Howard's Long March
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Local Church – Reform Through Labour – Police – Black Lists – Medical Bail and Parole 8 January 2010
Country Advice China China – CHN35881 – Fujian – Christians – Local Church – Reform through Labour – Police – Black lists – Medical bail and parole 8 January 2010 Questions 1 Please advise on the current treatment of Local Church members (Shouters) in Fujian province. Contrasting information was found in the sources consulted regarding the treatment of Local Church members in Fujian province. The following reports indicate improvements in the treatment of the Local Church within some parts of Fujian province: In February 2009 an elder of the Local Church in Melbourne advised that while the Local Church is viewed as illegal in Fujian province, the arrest of members has decreased. The Elder provided the following advice on the treatment of the Local Church in Fujian province: As we understand it, the local churches in China are viewed differently in each province. Certain provinces allow the local churches to register with the authorities and once they have done so, they are allowed to worship. However, in other provinces, including Fujian province, the local churches are regarded as illegal gatherings, however as we understand from some members who come from this province, there is not much arrests as before. There is now more dialogue between members of the local church and the authorities.1 A November 2008 report by the Country Research Section of the Department of Immigration and Citizenship (DIAC), China’s Protestants and Catholics, also reports on the increased tolerance of the Local Church by government authorities in some areas of Fujian. The report states that some Local Churches now operate legally in Fuzhou and several rural counties in Fujian. -
The Tibetan Nonviolent Struggle: a Strategic and Historical Analysis
ICNC MONOGRAPH SERIES The Tibetan Nonviolent Struggle: A Strategic and Historical Analysis Tenzin Dorjee ICNC MONOGRAPH SERIES Cover photos: (l) John Ackerly, 1987, (r) Invisible Tibet Blog SERIES EDITOR: Maciej Bartkowski John Ackerly’s photo of the first major demonstration in Lhasa in 1987 CONTACT: [email protected] became an emblem for the Tibet movement. The monk Jampa Tenzin, who is being lifted by fellow protesters, had just rushed into a burning VOLUME EDITORS: Hardy Merriman, Amber French, police station to rescue Tibetan detainees. With his arms charred by the Cassandra Balfour flames, he falls in and out of consciousness even as he leads the crowd CONTACT: [email protected] in chanting pro-independence slogans. The photographer John Ackerly Other volumes in this series: became a Tibet advocate and eventually President of the International Campaign for Tibet (1999 to 2009). To read more about John Ackerly’s The Power of Staying Put: Nonviolent Resistance experience in Tibet, see his book co-authored by Blake Kerr, Sky Burial: against Armed Groups in Colombia, Juan Masullo An Eyewitness Account of China’s Brutal Crackdown in Tibet. (2015) Invisible Tibet Blog’s photo was taken during the 2008 Tibetan uprising, The Maldives Democracy Experience (2008-13): when Tibetans across the three historical provinces of Tibet rose up From Authoritarianism to Democracy and Back, to protest Chinese rule. The protests began on March 10, 2008, a few Velezinee Aishath (2015) months ahead of the Beijing Olympic Games, and quickly became the largest, most sustained nonviolent movement Tibet has witnessed. Published by the International Center on Nonviolent Conflict The designations used and material presented in this publication do P.O. -
China – Australia – Pro-Democracy Groups – Falun Gong – Monitoring of Activist Groups
Refugee Review Tribunal AUSTRALIA RRT RESEARCH RESPONSE Research Response Number: CHN32643 Country: China Date: 21 November 2007 Keywords: China – Australia – Pro-democracy groups – Falun Gong – Monitoring of activist groups This response was prepared by the Research & Information Services Section of the Refugee Review Tribunal (RRT) after researching publicly accessible information currently available to the RRT within time constraints. This response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. This research response may not, under any circumstance, be cited in a decision or any other document. Anyone wishing to use this information may only cite the primary source material contained herein. Questions 1. Please provide a succinct update regarding the PRC authorities’ known/suspected monitoring of pro-democracy and Falun Gong protest activities in Sydney. 2. Sources suggest that the PRC expects most to have economic motives, but that they may pursue those that they (actually) believe to be dissidents or similar. Do any reports suggest that attendance at protests, etc, is sufficient to arouse adverse attention? RESPONSE 1. Please provide a succinct update regarding the PRC authorities’ known/suspected monitoring of pro-democracy and Falun Gong protest activities in Sydney. DFAT have consistently noted that it is likely that activists who have participated in protest activities against the Chinese government, including members of pro-democracy, Falun Gong and Uighur nationalist organisations, will be monitored and questioned or detained on their return to China. This view is supported by Amnesty International, Chinese government defectors and some Australian academics. -
Australia, the Southwest Pacific, and United States Interests
Order Code RL32187 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Australia, the Southwest Pacific, and United States Interests January 7, 2004 name redacted and name redacted Analysts in Asian Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress Australia, the Southwest Pacific, and United States Interests Summary The major U.S. interests in the Southwest Pacific are preventing the rise of terrorist threats, working with and maintaining the region’s U.S. territories, commonwealths, and military bases (American Samoa, Guam, the Northern Mariana Islands, and the Reagan Missile Test Site on Kwajalein Atoll in the Marshall Islands), and enhancing U.S.-Australian cooperation in pursuing mutual political, economic, and strategic objectives in the area. The United States and Australia share common interests in countering transnational crime and preventing the infiltration of terrorist organizations in the Southwest Pacific, hedging against the growing influence of China, and promoting political stability and economic development. The United States has supported Australia’s increasingly proactive stance and troop deployment in Pacific Island nations torn by political and civil strife such as East Timor, Papua New Guinea, and the Solomon Islands. Australia may play a greater strategic role in the region as the United States seeks to redeploy its Asia-Pacific force structure. This report will be updated as needed. Contents U.S. Interests in the Southwest Pacific .................................1 The Evolving U.S.-Australian Strategic Relationship......................2 Australia’s Role in the Region........................................5 China’s Growing Regional Influence...................................6 List of Figures Figure 1. Map of the Southwest Pacific ................................7 Australia, the Southwest Pacific, and United States Interests U.S. -
The Falun Gong Factor
CompassionISSUE 6 The Falun Gong Factor Why unsung acts of courage, from banners to broadcasts, are so important to understanding today’s China ALSO IN THIS ISSUE: Olympics unworthy? China’s Gestapo Chinese courts A defector’s confessions About This Editon For several years now, participants in one of the largest grassroots campaigns of civil disobedience the world has known have quietly informed fellow Chinese citizens about the brutal persecution unfolding in their own backyards. They are the practitioners of Falun Gong (or “Falun Dafa”), and at great personal risk have labored to right a tremendous wrong. Part of the Falun Gong’s effort has been to provide the outside world, on a daily basis, with priceless eyewitness accounts from inside China. These accounts tell of a suppression that permeates every facet of Chinese society. What emerges is a uniquely candid look at how the suppression of Falun Gong, as with the group’s determined resistance, impacts the Chinese people and nation, if not larger world. This edition of Compassion tells a tale at once sobering and hopeful. As the distinguished historian Ar- thur Waldron points out in his introductory essay, the campaign, for all its brutality, is failing to crush the Falun Gong. The campaign has seen new, horrific twists in recent times, however, as argued in unsettling detail by David Matas; chief among them is organ harvesting from living Falun Gong adherents. Sarah Cook sheds much-needed light, meanwhile, on the little-known entity charged with executing the nation- wide suppression—the 6-10 Office. Yet we have occasion for optimism, in spite of all this, in the movement of astounding size and vigor that has emerged in China among the Falun Gong, as described in “Righteous Resistance.” And this, de- spite enormous, yet seldom described, legal challenges set before the Falun Gong; Clive Ansley unravels for us the dubious system that is China’s courts. -
Reality Check: Australia's China Shift Came Before Trump
Reality check: Australia’s China shift came before Trump James Laurenceson February 9 2017 Note: This article appeared in The Diplomat, February 9 2017. Last year, defense hawks in the United States and Australia were handed a rude shock. A poll by the Sydney- based Lowy Institute revealed that 43 percent of Australians thought the country’s most important relationship was with the United States. The very same proportion said that it was with China. Another poll by the U.S. Studies Center at the University of Sydney found that 48 percent of Australians thought the relationship with China should be stronger, compared with 32 percent who said the same about the United States. It is against this background that new U.S. President Donald Trump spoke to Australian Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull last week. After having had conversations with several other world leaders, including Russia’s Vladimir Putin, Trump reportedly told Turnbull that his was the “worst phone call by far.” As part of a discussion over a U.S.-Australia refugee resettlement plan, Trump accused Turnbull of trying to send the “next Boston bombers” to the United States. Trump counsellor Kellyanne Conway then blamed Australia for leaking details of the conversation, despite the earliest reports citing White House sources, only later confirmed by Australian ones. In any case, Trump himself had fired off a tweet calling the refugee resettlement plan Turnbull had struck with the former Obama administration “a dumb deal.” Many commentators declared China to be the big winner from the episode. But to focus only on the fallout of the phone call would be to miss a shift that was already underway. -
IB # 366-New Text
JUNE 2020 ISSUE NO. 366 Australia-China Relations: The Great Unravelling NAVDEEP SURI ABSTRACT Over the last three decades, Australia and China have established mutually beneficial economic ties. However, Australia’s decision to ask for an independent enquiry into the origins of SARS-CoV-2, which causes COVID-19, has led to a backlash from China. This brief examines the more important developments since 2015 that persuaded Australia to take measures aimed at protecting both its open economy and its democratic polity against China’s systematic campaign to expand its influence. The brief describes various case studies including the attempts by the Chinese Communist Party to use Australia’s large Chinese community to support its foreign policy objectives, its attempts to secure strategic economic assets in Australia, and its efforts to use corrupt practices for recruiting politicians who would support its agenda. Attribution: Navdeep Suri, “Australia-China Relations: The Great Unravelling,” ORF Issue Brief No. 366, June 2020, Observer Research Foundation. Observer Research Foundation (ORF) is a public policy think tank that aims to influence the formulation of policies for building a strong and prosperous India. ORF pursues these goals by providing informed analyses and in-depth research, and organising events that serve as platforms for stimulating and productive discussions. ISBN 978-93-90159-20-8 © 2020 Observer Research Foundation. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, copied, archived, retained or transmitted through print, speech or electronic media without prior written approval from ORF. Australia-China Relations: The Great Unravelling INTRODUCTION reaction from China. Australia has held firm in its response to threats of economic coercion, Over the last three decades, China and causing concern in business circles about the Australia have developed a mutually new dynamics of the relationship. -
Australia: Background and U.S
Order Code RL33010 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Australia: Background and U.S. Relations Updated April 20, 2006 Bruce Vaughn Analyst in Southeast and South Asian Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress Australia: Background and U.S. Interests Summary The Commonwealth of Australia and the United States are close allies under the ANZUS treaty. Australia evoked the treaty to offer assistance to the United States after the attacks of September 11, 2001, in which 22 Australians were among the dead. Australia was one of the first countries to commit troops to U.S. military operations in Afghanistan and Iraq. In October 2002, a terrorist attack on Western tourists in Bali, Indonesia, killed more than 200, including 88 Australians and seven Americans. A second terrorist bombing, which killed 23, including four Australians, was carried out in Bali in October 2005. The Australian Embassy in Jakarta, Indonesia, was also bombed by members of Jemaah Islamiya (JI) in September 2004. The Howard Government’s strong commitment to the United States in Afghanistan and Iraq and the recently negotiated bilateral Free Trade Agreement (FTA) between Australia and the United States have strengthened what were already close ties between the two long-term allies. Despite the strong strategic ties between the United States and Australia, there have been some signs that the growing economic importance of China to Australia may influence Australia’s external posture on issues such as Taiwan. Australia plays a key role in promoting regional stability in Southeast Asia and the Southwest Pacific. -
Timbuckleyieefa DIRTY POWER BIG COAL's NETWORK of INFLUENCE OVER the COALITION GOVERNMENT CONTENTS
ICAC investigation: Lobbying, Access and Influence (Op Eclipse) Submission 2 From: Tim Buckley To: Lobbying Subject: THE REGULATION OF LOBBYING, ACCESS AND INFLUENCE IN NSW: A CHANCE TO HAVE YOUR SAY Date: Thursday, 16 May 2019 2:01:39 PM Attachments: Mav2019-GPAP-Dirtv-Power-Report.Ddf Good afternoon I am delighted that the NSW ICAC is looking again into the issue of lobbying and undue access by lobbyists representing self-serving, private special interest groups, and the associated lack of transparency. This is most needed when it relates to the private (often private, foreign tax haven based entities with zero transparency or accountability), use of public assets. IEEFA works in the public interest analysis relating to the energy-fmance-climate space, and so we regularly see the impact of the fossil fuel sector in particular as one that thrives on the ability to privatise the gains for utilising one-time use public assets and in doing so, externalising the costs onto the NSW community. This process is constantly repeated. The community costs, be they in relation to air, particulate and carbon pollution, plus the use of public water, and failure to rehabilitate sites post mining, brings a lasting community cost, particularly in the area of public health costs. The cost-benefit analysis presented to the IPC is prepared by the proponent, who has an ability to present biased self-serving analysis that understates the costs and overstates the benefits. To my understanding, the revolving door of regulators, politicians, fossil fuel companies and their lobbyists is corrosive to our democracy, undermining integrity and fairness. -
1 Tony Abbott: the Argument for Central Government Santo Santoro
September 2005 Issue 1 www.conservative.com.au Tony Abbott: the argument for central government Santo Santoro: the case for federalism Gerry Wheeler: federalism & VSU 1 contents September 2005 Issue 1 www.conservative.com.au FOCUS ON FEDERALISM 4 Tony Abbott A CONSERVATIVE CASE FOR CENTRALISM 6 Santo Santoro IN DEFENCE OF FEDERALISM 13 Gerry Wheeler VOLUNTARY STUDENT UNIONISM - LESSONS FROM THE STATES THEORY AND PHILOSOPHY 17 Alastair Furnival THE CHALLENGES OF A MODERN CONSERVATISM 21 Mike Pence STATE OF THE CONSERVATIVE MOVEMENT POLICY 25 Nick Minchin PATRON: Senator Hon. Nick Minchin WHY WE SHOULD SELL TELSTRA EDITORIAL COMMITTEE: Senator Santo Santoro (editor) 28 Alexander Downer Alastair Furnival (excutive editor) ON HISTORY AND LIBERTY Senator Concetta Fierravanti-Wells Gerry Wheeler David Stevens 33 Michael Brennan PUBLISHER: FISCAL RESPONSIBILITY Conservative Publications Pty Ltd VS SMALLER GOVERNMENT GPO Box 1600 Sydney NSW 2000 38 Concetta Fierravanti-Wells ph: 02 9234 3838 fax: 02 9234 3800 [email protected] IMMIGRATION AND SOCIETY These days it seems that serious consideration of ideas which are mainstream, quintessentially Australian, and in the public interest is often sidelined by the pursuit of more superficial issues. It has become apparent to those associated with this enterprise that there is a need for a journal - namely the conservative - to unashamedly raise issues which are increasingly prominent in the political, economic and social consciousness of our country’s activists: and to do so through the prism of progressive Liberal thought. In this inaugural issue of the conservative there is focus on the growing debate about federalism - an issue which touches the very core and foundations of our system of government. -
Australia Sidelines Taiwan, 2001–2007 the Australian Government
CHAPTER FIVE AUSTRALIA SIDELINES TAIWAN, 2001–2007 The Australian government received some respite from the demands of the US-China-Taiwan triangle due to the “post 9/11 détente” between the United States and China following the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks in the US.1 In addition, as Stuart Harris earlier noted, Australia could “more easily pay the alliance price in distant areas than within the region.”2 Australian support for the US in Iraq and Afghanistan assisted Canberra in re-orientating Australian policy towards a strong compre- hensive alliance with the US, while simultaneously resisting the adoption of a common approach with Washington towards Beijing over Taiwan.3 The Australian government also had more space to maintain its silence during Sino-American standoffs.4 With the US more accommodating of such Australian “defections” over issues with China and Chinese demands vis-à-vis Taiwan, Australia found itself extraordinarily free to oblige Beijing in sidelining Taiwan. This was particularly important to the Chinese gov- ernment with President Chen Shui-bian challenging China’s goal of uni- fication during this period. As a result—for a brief period at least—the Australian government was able to move simultaneously closer to both the US and to China.5 Australia Has its Cake and Eats it Too Unlike the profound shift of the Sino-Soviet split during the Cold War, post-9/11 cooperation merely moderated strategic competition between the US and China. Beijing had earlier launched a “diplomatic 1 From: Ibid., p. 7. 2 Harris, Will China Divide Australia and the US?, p. -
The Leader of the Opposition
The Leader of the Opposition ‘…just as there can be no good or stable government without a sound majority, so there will be a dictatorial government unless there is the constant criticism of an intelligent, active, and critical opposition.’ –Sir Robert Menzies, 1948 The practice in Australia is for the leader of the party or coalition that can secure a majority in the House of Representatives to be appointed as Prime Minister. The leader of the largest party or Hon. Dr. H.V. Evatt coalition outside the government serves as Leader of the Opposition. Leader of the Opposition 1951 - 1960 The Leader of the Opposition is his or her party’s candidate for Prime National Library of Australia Minister at a general election. Each party has its own internal rules for the election of a party leader. Since 1967, the Leader of the Opposition has appointed a Shadow Ministry which offers policy alternatives and criticism on various portfolios. The Leader of the Opposition is, by convention, always a member of the House of Representatives and sits opposite the Prime Minister in the chamber. The Senate leader of the opposition party is referred to as the Leader of the Opposition in the Senate, even if they lead a majority of Senators. He or she usually has a senior Shadow Ministry role. Australia has an adversarial parliamentary system in which the Prime Minister and the Leader of the Opposition face off against one another during debates in the House of Representatives. The Opposition’s role is to hold the government accountable to the people and to Parliament, as well as to provide alternative policies in a range of areas.