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Cuadernos de Antropología Nº15, 45-52, 2005

PROTESTANTISM AND ETHNIC IDENTITY MORAVIAN ON THE NICARAGUAN ATLANTIC COAST IN THE 19TH CENTURY

Eleonore von Oertzen

Introduction population share religious traditions and liturgy (Rossbach, 1986: 66). When it comes to explaining the cultural It is almost impossible to establish any differences which separate the Atlantic Coast of permanent elements which constitute ethnic from the Pacific part of the country, identity. In the case of the Miskito, however, one of the distinguishing aspects always there is a set of features which can, in varying pointed out is the difference in : The combinations, transform themselves into elements overwhelming majority of the population in of ethnic distinction and are acknowledged as Western Nicaragua is , whereas on the such by Miskito and outside observers alike. Atlantic Coast the major part of the inhabitants In the first place there must be named the belongs to some Protestant , and the social and cultural background of a Miskito Miskito Indians in their vast majority are village, a rural or fishing community, as well as Moravians1. Although the Atlantic Coast takes up fluency in the Miskito language. Ethnic identity almost half of the national territory, it is home is relative, not absolute. It constitutes itself in to only one tenth of the country’s population. relation to another person or group, therefore the Great part of its inhabitants are spanish elements which make it up may change from one speaking mestizos of rather recent migration, situation to the next. (Moravian) besides Native Americans and approximately and the traditional cultural ties with the English 25000 Afroamericans, called creoles. Among speaking are more significant to some the native peoples, the Miskito are by far the most areas of the Atlantic coast than to others. Against numerous (app. 67 000), compared to 5000 a creole from Bluefields a Catholic Miskito from Sumu and 650 Rama Indians. the Rio Coco and a Moravian Miskito from For many Miskito as well as non-Miskito, the sea-shore might feel united by language being Moravian has become almost synonymous and a shared rural background; a Protestant to being Miskito, religion has turned into one Miskito and a creole might feel bonds of religious central element of ethnic identity. But the and regional solidarity when confronted with a relationship between religious denomination Spanish-speaking mestizo. and ethnic self-definition is much more But the does not merely complicated. After all, there are Miskito who play an important part as a distinctive feature are not and are still acknowledged of Miskito self-definition, it has shaped Miskito as belonging to the ethnic group. On the other identity much more deeply than that. Firstly, hand, Moravianism gains a regional aspect as the material as well as the social structure of Miskito and a considerable part of the creole village communities today is to a great extent 46 Cuadernos de Antropología the result of work: the Moravians slash-and-burn agriculture and who impressed not only encouraged larger settlements, and their visitors with their dexterity at catching shaped their lay-out (with the church in a fish and turtle. Although Spain claimed this prominent place), they also managed to impose area as a part of her colonial empire, the their concept of a Christian congregation of Spanish authorities were not successful in brethren and sisters on social relations within taking possession of this stretch of coast - the villages. Thus, today the social structure a fact they blamed on the allegedly “wild” of the Moravian congregation and that of the character of the Indians and the support village as a whole are closely interwoven and they received from Great Britain. British almost indistinguishable (Helms, 1971: 172). settlers who produced sugar and raised cattle It could be argued, therefore, that the roots of on the Shore in the 18th century supplied this important constitutive element of ethnic the Miskito with fire arms and occasionally identity, the Miskito village community, are as enlisted their support in attacks on Spanish much protestant as they are Miskito. towns or border posts. Although they never Secondly, this paper will propose the thesis openly interfered with the Miskitos’ daily life that it was the protestant mission, entering the or political organisation, the continual contact field in a moment of severe crisis, which allowed with the colonial powers introduced changes the Miskito to survive at all as a recognisable of political and social structures which, over ethnic group, although forced to submit to time, tuned into a permanent strain on the profound changes in their material, social and indigenous mechanisms of social organisation spiritual life. In spite of the missionaries’ efforts and conflict regulation. We shall return to this to depict their activities as a work of love (which point later. Over almost 200 years, attempts they certainly felt them to be), we should like to at the conversion of the coastal population point out that the penetration of Moravianism were sparse and unsuccessful. Occasionally, into the Miskito communities was, among other Englishmen had taught some Indians a few things, a time of conflict and disruption. English words and the Lord’s (Sloane The effort to reconstruct the cultural 1707: LXXVII). Almost all attempts by Catholic and social clash between missionaries and priests to establish mission stations among the Indians is rendered particularly difficult by the Miskito ended with bloodshed. Between 1768 fact that all the sources about the period in and 1785 a Moravian preacher had lived on question were produced by the Moravians. Even what is today the coast of Honduras, but he left when they relate conversations with individual because of age and ill health, without leaving Miskito in direct speech or report an oral any converts (Brieskorn, 1987: 26-32). tradition or a myth we have to bear in mind In the 1840s the British government that we do not hear the Miskitos’ own voice. tried to tighten its grip on the Mosquito Shore Their ideas have been filtered first, through by sending out a “Consul-General and British the necessity to make themselves understood Resident”. The first diplomat on this post, Patrick by the missionaries, secondly, the missionaries’ Walker, attempted to modernise political capacity of grasping the meaning of what they structures and labour relations among Miskito heard, and, finally, their need to pass on the and Creoles (descendants of Africans who had information in a way comprehensible to readers been brought to the Coast as slaves but had in or England. later been freed or had managed to escape). He introduced a labour code, a Council of 1. The Mosquitia State, and a militia, as well as initiating laws to protect the natural resources of the region (von When the first Europeans arrived on the Oertzen, 1990: 33-34). Aware of the necessity Atlantic Coast in the 16th and 17th centuries, of an ideological backing for his institutional they found it inhabited by small groups of reforms he also tried to win the attention of Indians who combined hunting, gathering and the Anglican church for this area, but without von OERTZEN: Protestantism and ethnic. Moravian missionaries on the nicaraguan atlantic... 47 success (37). It is hardly surprising that he The Moravian church or “Unity of warmly welcomed the initiative of the Moravian Brethren” traces its roots back to the Czech church to send missionaries to the Mosquito of the 15th century, to the Shore (now frequently called Mosquitia or followers of who was burned as a Moskito). The Moravians’ attention had been heretic in 1415. Several times they were almost drawn to the region by a German colonisation extinguished, but small groups survived in project which did not materialize but which had , and . In 1722 the led two missionaries to undertake an initial German Count Ludwig von Zinzendorf offered trip along the Coast to assess the possibilities one group of fugitives shelter on his properties for establishing a mission post there (Pfeiffer/ in where they founded the settlement Reinke, 1848). Based on their favourable report of (Cragg, 1990: 103). The Count and with the permission of the Foreign Office, himself became increasingly involved with in 1849 the first three missionaries were sent the spiritual life of this model village. In 1727 to the Shore and installed themselves in the the inhabitants established themselves as the town of Bluefields. “renewed Unitas Fratrum” or Unity of Brethren For several years the missionaries with Zinzendorf as their leader. In its religious worked almost exclusively among the creole ideas the young community drew not only on population (Rossbach, 1986: 71). It was only the traditions of the exiled Moravians, but also in 1855 that they opened a post at Pearl on German . Moravian Key Lagoon, a settlement of both creole and combined the emotional and subjective Miskito inhabitants, and in 1857 they started aspects of , the rejection of theological to work among the Rama Indians. Three years argument and doctrine, with a concentration later, for the first time they ventured into an on rather than , on passion and exclusively Miskito village. Over the following physical suffering (Cragg, 1990: 102-103). For 20 years, three more stations were set up among some years in the mid-18th century the Miskito population. In 1863 the mission in the Unity of Brethren took on forms of boasted appoximately 600 converts; in 1880 enthusiasm which were considered excessive there were 1145 (Schneider 1899: 97;106). One by other Pietists, not to mention mainstream year later a religious movement, later known as Lutherans. The so-called “Sifting Time” ended the “Great Awakening” swept over the Coast. in the 1760s, but it left its traces in Moravian Within two years the number of had music and books, and more generally in more than doubled. It was with this movement their language and imagery. that Moravian Protestantism finally established The insistence on the subjective itself as a part of coastal identity. But the experience of redemption, the conviction that groundwork for this final breakthrough had is was impossible to earn divine grace by good been laid in 25 years of mission work, of day- works or deep remorse over past sins would later to-day conflict and persuasion, lessons and shape the missionary experience. Even though reproaches. The present paper will deal with in the 19th century the Moravians laid great this preliminary period. stress on religious instruction as a pre-requisite for , conversion was still perceived as 2. The Moravian church a personal revelation which was impossible to measure or to judge for outsiders, except by the Before we embark upon a closer intensity of the emotions expressed. examination of the mission on the Atlantic Very shortly after its new foundation (in Coast, we have to glance briefly at the religious 1732) the Church decided to focus on mission background of the Moravian church in order work (Neill, 1987: 202). In the following years to understand the very special brand of Moravians went to the Dutch , Protestantism which they introduced among to Surinam2, South , , North the coastal population. America and . 48 Cuadernos de Antropología

3. The Missionary approach knowledge and medicines, yet, the purpose of this assistance was not the healing of the body Earlier visitors to the Atlantic Coast had but gaining confidence and ultimately access not shown very great interest in the religious to the . Some missionaries even went so ideas and practices of the indigenous people. far as to consider epidemics as signs of divine Those who made some enquiries agreed that assistance to their work. As one missionary the Miskito did not appear to worship any reported of a cholera epidemic which broke out Superior Being, and if they believed in his shortly after his arrival in 1855: existence at all they did not think that he would “All souls were filled with fear and anxiety and from all in any way interfere with their lives (Bell, 1862: sides Indians came in great numbers to ask our advice. Sad 251-252). What they did fear were the actions as all this was, we could not but see the merciful guidance of various spirits, connected with natural of our dear Lord behind all this, in making way for the phenomena, certain localities, animals, and preaching of among the Indians who are dead the dead. Controlling or placating these spirits and indifferent. (...) Predicament and fear of dying have made people willing to listen to me.” (Jürgensen, 1855: was the task of the shamans or sukias. In their 180-181; Transl. E.v.O.). ceremonies they carried the spirit of a dead person to its resting place, cured the sick and But death, to the Moravians, was not foretold future events (M.W., 1732: 308). Some only a threat to make people more receptive to of these sukias apparently were political, as well their teaching, it contained also, in their eyes, as spiritual leaders (307). Burials or gatherings the ultimate proof of faith. As one missionary in preparation of military excursions were put it: “I did draw the people’s attention to the often combined with the preparation fact that we had not come to help them to a and consumption of alcohol, during which, long life but rather to teach them how to die at some moment, the sukia would fall into peacefully and with joy.” (Siebörger, 1878: 193; trance to communicate with the spirit world. Transl. E.v.O.). If a person died in the “certainty This was, in very general terms, what the of grace” (Weber, 1978: 538), his relatives could Moravian missionaries may have known about trust that the deceased was redeemed, so they the religious ideas of the people they had set had no reason to grieve. out to convert to Christianity. It was in these situations, preaching From the beginning, the missionaries to the sick, the dying or afflicted, that old were not interested in baptising as many people Moravian came to the fore: , as possible as quickly as possible. For them, fervent prayer, a language full of vivid imagery baptism and adoption into the congregation would accompany a process which was often could only be the end of a very individual process accentuated by haunting dreams, tears and of revelation. But in order to reach the state of trembling before culminating in the experience “joyful apprehension of the love of God” (Knox, of salvation. 1950: 410), first it was necessary to understand and accept the utter sinfulness and futility of 4. Missionary work and social disruption human life. The Moravians in the Mosquitia found themselves confronted with the necessity The missionaries not only preached to to introduce the Miskito to the concepts of sin individuals, of course. They held Sunday services, and evil in order to make them feel the need for prayer meetings, Sunday school, day school, and salvation. “love-feasts”, social gatherings during which More than 100 years of experience had the congregation would have a simple meal of taught the missionaries that anguish and despair bread and coffee with and hymns. In made people more receptive to their message3. their sermons they spoke out against polygyny, They therefore visited villagers who were sick or against the sukias and, most of all, against dying or had recently lost a relative. In cases of alcohol. They demanded that houses should sickness they employed their limited medical have walls and partitions, and that people should von OERTZEN: Protestantism and ethnic. Moravian missionaries on the nicaraguan atlantic... 49 dress properly, especially when coming to church Since the end of the 18th century they had (Lundberg, 1872: 39). They refused to baptise also known a few Africans who had introduced children whose parents had not been married in their own traditions of healing on the Coast church, and they did not hesitate to make use of (Bell 1899:24-25; Schneider 1890:50), thus church discipline, i.e. exclude individuals from the Miskito had grown used to having a choice the congregation of communicants for alleged between alternatives of spiritual assistance. offences (Loveland, 1982: 12-17). Even where In some villages people summed up the there were no disciplinary measures taken, resemblance of shaman and missionary by the missionaries quite openly showed their calling the latter “parson-sukia” (Schneider, displeasure at individual behaviour of Christian 1899: 77). and non-Christian Indians alike. The ban on alcohol was at the centre There is evidence for considerable of many of the conflicts created around and opposition to the missionaries’ activities. The by the missionaries. It contained an aspect of first group to obstruct their work were, of course, protection insofar as it attempted to keep men the sukias (Lundberg, 1861: 250) because the out of the reach of traders who would treat them missionaries had entered into open competition to rum before cheating them in the subsequent with them and threatened their position as transactions of buying the Miskitos’ products spiritual leaders. When curing the sick, the in exchange for manufactured goods. But they missionaries did not attribute their successes rejected the consumption not only of rum, but to superior scientific knowledge but, not unlike also of the traditional cassava-beer (mishla), the sukias, to spiritual powers which they and thereby deeply affected Miskito customs. could summon to their assistance (cf. Ranger, The preparation and consumption of mishla 1981: 262). No remedy was effective on its own was central to events like burials and other account, but “God willing”, “with the help of celebrations. Mishla was also served when a the Lord” etc. Moreover, they not only applied man enlisted his neighbours’ and relatives’ medicines, but also claimed to interpret natural help in clearing a new garden plot or building phenomena, to defend the villages against a house. Those who had joined the Moravian oppression from Nicaraguan officials and to congregations and therefore could not serve mediate in internal conflicts. The missionaries this traditional drink for work parties found were quite aware of this competition and did it very hard to receive assistance from non- not miss any opportunity to put a sukia in the Christian villagers (Lundberg, 1861: 134). wrong, not realising the similarities between The missionaries’ rejection of polygyny themselves and the shamans they so fervently also gave rise to conflicts, because the Moravians fought. demanded that a man with several wives would have to choose one and get rid of the others “The faith that people used to have in their sorcerers has been weakened a lot and I hope to see it eradicated soon. before being accepted for baptism. This not only A few days ago a man suffered from a sore on his leg; the created resentment between families or villages sukia told him he had been bitten by an evil spirit and but also disrupted established households based tried to drive it out, but as the leg did not improve, the on the co-operation of several wives. sick man finally came to see me, and with the help of the In sum, there were individual acts of Lord, to whom I called, I was able to cure him. These poor people are also very much afraid of the rainbow, they think resistance from sukias or polygynous husbands, it is the flag which the water god flies when he is angry. I there were converts who, to the missionaries’ told them the story of Noah in all detail and explained to dismay, joined traditional feasts, but in the end them the completely different significance of the rainbow. the Moravians were accepted in all the villages They were very amazed to hear that.” (Lundberg 1861:135; where they had initiated schools and services. Transl. E.v.O.). In the period from 1855 to 1880, in the villages The villagers were not greatly disturbed with mission stations between one third and by these contests which had been quite frequent one half of the inhabitants joined the Moravian earlier among sukias challenging each other. congregations. 50 Cuadernos de Antropología

5. Conditions for success The feeling of defeat and abandonment which the Miskito had felt since the turn of the Considering the ways in which the century was still present when they presented Miskito rejected or ignored former attempts at themselves to the missionaries as helpless and conversion, one cannot help but ask why they in need of education and protection. behaved so differently towards the Moravians. Why did they allow outsiders to change almost 2. Western manufactured goods had all aspects of their lives and to attack social replaced several traditional products and thereby institutions like polygyny or communal feasts altered the sexual division of labour. Before which lay at the core of their traditional social contact, women had produced bark cloth and structure? earthen vessels, now men received “osnaburg” The reasons for this remarkable fact and metal pots in exchange for meat, skins and lie, in my opinion, in the 200 years of colonial other goods they brought back from the forest. contact which preceded the Moravians‘ arrival. In order to host a traditional “drink about”, a Due to their delicate position on the borderline man did not have to maintain a polygynous between the British and the Spanish colonial household and employ several women in the empires, the Miskito had been able to maintain lengthy elaboration of cassava beer, he could a certain degree of independence. They had just purchase a barrel of rum from one of the rejected several Spanish attempts to take traders. So while on the one hand, polygyny possession of the coast, and were considered took on forms of extreme privilege for some of as allies rather than as subjects by the British. the leading chiefs who claimed more than ten They had refrained from disturbing the British wives, on the other, in the early 19th century settlers on the Shore who, in turn, had not it had lost much of its material importance for interfered with life in the Miskito villages. Still, many Miskito men. two centuries of contact with Europeans had profoundly changed vital institutions of Miskito 3. The introduction of rum had also society and totally disrupted some of them. I modified the ritual significance itself of shall name just a few point which I consider to the production and consumption of alcohol be of particular importance: (Dunham, 1850: 73,100). Not only did traditional drink abouts become more violent, alcohol also 1. As a result of continual warfare at the became the standard drink on other and less side of the British, the traditional Miskito leaders formal occasions. Particularly women suffered who had had to attract a following by personal from the changing drinking habits of their qualities like courage and diplomatic skills had husbands and relatives. turned into permanent chiefs whose positions even tended to become hereditary. The so called 4. Close contact with the Caribbean Miskito king, in the 17th century a regional plantation economy had shown the Miskito the leader among others, had mutated into a mock workings of colonial racism. Although they had monarch in the early 19th century. His sons were been spared slavery, they had acted frequently treated as princes by the British, sent to Jamaica within the system, chasing runaways or selling for their education, and finished so estranged war captives to the slave traders. The racist from the native population that they had ceased criteria of skin colour and hair texture had to be fluent in the Miskito language (Roberts, been applied to them by almost all European 1978: 87; Pim, 1869: 269). When, in 1786, the visitors. After 1800 they became increasingly British retired from the Coast in consequence of replaced in their position as trading partners of an international treaty with Spain, the Miskito the British by the urban and English-speaking structures of leadership lost their basis. Within creoles until they found themselves below the a few decades they crumbled and disap­peared, Afro-Americans in the ethnic hierarchy of the leaving only village elders and a puppet king. Coast. von OERTZEN: Protestantism and ethnic. Moravian missionaries on the nicaraguan atlantic... 51

Conclusion Miskito identity in the slow and painful process of Christianisation revived this flexibility and For two centuries the Miskito had helped the Miskito survive as a distinctive enjoyed the position of middlemen, bridging ethnic group until today. the gulf between European values and techniques on one side and the hinterland as Notes well as their own traditions on the other. In the first decades of the 19th century, however, 1. In the late sixties in Asang, a village on the Lower the gulf had become too wide, and at the Rio Coco, out of an estimated population of 600 same time, the Miskitos’ social organisation, people only 27 were members of the „Church of God“. All the rest attended Moravian services. having been stretched to the utmost of its (Helms 1971:205). According to estimates in 1985 flexibility, had lost its capacity to maintain an 49% of the urban population of Bluefields were ethnic identity with no material basis to rest Moravians with 19% Anglicans, 11% Catholics and 9% Baptists (Gordon 1986:170). on. Unwittingly, the missionaries offered a way out of this crisis. At the price of giving up 2. The history of the Moravian mission among some of their already eroded social traditions, the Saramaka Maroons of Surinam has been the Miskito managed to turn the mission documented in detail by Richars Price (Price 1990). efforts into an opportunity to reconstruct After 48 years of mission work (1799-1813) the station among the Saramakas was finally closed their ethnic self-definition. down when the last of a handful of converts died. Of The new village community, grouped the thirty-nine missionaries who had served there, around the church (in its physical layout) and the at least thirty died in the field (Price 1990:72). parson or lay-preacher and spiritually united by common worship, reinvigorated old traditions 3. Looking back on the Saramaka mission, one Moravian concluded, that its difficulties had been of social behaviour like respect for older people, caused mainly by the fact that „...the Free Negroes fulfilment of kinship obligation, generosity etc., (...) have in many regards a favourable situation underpinning them with Christian values. The with which they feel happy.“ (Riemer 1801:429, congregations also created new institutions to quoted in Price 1990:362). arbitrate in family and marriage conflicts. Few years after initiating their work among the Miskito, the Moravians began to References preach in Miskito and to translate hymns and prayers into the indigenous language, for which they also designed a system of transcription. By Bell, Ch. (1862). “Remarks on the Mosquito contributing to the preservation and further Territory, its Climate, People, Productions development of the language, they strengthened etc.”. In: Journal of the Royal Geographical one of the central aspects of Miskito identity. Society, Vol. 32, pp. 242‑268. At the same time, they helped maintain the distinction between Miskito and Creoles. So, Bell, Ch. (1899).Tangweera. Life and Adventures although reinforcing the existing ethnical among Gentle Savages. London. hierarchy, they also counteracted possible tendencies among the Miskito to assimilate and Brieskorn, K. (1987). Die Mission der Herrnhuter turn into Creoles. Brüdergemeine an der Mosquitoküste All through the history of colonial (1849‑1894). Mss. Köln. contact, flexibility and the capacity to adapt to changing circumstances had been a salient Cragg, G. (1990/4). The Church and the Age of feature of Miskito identity. For 200 years, this Reason 1648‑1789. London. capacity had been tested so often and to such an extent, that it was close to exhaustion in Dunham, J. (1850). Journal of Voyages. New the early 19th century. The reconstruction of York. 52 Cuadernos de Antropología

Gordon, E. (1986). “Die Creoles und die Fairfield auf Jamaica nach Bluefields auf Revolution von 1979”. In: Mosquitia ‑ Die der Mosquitoküste im Jahr 1847”. In: andere Hälfte Nica­raguas. pp. 165‑187. Missionsblätter der Brüdergemeine.

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