1873, 1882 and 1901 empowered the British tea planters in India to recruit the labourers for gardens as indentured labour. The availability of land at very low price to the planters placed an elastic limit on the size of the tea estates. From the very beginning of tea plantation in India both central and provincial governments of Bengal and Assam bore the major part of expenditure on scientific research and were constantly pressed by the ITA to increase their annual grants. More- over, the claims of the agriculture and industry to representing the planting interests in the Viceroy's Legislative Council were recognised by the Indian Council Acts of 1892.9

Before 1886 there were sporadic and transient attempts to advertise Indian tea, but real co-operative effort to advertise Indian tea in America was started in connection with the Chicago Exhibition of 1893. India's co-operative publicity campaign began at Brussels Exhibition in 1888, while it was started in Ceylon in 1879. From 1894 British tea planters of India and Ceylon jointly started to push sales of their teas in America. Meanwhile, India's voluntary foreign market (market which developed without any special effort on behalf of the Indian tea industry) was meeting with less and less support and agitation began really about 1897 in favour of cess, the proceeds of which would be used for market development. In 1899 India

127

discontinued all advertisements in America except for some general advertising of India tea with that of in the newspapers only, for which a contribution was made by the planters.10

The initiative of developing tea within the British Empire in India came from the highest office, Lord William Bentinck, Governor General of India. In 1833, he proposed in his famous Minutes to the Court on East India Company, that a committee should be formed to investigate the possibility of growing tea in India. Resultantly, a Tea committee with all nominated members by the Governor General was appointed on February 1, 1834. The Committee members were chosen primarily from the officials of the East India Company in Calcutta and five Indian and British businessmen. The Indian businessmen in Calcutta such as Ram Kamal Sen and Radha Kanta Dev were nominated in the Committee as members.11 The terms of references of the Committee were: (1) There were in India areas with climatic and soil conditions similar to Chinese tea growing regions. (2) Once these regions were identified, cuttings of true and best descriptions of tea plants brought from china should be cultivated there. (3) For the cultivation and preparation of tea, it was essential to obtain skilled labour and implements from China.

Accordingly, local officials stationed in the mountainous regions were asked to supply the necessary information to the Committee. At the same time, George Games Gordon, the Secretary of the Committee, was sent to China for the purpose of securing tea plants, seeds, skilled technicians and tea manufacturing equipments. The East India Company sent another expert, R. Fortune to China for further study of the tea cultivation and manufacturing processes in China. In fact Fortune was sent twice in China, first in 1848 and second was in 1856 and he reported back to the Government that soil condition and climate of western and Eastern suit well for tea.12 Out of many replies in the form of information sent by the officials from different parts of India, the most interesting one was of the reply of Captain

128

Francis Jenkins, then Agent to the Governor General for the North Eastern Frontier Province, where he claims that tea plants could be indigenous to that part of the country. In the meanwhile, from China, Gordon was able to send seeds of tea plants that the tea committee distributed for cultivation in Assam, Kumaon and its neighbouring hill districts and the Madras Presidency. The next task was to act on Jenkin’s suggestion. A team of Scientists was nominated by the committee for the purpose of visiting Assam not only to confirm the indignity but also to collect on the spot the greatest variety procurable of botanical, geological and other details before ulterior measures may be successfully taken with regard to the cultivation of the tea shrub in India. 13 The Committee appointed C.A. Bruce, then Commander of Gunboats in Assam, as Superintendent of to take charge of the government’s experimental nurseries for developing tea plantations in Upper Assam. Tea Cultivation in India by the East India Company had thus become a successful venture.14

From the very beginning, the suggestion of the Tea Committee was readily accepted by the Government that after ascertaining the practicality of producing tea fit for commercial purposes, it could safely be left to individual enterprise to pursue the business as an object of speculation. Meanwhile, the resources of the state were to be devoted to initiating, nursing and developing the tea industry. Accordingly in May 1836, C.A. Bruse was promoted to the post of Superintendent of tea forests on a salary of Rs.400 per month.15 After many months of superhuman toil in the unhealthy forest regions, Bruce was able to send his first tea sample with the help of a batch of Chinese tea manufacturers. By March, 1838, the Tea Committee was in a position to inform the Government of India that 12 Boxes of were ready to be sent to the Court of Directors in London and in the first auction of Indian tea held in London, India made tea was sold at a price much above that of comparable Chinese tea.16 When the commercial possibility of tea cultivation in India was established, there had been

129

excitement among businessmen in Calcutta and London. Two merchants from Assam and Dwarkanath Tagore formed Assam Company in 1839 as the first joint stock company. Tea cultivation in British India depended greatly on the action of the Government of Bengal in relation to labour, and it is to be believed that they were fully aware of the importance of fostering, instead of obstructing, the cultivation of the tea plant. Considering the amount of capital engaged in its development, and the revenue derived from what was a few years ago mere waste land, it was assumed that the recommendations of the committee appointed on the tea cultivation of India would be carried out, and the competition between the Government engineers making roads, &c., and the planters cease. The Government imports the labour they require for their works, and the rate of wages had become nearly reduced. The planters in the upper provinces including Darjeeling hills have only to abandon the senseless competition hitherto existing, to benefit likewise. The employment of machinery for manufacture of the tea and the cultivation of the soil, together with rigid economy in the expenditure, was now being generally introduced and enforced, and the cultivation of tea in British India ought to have the future.17

Expansion of Tea Plantations in Darjeeling

For Darjeeling, with the development of commercial tea plantations, the economic development of the region had been coincided. From economic viewpoint, the idea of making Darjeeling as a sanatoria and military station was placed in the back seat, let alone the triumphant tea as a commercial cash crop connecting Darjeeling with European market if not with global market. By 1861 both railways and roadways connecting Darjeeling with the plains and subsequent arteries roads connecting tea gardens were put in place. Tea Plantation opened up new employment opportunities in a land once clothed with forests where a very low number of people lived a life on natural subsistence economy.18

130

The credit for bringing this obscure place onto India’s economic map goes to the British led tea industry. Not only small numbers of indigenous inhabitants were engaged in employment in tea gardens, but also thousands of people from neighboring Eastern immigrated to Darjeeling hills for accessing new employment opportunities in the tea plantation. For assuring uninterrupted labour supply in the expanding labour intensive tea industry, the system of having indentured labour was never adopted in Darjeeling, on the contrary the system of indentured labour was practiced in Assam tea plantations because for them, labours had to be imported from different parts of central India.

For the plantations in Darjeeling, mostly, immigrant workers came from Nepal. The chronic unemployment prevailing in Nepal due to overthrow of large chunk of Nepali population belonging to the lowest strata of hierarchically structured caste driven society of Hindu Nepal; the age old tradition of the landless Nepalese leaving home in search for employment in India, the proximity of Darjeeling to Eastern part of Nepal and the similarity in the climatic and physiographic conditions – all combined to facilitate movement of labour from Nepal to the plantations of Darjeeling. The Nepalese labourers immigrated on their own initiative being affected by push factors and attracted by the pull factors. The plantation management did not have to engage recruiting agency. At the initial few years, a good chunk of immigrated labours went back to Nepal, but in course of time, being assured to live with families, majority of them settled down in Darjeeling as permanent residents.19

Such immigration had remained continuous and rapid in between the decades of 1850’s and 1930’s. Most of such people started working as unskilled labour force as plantation workers. A good number of skilled labours was engaged in tea plantation as clerks, managers etc. Tea provided ancillary employment opportunities in the making of chest tea, ply wood and tea packaging and such other

131

businesses and trades linked with the tea industry. 20 In fact Nepali population in Darjeeling had outnumbered all other population settled there since the beginning of 1880’s.

Despite the contribution of tea plantation to the economic development in Darjeeling hills, the expanding tea plantations had huge adverse impacts on geo-ecological and socio-economic condition of people. The enhancing expansion or the rapidly growing tea gardens – just from one estate in 1856 to thirty-nine in 1866, one hundred and thirteen in 1874 and one hundred eighty six in 1905, had led to large- scale deforestation, landslides, soil erosion, loss of wild life, adverse changes in the Darjeeling’s bio diversity.21 Darjeeling hill tract was once a land with extensive vegetation and dense forests were deforested with the clearance of forests as the rapid expansion of tea plantations in the region began.22 Around the same time, the construction of hill connecting Terai and Darjeeling upto Lebong Cantonment and construction of cobweb of link roads connecting tea gardens by earth cutting, blasting of rocks had weakened the slopes of the hills, soil erosions and landslides causing large scale environmental degradation.23 Moreover, the use of pesticides, herbicides and fertilizers caused contamination of river/streams and degradation of land.24

The maximum growth of immigrated population resulted in increased unemployment in tea plantations and affected adversely the sustainable livelihoods of all plantation workers. The population overgrowth led to massive depletion of natural resources such as forests, vegetations and land. Random cutting of forest wood for fuel and slope lands were indiscriminately used for cultivation, thereby accentuated further damages to local ecology. Additional pressure on land and water resulted environmental degradation25 and deteriorated the socio-economic conditions of hill people.26 The increased human settlement added to the vulnerability of Darjeeling hills.27

132

By 1840’s, Darjeeling, an obscure piece of hill tract did no longer remain a land of anomaly as the British established firm political consolidation on Darjeeling. By 1839, Col. Llyod, the first Agent of the East India Company and the Chief Officer to negotiate with the king of , was replaced by Dr. Cambell as the First Superintendant of Darjeeling. Along with other designated officers for tea plantation research elsewhere in India, Dr. Cambell, a Member of Company’s Medical Service was eager and interested to experiment tea plantation in Darjeeling hill area. It is important to mention that Brian Houghton Hodgson, the Resident of Nepal, introduced tea cultivation into the Himalayas, establishing a plot in the Residency garden using seeds obtained from China by Kashmiri merchants. Dr. Campbell remained Assistant Resident, Nepal at that time till he joined as Superintendant, Darjeeling in 1839. Dr. Campbell’s repeated experiment in Darjeeling leading to the establishment of commercial tea estates by 1852.28

Dr. Cambell’s successful experiment with tea plants in the backyard of his Bungalow and the achievement in implementing first tea plantation for commercial purposes heralded a new era of colonial political economy in Darjeeling. We find from report dated 28th April 1853 of Dr. Campbell that he was pleading with the government all along for establishment of experimental plantations directly by Government or for extension of trials by the native residents, in the Darjeeling region. The following extracts from his report manifest that the tea cultivation was purely at the initiative of Dr. Campbell. He wrote:

“In my report on the new settlement of this district, dated 30th March, 1853, No.123, I expressed a hope that the board would assist me in bringing the subject of tea cultivation in the Hills around Darjeeling to the favourable consideration of government, as it appeared to me that the general introduction of that plant held out a better prospect of improving the value of land in the hills than now exists, while grain alone is grown on their poor soils. In

133

addition to this consideration, itself of sufficient importance, I think to obtain the favourable notice of government of introducing the tea into the Himalayas elsewhere, and this locality from its greater proximity to Calcutta, with the water carriage available, gives it in that respect great advantage over the Kumaon and Gurhawal mountains.”29

Dr. Campbell’s experiment was followed by the plantations of Dr. Withcombe, Major Cromelin in the lower valley, called Lebong.30 In 1856 tea industry developed on an extensive scale at Takvur by Captain Masson, at by Mr. Smith, between Kurseong and Pankabari by Captain Samler. The year 1856 was a landmark in the tea industry. The year marked the opening of Alubari tea garden by Kurseong and Darjeeling Tea Company and another on the Lebong spur by Darjeeling Land Mortgage Bank. In 1859, Dr. Brougham started the Dutaria garden. Between 1860 and 1864 four gardens at Ging, Ambotia, and Phubsering were established by the Darjeeling Tea Company. By the end of 1866 there were no less than 39 gardens with 10,000 acres under cultivation producing 4,33,000 Lbs of tea and in 1874 the number of gardens had increased to double. The area under cultivation rose to 18888 acres, the out turn to 3,928,000 lbs; and labours increased to 19000 persons. Between 1866 and 1874 the number of gardens under tea was almost exactly trippled, the area under cultivation increased by 82 percent; while the out turn often was multiplied nearly ten times.

The rapid growth of tea plantation in Darjeeling during the colonial period was due to certain convenient factors and congenial circumstances. These are : (a) Availability of cheap labour of the neighboring territories, especially from eastern part of Nepal; (b) Availability of free hold land in abundance; (c) convenient revenue policies; (d) Availability of forest wood and timber for fuel and for such other infrastructural purposes at a very low price or without price; (e) Physical and spatial status of Darjeeling congenial to the growth of tea

134

plantation and quality tea production; (f) Special status of Darjeeling to establish European planters’ raj restricting non-European to own tea garden in Darjeeling; (g) Emerging interest among the Europeans to invest capital in tea industry of Darjeeling.

Since Tea industry was primarily the labour intensive industry, the requirement of labour both skilled and unskilled had largely been felt, however did never remain as a problem due to aspiring unskilled labour force was readily available in the neighboring territories. The Nepali emigrants had kept the supply of labour flowing to the Darjeeling tea plantations. Unlike the Assam Planters, the European planters of Darjeeling did not have to introduce the system of indentured labour. It was not a single labourer but the family of labourer was encouraged to settle in Darjeeling tea plantations to ensure sustainability of labour and to make child labour and women labour available at a cheaper rate. There had always been a steady supply of Nepalese labour force during the whole period of colonial Darjeeling. From the recorded information, it is seen that during the decades between 1850-1870, there was steady supply from 30,000 per decade till 1871 to 75000 per decade till 1951 (in 78 tea plantation)31

The phenomenon of long-distance labour migration, within India and overseas cannot be simplistically described as a voluntary process. There never was and never had been anything like a 'free' market in labour functioning in India. And rarely ever, for that matter, were labourers 'freed' in the simple Marxist sense, of being, at one instance forced off the land and compelled to sell their labour. More often a process of gradual immiseration was at work, with migrant labour being one of a variety of options open to peasants and tribals in which they might attempt to resist the pressures which they were under. As such, they undoubtedly exercised a choice, but that choice was exercised in an environment heavily structured by other features of the culture, society and, above all, economy in which they lived. To speak of this as 'free' choice therefore makes no sense at all. At no stage

135

where they entirely able to escape exploitation, and often that which they subsequently endured was far more systematic than any which had governed their previous existence. If at the end of the day these labourers prospered, it was frequently despite rather than because of the opportunities open to them. Nonetheless many migrants were able to build for themselves a space within the interstices of the colonial labour market, taking the initiative, saving money to support their relatives, resisting or otherwise adapting to their circumstances. Many became jobbers, gang-leaders and recruiters themselves. The role of returnees as recruiters was sometimes deliberately engineered by plantation owners and other employers, although featuring little in official Documents of Indentured Labour.32 Equally often however the process was initiated by the migrants, seeking to build for their relatives a friend a better life, in order to reunite divided families, or in other ways to prosper. As such, it is a tremendous testimony to the individual genius of migrants, to the new world which they built for themselves, and to the enduring links that they were able to maintain, often over vast distances, with their culture, kith and kin at 'home'. In the process new identities were constructed to enable them to bridge this gap between the old and the new and to somehow maintain their links with both.33

Initially, while encouraging European businessmen to invest in tea industry, pound-sterling based companies were allowed to register as Joint Stock Company and local administration had made land available at low prices, even arrangement was made to sell the wasteland through open auction. However, with the passage of initial years, thirty years lease system for cultivation of tea was established. All these opened accesses, governmental patronages and supports resulted positive expansion of land as well as number of tea estates in colonial Darjeeling as evident from the following table.

136

Expansion of Tea Acreage in Colonial Darjeeling

Year No. of Tea Plantations Tea Cultivation Land

1852 1 433 hectares

1866 39 3000 hectares

1870 56 4400 hectares

1874 113 11000 hectares

1896 186 16230 hectares

1943 142 21075 hectares

1947 138 16569 hectares Source : Tea Statistics, 2001

The expansion of tea plantation in Darjeeling was rapid during early years of colonial rule due to extraordinary special powers and huge discretionary powers vested in the Superintendent, Darjeeling by the East India Company Board of Directors located in Calcutta. The patronization and encouragement went to the extent whereby the planters could grow tea without paying revenue taxes, normally imposed on agricultural land. It is found that “146 tea estates were revenue free covering an area of 74286 acres as compared to revenue paying tea estates of 82127 acres. These revenue free tea estates consisted mainly of land, the revenue of which were committed under the Wasteland Rules of 7th May 1859. So grant of wastelands put up to auction at an upset price of Rs.10/acre. As a result, between 1859-62 more than 9000 acres of land were sold in the hills by public auctions at a average rate of about Rs.12/acre. Only after the passing of West Bengal Estate Acquisition Act, 1953, all the erstwhile freehold rights have been extinguished and all the tea estates have been made revenue paying”.34

Campbell gave special encouragement and inducement to attract settlers in Darjeeling. With a view to encouraging the growth and

137

expansion of the tea industry in Darjeeling the British government offered land on especially favourable terms, under various sets of rules introduced from time to time. But a time soon came when Government had to device ways and means to regulate the settlement of prospective tea planters. Land management rules in respect of plantations thus evolved according to the requirement of circumstances. There were at least twenty different tenures mentioned in the papers under which land cultivated with tea was held. But only three of which had practical importance to Darjeeling. They were the Old Assam rule also known as 99 years lease Rules, Fee Simple Rules of 1862 and the Cultivation Leases given under the Orders of the Government of Bengal issued on 22nd July 1864.

For some time after Early in 1854, the Board of Revenue proposed to extend to Darjeeling the rules for leasing waste lands under the Old Assam rules. But Dr. Campbell successfully opposed their introduction, chiefly on the ground that the public were satisfied with the existing rules. What kind of existing rule Campbell referring was not very clear. Probably it was a discretionary power which he had been vested with, of granting leases. The leases of 1853 expired in 1858, and many correspondences were granted with the Board of revenue on the subject of their renewal. Some of them were primarily renewed for 1859, and then nothing seems to have been done until 1860.35 Immediately after the acquisition of the Darjeeling territory in 1835, there was not much demand for land; and the application which were made were dealt with by the Superintendent at his discretion. In 1838 a large number of applications for land for building sites led to the issue by Government of a set of rules for the grant of lands, dated 4th September 1839.36 Prior to 1850 Dr. Campbell did not find it practicable to report any land revenue from the aboriginal inhabitants of the Darjeeling territory. It is quite clear from a report of Dr. Campbell, to the Board of Revenue in August 1850. In 1850, however, he tried the experiment of settling defined tracts upon the headmen of

138

the communities living within such tracts, for a period of three or five years. Up to 24th December 1850 he had given twelve leases, ten of which were for three and two for five years. In 1853 all these leases were renewed for five years.37 At that time there was not much demand for land in Darjeeling territory. A second lease was granted in 1853 and the demand for land in Darjeeling increased in view of tea cultivation. The leases of 1853 expired in 1858, and much correspondence granted with the Board of revenue on the subject of their renewal. Some of them were primarily renewed for 1859, and then nothing seems to have been done until 1860.

Meanwhile a new set of rules for the grant of wasteland in the Darjeeling territory was issued by the Board of revenue with the approval of the Government on 7th May 1859.38 The most important provisions of these rules were:

1) Grant of wasteland should be put up to auction at an upset price of Rs.10 per acre.

2) That the sale at such auction should convey a freehold title; that existing leasehold grant might be commuted to freehold at the option of the grantee.

3) Building locations might be commuted at the rate of 20 years purchase of the annual rent.

4) Between the introduction of these Rules in 1859 and their abrogation on the introduction of the Fee-Simple rules in 1862, over 9172 acres of land were sold in the hills by public auction at an average rate of about Rs.12 per acre.

The Fee-Simple Rules: In October 1861 Lord Canning published a resolution, in which he sanctioned the alienation of wastelands in fee- simple and the redemption of the land revenue of waste lands already granted on leasehold tenure. The resolution also contained an outline of the rules which Lord canning proposed to make.

139

Lord Canning’s minute of the 17th October 186139 laid down three main principles on which grants of wastelands were to be made in future. These were, firstly, that such lands should be granted in perpetuity as a heritable and transferable property, subject to no enhancement of land revenue; secondly, that all prospective land revenue would be redeemable at the grantee’s option by a payment in full when the grant was made, or a sum might be paid as earnest at the rate of 10 percent, the reminder being paid later; and thirdly, that there should be no condition obliging the grantee to cultivate or clear any specific portion within any specific time. The minimum price for the fee- simple was fixed at Rs.2-8 per acre, so that by anything 10 percent of this or four annas per acre, a title was obtained. Lord Canning’s rules were considerably modified at the instance of the Secretary of State, and on the 30th August a fresh set of rules was issued by the government of Bengal. This modified version of Lord Canning’s rule is called the fee-simple rule of 1862.40

They provided that all un-assessed wastelands, in which no right of proprietorship or inclusive occupancy was known to exist, should be available for purchase unless specially reserved by the government. Ordinarily, no lot was to exceed 3,000 acres, but there was no calculation to the number of lots any one person might obtain. Each lot, if available for purchase, was to be put up to auction at an upset price of Rs.2-8 an acre. The price might be sold in installment within ten years of the completion of the purchase. Thus these estates were held in fee-simple or as revenue-free lands, the right of the Government to rent having been hold out. Under these rules, 24 holdings, with an area of 11,152 acres, were sold for about Rs.13 per acre. The most important point of difference between these rules and Lord Canning’s is that under the latter the land was given to the applicant at fixed rates, ranging from Rs.2-8 to Rs.5, while the fee Simple rules required that it should be put up to auction. This provision was very much disliked by the speculators, who complained that after they had spent time,

140

trouble, and money in searching for a suitable piece of land, they were liable of lose it altogether, or to have to pay more than its value for it at the auction sale. There was an agitation for the re-introduction of leasehold tenure, which had been discontinued under a clause in the fee-simple rules. Another provision, which was much objected to, was one requiring the demarcation and survey of each lot previous to sale. Gradually the Government had to suspend the survey prior to the sale. The result was disastrous. It happened on many occasions that the grantee had purchased one piece of land and got a title deed describing one quite different.41

Cultivation Leases: The agitation against the auction clause of the fee-simple rules prompted the government to permit lands to be taken up on thirty-year leases for the purposes of cultivating tea. When orders to this effect were passed by the Government of Bengal in 1864, the Board of Revenue drew up a set of rules. In 1864 a new tenure was introduced under Government order, No.1765 T, of the 22nd July of that year; by which lands were granted on cultivating leases for a term of thirty years at 6 annas per acre, with a right of re-settlement at the end of the term at half the rates paid for land cultivated with the ordinary crops of the District. These holdings were not commutable to fee-simple tenures. There was no efficient provision made for the survey and demarcation of the leaseholds, or in the protection of native interests. In Darjeeling much land had been taken up on this future. In the tea growing areas of the , under the old rules of 1854 about 30,000 acres held by different tea planters. Similarly 320,000 acres were held under the simple rule and 1,00,000 acres were held under cultivation lease. In a statement of the state of tea culture in the District of Darjeeling E.W. Whinfield the deputy commissioner on 27th February 1873 gave an account of the land held in different tenure in Darjeeling.42

141

“In 1873 a total of 70,395 acres of forest land were in possession of various tea companies and individuals. Only 7,015 acres (9.97 percent) were under cultivation of tea. About 91.13 percent of land alienated for tea remained uncultivated. Out of these 34.33 percent of land were fit of cultivation but not cultivated. Remaining percentage of land was unfit for cultivation but remained in possession of the companies or individuals. Applications were frequently made for large chunk of forest land by parties who had neither the means nor the mention of bringing more than a few hundred acres under cultivation. Land speculation went on in Darjeeling encouraged by imperial interest.”

The practical result of those grants was large-scale alienation of forest land (which would otherwise have been state property) by government than was actually required for the extension of tea cultivation. A large quantity of charcoal was required then in the tea factories of Darjeeling for firing and drying the tea. In fact the tea industry initially relied a great deal only on Charcoal as the source of fuel. Another very important requirement of the tea industry was wooden boxes used for packing manufactured tea. All these were taken place at the cost of forest wood.43

Thus, it may be stated that most tea plantations were established by clearing natural forests on lands acquired or purchased from the government of India. Whenever markets for tea were strong enough to enable expansion of plantation acreage, forest cover correspondingly was reduced. There was also attempt by the Forest department to prevent greater alienation of forest land to the tea planters as well as those who indulged in land speculations. However, most of them were of the view that encouragement of a steady increase in the area under tea would serve the interest of the general public. In the interest of the government and the forest administration of Darjeeling, it was felt that the grantees of forested lands should be made to pay for the timber standing on the land thus obtained in such a manner so as to

142

ultimately check the insidious tendency to acquire large areas of forest land, not with the view of planting it with tea, but to keep the land for sale in the future. Thus, the tea industry contributed significantly to deforestation of the natural forest of Darjeeling.

To provide the planters further legal and administrative protection, the district administration of colonial Darjeeling created a Touzi (distinct land revenue) Department primarily to look after the interests of the European planters by setting apart the tea plantations from the agricultural sector and thereby from the jurisdiction of the general land revenue administration too. This explains why the Touzi Department is having its existence only in the two tea producing districts namely and Darjeeling to provide special privileges.44 Effectively, there had been none in between the tea planters and the East India Company Authority except the single layered bureaucratic frame headed by the Superintendant/District Collector. This arrangement also explains how the nexus was built between the private European planters and the District administration in Darjeeling. The Touzi Section under District Administration dealt with land matters of the tea garden land, renewal of the lease of the tea garden, collection of land cess/salami/penalty/fine etc., it also dealt with giving no objection certificate for the development purpose, permission for uprooting and replanting/felling of shed trees. Touzi was also held responsible for the resumption of the retained land of the tea garden. Interestingly, the post-colonial independent state government administration continued this colonial arrangement and Touzi section under District Magistrate Darjeeling still continues to operate.

As it has been cited in the study that soon after the annexation of Darjeeling from the king of Sikkim (through a Deed of Grant), Darjeeling was given a special status by the East India Company administration under which it was designated as a non-regulated district and the land laws of Bengal did not apply.45 Such unique arrangement provided opportunities for bringing a huge portion of land

143

under tea cultivation. Consequently, the rapidly growing tea industry played the major role in the initial development of the entire hills of Darjeeling. As a matter of fact, once conceived as sanatoria or as a military station, Darjeeling had been brought under the fold of tea economy and had been designated as tea land being tea designated as the colonial cash crop. The period between the establishment of first tea estate in 1852 and till 1947, the entire Darjeeling hills (principally restricted to Darjeeling Sadar and Kurseong sub-Division and only five tea gardens in the western part of Tista under lately annexed sub-division), experienced an unprecedented growth in tea plantation. The number of tea estates and the area under tea cultivation increased steadily from just one estate (1856) with an area of 4.33 hectare under tea cultivation to one hundred and thirteen tea estates covering 11,000 hectares of land under tea cultivation in 1874. In 1895, the total number of tea garden rose to 186 and the area occupied under tea cultivation as recorded in 1943 rose to 21075 hectares.46 However, the periods from 1896 to 1943, experienced the decrease in the number of tea gardens due to closure, suspension of works, declaration of sick garden, or merger with the big group of tea companies, and increase in the area of land under tea plantation. There had been other factors too for the expansion of tea area and reduction of number of tea gardens.

In 1873, the first General Meeting of the Darjeeling planters was convened in Darjeeling to discuss on the issues and problems confronted by the planters. After the passage of roughly two decades, Darjeeling planters Association was formally formed in 1892 and was associated to Indian Tea Association in 1910.47 A separate association called the Terai Planters’ Association was formed in 1928. This association faced friction between some Indian and European members due to lack of trust between planters. Simultaneously, another important event of technology transformation was taken place in Darjeeling tea plantation. Mr. O’Brian an engineer, first time applied

144

the power driven tea roller and tea sorter in the processing of tea in 1872 by installing turbines. This resulted positive impact both on the quantity and quality of in Darjeeling and held responsible for rapid growth and expansion of tea plantation.48 Rapid expansion of tea plantations in the second half of the nineteenth century created major employment opportunities and served as the impetus for initial economic development of the entire hill tract of Darjeeling.

Cinchona Plantation and Alienation of Forest Land:

In 1862, cinchona found its way to Darjeeling for experimental purposes. Even though its cultivation was not as extensive as that of the tea, cinchona too contributed to alienation of forest land in Darjeeling hills Cinchona is known commercially as Jesuit’s Bark’ and Peruvian bark.

The first attempt to cultivate cinchona in India was undertaken at Ootacamund (Ooty) in the Madras presidency by McIvor. In Bengal the cultivation of this exotic species was trusted to Dr. Anderson, then Superintendent of the Royal Botanic garden Calcutta. Anderson was sent to Java to study the method of cinchona cultivation adopted by the Dutch. He returned with a large number of healthy plants. The Bengal experiment started with the plants from Java and Ootacamund (Ooty).

The first nurseries were tried at Senchal a place near the station of Darjeeling with the expectation that Cinchona, which was an equatorial crop might do well in that place with its over-wet climate. But contrary to the expectation, the Senchal experiment ultimately proved to be a failure and the plants were transferred to Lebong which too proved unsuitable. Finally a suitable location for a permanent plantation as found at Rungbee on a spur projecting from Senchal in a south-easterly direction. The plantation at Rungbee was gradually extended over the whole ridge lying between the Rungbee and the Tiyang valley. Between 1861 and 1869 the main preoccupation was

145

with scientific and technical problems connected with the preparation and the after-care of the plants. The initial difficulties overcame, and a small harvest of bark began to come in from the year 1869-70. By the year 1875 there were about 2,000 acres of Government cinchona plantation. The total number of trees planted out between 1864 and 31st March 1875 amounted to 32,85,592.49

Gradually the plantation at Rungbee was extended over the whole ridge lying between the Rungbee and the Riyang valleys. In 1887 an area at on an adjoining ridge to the south of the Riyang valley was taken in. these two ridges now constituted the plantation with total area of 12,000 acres and a standing crop of 4,000 acres. In 1883 a plantation of 300 acres was started in Rungjong valley, but this plantation as abandoned in 1884 due to heavy rainfall. Later, a plantation of 500 acres at in the same tract was purchased 1893 from the Bhutia Cinchona Association.50 Almost at the same time private estates were also started, and it was made possible through State encouragement. But the private enterprise did not however continue for long, due to a temporary slump in bark.

After the failure of the private entrepreneurs in cinchona cultivation, the government pursued a policy of extended cultivation of cinchona as needed for the public welfare and in 1900 a new plantation was started in Munsong then under the reserved forest. This plantation then occupied a total of 6000 acres of forest land. In 1938 a third plantation was opened in the Rongo block of the Kalimpong Forest Division where it is expected to plant 1,600 acres of cinchona. A fourth plantation was started in the Latpanchar group of blocks in the Kurseong forest division.51

Cinchona was a tree for which it was very difficult indeed to find suitable land. Initially its cultivation had been tried in an immense number of sports all over British India, and it had proceeded only in three localities, viz. British Sikkim, the Nilgiri hills. Experience in India,

146

Java, Ceylon, and in South America (the cultural home of the plant) had proved that it cannot possibly be grown on flat land. Cinchona plantation required hill-sides with suitable soil, exposure, and climate. It was for these reasons and its extending demand that George King superintendent of Royal Botanical Garden Calcutta, who was in charge of cinchona cultivation asked the government of India to set aside in the Kalimpong Division a sufficient land for the extension of cinchona cultivation. Kalimpong Division in was the only land suitable for cinchona cultivation within the province of Bengal and indeed in the northern part of India. In March 1883 C.S. Bayle Esq; Under-Secretary to the Government of Bengal, revenue department wrote a letter to Mr. King the Superintendent of the Royal Botanical Garden, Calcutta and in charge of cinchona cultivation in Bengal to give an opinion regarding the proposed transfer for the cultivation of tea of a small plot of the cinchona land called the Engo Plateau in the Kalimpong sub-Division. When there was a proposal to give up the land in Engo block or Kalimpong Forest division which was set aside for cinchona for tea cultivation Mr. King said:

“It ought to be borne in mind, in connection with this question, that the production of the cinchona alkaloids at a cheap rate is a matter of importance to the whole of India. A great proportion of the febrifuge now manufactured at Mungpo being consumed beyond the province of Bengal. It is a matter of little difficulty to find land suitable for tea or native crops, and it would, in my opinion, be a great Economical mistake to give up for these cultivations land which is suitable for cinchona. I trust, therefore, that the deputy commissioner’s proposal to give up the entire Engo Block will not be entertained.

I regret that I am unable to agree with the proposal of the Commissioner of that the Small Engo Plateau at the south east corner of the block should be given for tea.

147

The priority in providing suitable land for the cultivation of cinchona by the government of India could be seen from the opinion of Mr. King. Besides, the superintendent of the Cinchona Department was given the power to select any part of the Tista Forest Division for cinchona cultivation, on giving a notice to the Forest Department. Further he was allowed to cut trees from the Tista Forest Division for cinchona purposes, free of charge.” 52

Thus it may be stated that most tea and cinchona plantations were established by clearing natural forests on land acquired or purchased from the Government of India. Whenever markets for tea and cinchona were strong enough to enable expansion of plantation acreage, great cover correspondingly got reduced. For many years, the tea planters held dominant financial and political leverage in Darjeeling and prevented the Forest department from gaining control over the wide forest area of the district. Higher ups in the forest department wanted to prevent greater alienation of forest areas to the tea planters as well as to those who indulged in land speculation. The large scale alienation of forest land for plantations and speculation as was indulged in at that point of time spoke of the great concern with which the forest department viewed the growth of the planter’s interest in the district of Darjeeling. The dichotomy of interests between government foresters and private planters went unabated throughout the colonial period. The Colonial revenue officials had always tilted their balance to private planters in view of their revenue paying capacity.

Taking legitimate control over the forest land was the acknowledged policy of the British Government from the very beginning of the establishment of the Forest Department. British Government gradually realized that if the prevailing state of affairs was allowed to continue unchecked, in the same proportion as cultivation increased and forest was cleared, the government forest property would not only become valueless, but might soon be diminished to such a degree as to be incapable of supplying the just demands of the country, which it

148

was considered as the duty of a civilized government to secure. It was also recognized as practically impossible for a government to undertake the systematic management of a vast state property from which every individual could supply his or her wants free of charge, and frequently yielded no income from local sale. It was also soon became evident that in under to effect the required changes, it was necessary to legislate in order to legalize the settlement and the reservation of forests areas as well as the assumption of the complete control of their management.

It was consequently necessary to discern, in the first instance, between forests in which the control of the state was still absolute; forests which were the property of the state, but which were burdened with legal rights, prescriptive or granted. It was found that the forest Act of 1865 drew no distinction between the forests which required to be closely reserved, even at the cost of more or less interference with private rights, and those which merely needed general control to prevent improvident exploitation. It also provided no procedure or inquiring into and settling the rights which it so vaguely saved, and gave no powers for regulating the exercise of such rights without appropriating them. The forest Act of 1865, of such reasons, lent itself badly to the constitution of the state reserves. As a matter of fact, the Indian Forest Act of 1878 which was subsequently passed, did not per se accept the forest settlement work done under the earlier enactment.53

The credit for bringing tea to Darjeeling goes to Dr. Cambell who was appointed in 1839 to the post of Superintendent. In 1841, there was successful cultivation of the plant at an attitude of 213.36 metres, from the seeds of a Chinese variety brought from Kumaon. The other early planters were Dr. Whilecombe, a civil surgeon and Major Crommlin, a civil engineer. It was identified that the land around Lebong – a little below Darjeeling north side, was particularly suitable. By the beginning of 1850’s, on the way up from the plains, the Pankhabari and Kurseong gardens were developed by pioneers like

149

Martin and Captain Samler. The commercial potential of Darjeeling as a tea cultivation zone with its unique kind tea aroma was proved beyond doubt and several other gardens were established. These tea gardens were promoted either on the basis of proprietorship or as joint stock companies. In 1856, the Kurseong and Darjeeling Tea Company opened the Alubari Garden. The Dhutana garden owned by Dr. Brougham opened in 1859. Dr. Campbell attempted to inspire the local indigenous people by way of distributing tea seeds; however, his attempts were proved to be a failure.54

With the initiation of tea cultivation on commercial basis, by 1860’s several concerns like the Darjeeling Tea Company and the Lebong Tea Company opened a number of tea gardens at the high mountain ridges of Darjeeling hills. But soon there was interest in opening estates at lower levels in the Terai region. In 1862, James White, owner of Singel tea estate of Singel near Kurseong, opened the first garden in the Terai at a place called Champta. In 1872, the property was registered and the partners were W. Lloyd, G.A. White, S. Cochrane, A. Smallwood and R.S. Wright.55 The business was converted into a joint stock company called the Champta Tea Company, in 1883. This huge estate was reorganized and the New Champta Tea Company was created in 1889 under the managing agency of Davenport and Company.

In 1866, 14 years after the first commercial planting, Darjeeling district had 39 gardens producing a total of 21,000 kg. of tea. In 1870, the number of gardens increased to 56 producing about 71000 kg. of tea. By 1874, there developed 113 gardens in the district covering an approximated area of 6000 hectares under tea. Tea was proved to be a highly profitable venture and by 1905, tea was grown over some 20,000 hectares – nearly 80 square miles and the production had risen to about half a million kg. The following chart shows the expansion of tea in Darjeeling between 1874-1907.

150

Year Number of Tea cultivated Output (kg) Gardens area (ha)

1874 113 7643 1781700

1885 175 15380 4123359

1895 186 19705 5313720

1907 148 20485 5646172 Source: Tea Statistics, Darjeeling.

The table approves the fact that during years both land under tea cultivation and output of tea had always an upward tendency, however the number of gardens experienced a downward tendency while compared to the figures of 1895 and 1907. This was due to the fact that a number of adjoining gardens were amalgamated for economic management and changes in the ownership deed of registration from personal proprietorship to Joint Stock Company. Over and above, tea flourished both in the hills and terrain plains of the district.

Interesting to note that Indian entrepreneurs were allowed to open a number of gardens in terrai part of Darjeeling after 1907. They were however allotted land with less favourable soil. However, the rest of the Darjeeling gardens located in hills were still kept under European ownership. The expansion of tea cultivation in Darjeeling went unabated till it faced notable crisis during the world wars. Till then, there were 71 gardens across 10,117 ha within the jurisdiction of Darjeeling Thana, 46 gardens across 6,889 hectares under Kurseong Thana, and 32 gardens across 3197 hectares under Siliguri Thana. Thus about one seventh of the district was covered with tea and no less than one third of tea population lived off the industry.56 The Census of India showed that 64000 persons were engaged as plantation workers. Darjeeling tea imbued with fine unique aroma became famous by 1870’s for this flabour and realized higher prices.

151

The tea industry in Darjeeling continued to progress satisfactorily between 1901 and 1940. There had been the decline in the numbers of tea gardens, however, area under tea cultivation in Darjeeling district continued to increase from 20485 hectares to 25520 hectares and the output grew from 5,464,292 kg. to 10,760,072 kg. The district grew both black and green varieties of tea and the 1942 output was 12,010,420 kg. and 563371 kg. respectively. However, in the post World War II period, the tea industry in Darjeeling suffered a decline. The area under cultivation fell and production remained virtually stagnant. The tea industry in Darjeeling started suffering from starvation of capital. The recurring depression in World tea price, falling profitability of investment in tea in India in general and Darjeeling in particular, devaluation of rupee and the problem of repatriation of dividend and remuneration had been the causing anxiety to investors and made the British capital problematic.57

The penetration of colonial capitalism in India led to the growth of a wage-earning industrial labour force divided into several segments in the second half of the nineteenth and first half of the twentieth centuries. A major segment was the plantation labour force formed and maintained essentially on the basis of unfree labour. In view of all this and also in view of the multi-tribe, multi caste and multi-lingual composition of the labour force and the subsistence of primordial tribal/caste linguistic ties can such a labor force be viewed and identified, if not in the subjective sense but at least in terms of objective content, as a working class or a segment of Indian working class? This leads to the broader issue of ambiguities in the process of class formation under conditions in which the capitalist sector emerges and grows but the capitalist relations are not sufficiently generalised in the economy as a whole. This suggests once more that the plantation labour force was very much a phenomenon of unfinished capitalist relational process of history. All this had also very important bearing on

152

the process of development of class struggle and labour and for class consciousness among the plantation workers.58

The last few years of colonial Darjeeling experienced organized trade union movement which penetrated into the tea gardens around 1943. The Provisional Committee of the Communist Party of India (CPI) delegated Sushil Chatterjee to orgnaise a unit in the Darjeeling district. Mr. Chatterjee came into close contact with Ratan Lal Brahmin, a local popular person commonly acceptable among the labours of the gardens. R.L. Brahmin was drawn gradually into organized Leftist politics and won the National Assembly constituency seat in 1946 as a Communist candidate. The rift between other emerging trade unions of the Gorkha League, Congress and the Communists had widened as a result.

References:

1 Starkel, L. and Basu,S. “Rains, Landslides and Floods in the Darjeeling Himalayas”, Indian National Science Academy, 2000, pp132-142.

2 O’Malley, L.S.S., 1907, Bengal District Gazetteers: Darjeeling, New Delhi,Reprint, Logos Press, 1985,1999,.pp.72-86

3 Goradia Prafull and Sircar Kalyan, The Saga of Indian Tea, Vol.1, 2010, Contemporary Targett Pvt. Ltd., Vadodara, India. pp. 613- 653

4 Ibid

5 Eden. T., 1965, Tea: London, Green and Co.1965, p.12

6 Jackson, W.B., 1854, ‘Report on Darjeeling’, Calcutta.p.31-34

7 The earliest information on the development of tea plantation in the Darjeeling region can be derived from the Report on Darjeeling (1854) by W.B. Jackson, Esq. C.S., Judge of the Sudder Dewanny and Nizamat Adalat, Calcutta, some dispatches (1853) of A.

153

Campbell, Superintendent of Darjeeling, Statistical Account of Bengal by W.W. Hunter (Director General of Statistics to the Government of Bengal), and

8 Jackson, W.B., 1854, Op cit., Calcutta.pp.32

9 J Buckingham of Amoogorie Tea Estate was appointed on behalf of the ITA in the Council in 1892. ITA annual reports of the General Committee, from 1882 to 1910, U K "Parliamentary Papers"( pp), 1867, vol 50, paper on 'Recruitment of Coolies in Assam or Elsewhere, pp 6-7; J W Edgar: 'Report on Tea Cultivation in (UK)', 1874, vol 48, pp 1-26;

10 Bhubanes Misra, Quality, Investment and International Competitiveness: Indian Tea Industry, 1880-191O. Reviewed work(s):Source: Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 22, No. 6 (Feb. 7, 1987), pp. 230-238Published by: Economic and Political Weekly Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4376649 Accessed: 12/03/2012 03:48.

11 Garadia and Sircar,Op cit. p.615.

12 Jackson W.B., Op cit.p.32

13 Garadia and Sircar,Op cit p.633

14 O’Malley, L.S.S., Op cit. 1907,pp.73-74

15 Garadia and Sircar, Op cit. p.635.

16 Ibid. p.637

17 The Rise, Progress, and Future Prospects of Tea Cultivation in British India Author(s): Charles Henry Fielder Reviewed work(s):Source: Journal of the Statistical Society of London, Vol. 32, No. 1 (Mar., 1869), pp. 29-37Published by: Blackwell Publishing for the Royal Statistical Society Stable URL: http://www. jstor.org/stable/2338875 Accessed: 12/03/2012 02:58 Hour.

154

18 Fred Pinn, The Road of Destiny: Darjeeling Letters 1839, Calcutta: Oxford University Press, 1989, p.14.

19 Dozey, E.C. A Concise History of the Darjeeling District Since 1835, Calcutta: Jetsun Publishing House, 1989, p.215.

20 Biswas, Arbind, ‘Plantation Agriculture in West Bengal’ in Chatterjee, A.B., Gupta A, Mukhopadhyaya P.K. (Eds), Calcutta, P. Bagchi and Co. Ltd., 1970, p.96.

21 Starkel, L. and Basu, S., Op.cit. P.72

22 Palit, S.B., 1966, Economic Forces in North Bengla and Forestry, Proceedings of Symposia, 1964, West Bengal Forestry Centenary.pp.342-366.

23 Gosh, T.K. Tea Gardens of West Bengal: A Critical Study of Land Management, Delhi: B.R. Publishing, 1987, p.2.

24 Raina, J.L.,1992, Himalayan Environment, Man and the Economic Activities–Part II, Jaipur, India, Pointer Publishers and Chettri, N.2004, Questions on Agro-ecological sustenance: A Case From tea gardens of Darjeeling, Darjeeling Articles, February 4, 2004. http:/darjeelingnewsnt/Darjeeling articles/drnakulchettrihtm.

25 Chada,S.K. Himalayas: Environmental Problem, Asia Publishing House, New Delhi,1990, pp.132-149.

26 Karotemprel, S. and Roy, B.D., 1999, Tea Garden Laboures of North East India, Shilong, Vendrama Institute Publication. Pp.114- 17

27 Starkel, L. and Basu, S., Op.cit, p.74.

28 David M. Waterhouse, The Origins of Himalayan Studies, Brian Houghton Hodgson in Nepal and Darjeeling, 1820-1858, Routledge Curzon, London, First Indian Reprint, 2005,p.7

155

29 Report on Tea cultivation submitted in compliance with letter No.74, from the Secretary to the Government of India, Agriculture, Revenue and Commerce Department, J.W. Edgar, 11th September 1873

30 Roy, T.N. Op.cit., p.81.

31 Munsi, S., 1980, An Enquiry into the nature of Frontier Settlement: Case Study of Hill Darjeeling, Calcutta, Centre for Studies in Social Sciences.

32 Natal, 1851-1917, pp. 392-393: Report of the Indian Immigrants Commission, 1885-7, 33 records.

33 Edinburgh Papers In South Asian Studies Number 13 (2000), Coerced and Migrant Labourers in India: The Colonial Experience Crispin Bates School of History & Classics University of Edinburgh.pp.1-33

34 Ghosh, T.K., 1987, Tea Gardens of West Bengal: A Critical Study of Land Management, Delhi, B.R. Publishing.p.117.

35 Pinn Fred, op cit, p 68.

36 Ibid

37 O. Malley, Opcit.p.81

38 Ibid, pp. 154-155.

39 Ibid, pp72-77.

40 Ibid.

41 Ibid

42 Ibid. P.149.

43 Ibid

156

44 Sarkar, S, : Ethnic Conflict and State Response, Concept Publishing Company Pvt. Ltd., New Delhi, 2013, p.107

45 Munshi, Op cit.

46 Bhadra, M. Women Workers of Tea Plantations in India, Heritage Publishers, New Delhi, 1992, pp.52-58.

47 O’ Malley, op cit, p.62.

48 darjnet.com/darj/history/tea/teaindus.htm.

49 O’ Malley, Opcit. p.72

50 Ibid

51 Ibid.

52 Ibid. p.74

53 Ibid.

54 Goradia, Opcit. 56

55 Ibid. p.58

56 Ibid. 61.

57 Goradia, pp.62-63

58 From Peasants and Tribesmen to Plantation Workers: Colonial Captialism, Reproduction of Labour Power and Proletarianisation in North East India, 1850s to 1947 Author(s): Ranajit Das Gupta Reviewed work(s):Source: Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 21, No. 4 (Jan. 25, 1986), pp. PE2-PE10Published by: Economic and Political Weekly Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4375248 Accessed: 09/03/2012 05:48

157