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The unsuccessful attempt was by the Musqueam headman Shientin who went north to recover Natives in the Fur his wife and daughter—presumably the one who Trade: had not already been seized by the Cowichan Looking at the warrior Lammus. He learned they had already been sold farther north, and so he abandoned Fort Langley Journals the quest, but he returned safely. Occasionally By Keith T. Carison alliances were formed. That famous Cowichan chief Shoshia may have been affied with them. At one point, expressing outrage at their attacks, he persuaded the fort to give him the ammuni— HE recent publication of Morag Keith Carison is the tion to attack them. But it turned out he prob Maclachian’s edition of the Fort Langley editor of You are Asked ably went north and sold them the ammunition T journals provides the public with easy to Witness: The Stó:Io in instead, After many threats the Coast Salish later access to an important historical document which Canadas Pacific Coast did mount retaliatory expeditions. In the light until now has been cloistered in the archives. History. He has worked for StO:Io Nation since of all of this it appears to me that the image of Records relating to the Coast’s 1992. the Coast Salish as perpetual victims is a myth early land based era are relatively scant and that relations between Salish and Salish and compared to most other parts of Canada. Two between Salish and Lekwiltok differed only in fires and the intrigue of international compensa degree not in kind. tion claims between the British Hudson’s Bay 4. The fourth questionable notion is that the Company (HBC) and the United States follow Northwest Coast was so rich in natural resources ing the dividing of the Oregon Territory along and these were so reliable that the Native peo the 49th parallel in 1846 have resulted in histori ples could get all the food they needed during ans having to make more ofless in terms ofdocu the warmer seasons and spend their winters en mentary records. For scholars ofAboriginal his gaging in ceremonies and the arts.This notion, tory and Native-European relations this has meant once standard among both popular writers and that the typical records relied upon by historians anthropologists, is no longer a common vie of the Canadian subarctic, for example, are gen but if we need any more evidence to dispose of erally absent or available only in miniscule pro it, the journals provide it. Even in the three years portions for BC’s coast.Journals for Fort Langley they record, the salmon runs fluctuated greatly. exist only for the brief three-year period 1827— In 1827 the fish were abundant, in 1828 they 1830, despite the fact that the HBC operated the were scarce and the Natives were reluctant to fort from its establishment in 1827 through to sell them and were later hungry, but in 1829 the 1890s. How then do the Fort Langley records they were so plentiful that the fort was turning contribute to our understanding of BC’s Abo the would-be fish sellers away. Sturgeon also fluc riginal history, and how does the information tuated in abundance. It is also clear that there contained within them relate to the historical was no season during which the Native people interpretations of earlier generations of scholars? could simply live off their supplies. They seem The first historian to seriously consider the to have been out in the river fishing for stur role ofAboriginal people in Canada’s economic geon whenever conditions permitted it. and social history was Harold Innis. In The Fur I know there is much more of anthropologi Trade In Canada (1930), Innis presented his now cal value in the Fort Langley journals than I famous “Staple’s Thesis” in which he articulated have described in my contribution to the book. the argument that Canada’s political institutions I that now that the UBC Press has made were shaped by the centralizing forces of the con them available, others will mine them further. I tinental mercantile fur trade: the fur trade cre am grateful to Morag and to UBC Press for ated Canada by linking diverse geographical re letting me play a part in the publication. But we gions into a single economic unit. In his analysis all must be grateful to Barnston, McMillan, and he recognized the role of Native economic agency McDonald for their work as journal keepers. and commented on what he saw as the deter ministic influence of European technologies on Aboriginal culture. He argued that as economic demands outstripped local production levels cer—

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FALL 1999 NEWS HISTORICAL - BC 14

them- entries journal neighbours.The their and interracial Amelia, wife and Metis his Douglas

Salish Coast speaking of Haiqemeylem the ture Governor between by the relationship onstrated

cul the of discussion readable and insightful an dem As children. and “mixed-blood” wives nal

provides ethnography Suttles’s Dr. journals, edited Aborigi their through communities Native with

Maclachlan’s with in conjunction Read Suttles. relations long—term meaningful, lasting, formed

Wayne anthropology; Salish Coast of scholar ior traders trade. European fur based land the ing

sen the by compiled significance, ethnographic dur marriages interracial through ships forged

their of discussion an is excellent journals lished relation personal of the importance emphasizing

pub the to Appended relations? by tive-European literature the enriched himself Fisher lacking.

Na about say they do What history? social and been hitherto had that historians macy among

economic ofAboriginal understanding our ute to legiti of a degree interpretation the provided

contrib they do What mosaic? historiographical and literature thesis on enrichment the elaborated

this into fit 1827—1830 of journals Duff, under studied had who Fisher, Robin

Langley Fort published newly the do then How thesis.” as be “enrichment the known

right. Aboriginal an are sales to came writings these Together, era. settlement

market that position the support would change the subsequent during evaporated trade partners

ex

such of Evidence 1846. to prior salmon of as usefulness Native after occurred only eration

exchange economic the in engaged people Salish Degen ceremonialism. economic and

Coast

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focussed

1996 of

decision Peet” “Vander toryThe increased and technologies New culture. Native

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pri the

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have

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and

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feature a

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cial of use meticulous make to first the was

Howay

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Van Howay. EW. Hon. the

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Sylvia and

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Valley by considered being were history

Aboriginal of

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Manitoba

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Working aspects and trade fur the Coast, West the

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relations assumed communities and individuals Native tam Left: “Interior of a Lodge with Family Group. “by Paul Kane (1810—1871). Watercolour on paper 14 x 23.5 cm. Sli’htly cropped.

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Courtesy Stark Museum of Art Orange,Texas.—No. 31 .78/87,WWC 88 selves, however, speak directly to the sexual, and other more subtle and gendered re historiographical debates introduced above. quirements and needs among the individuals and From the journals we learn that the market communities involved. exchange ofsalmon was not something the Coast Enrichment must be tempered as an explana Salish had to learn from Europeans. Indeed, the tory model, however, by recognition of the om HBC struggled to modify the Stó:lo economy nipresent threat of force behind all HBC activi away from salmon exchange and into the fur trade. ties. Cannons were mounted in the fort’s bas Failing in this endeavour; they then adapted them tions, torture was used to extract information and selves to the local salmon economy and became confessions from the slaves of the Native wives middlemen in an expanded version of the tradi who married into the fort’s community, and tional Aboriginal economy. Similarly, the jour Natives who arrived and refused to trade accord nals show that cedar bark, sturgeon isinglass, ber ing to European standards of market exchange ries and even slaves were also part and parcel of sometimes found themselves receiving a swift kick the dynamics ofAboriginal-European exchange in the groin. associated with Fort Langley. Violence was a common feature of life on the In terms of the debate of “enrichment,” the in the 1820s. The fort journals de Fort Langley journals indicate that Native peo scribe inter-community raids and retaliatory raids ple did indeed enjoy and benefit from the intro involving the Cowichans, Musqueam, Kwantlen, duced European technology They were just as Chiffiwack, Scowlits and others. Larger scale con eager as the Europeans to secure the benefits of flicts are also described between the Yukletaws the fort for their own use, and arranged mar (fromJohnstone Strait) and the Coast Salish.The riages with the HBC employees to get an edge HBC generally refrained from involving them over their Native competitors.The HBC, on the selves in these conflicts, but considered supply other hand, found marriages to Aboriginal ing the Coast Salish with guns to counteract the women at Fort Langley not only important for technological imbalance created by the Ameri trade purposes, but also for staffmorale.Thejour can sale of arms toYukletaws to the north. nals describe the comic and tragic case of one Readers of all interest levels, from armchair lonely servant who, frustrated with Fort Langley’s history buff to academic scholar, will find things isolation, attempted to walk his way south to civi ofinterest within the Fort Langleyjournals. Like lization only to return naked, hungry, covered in wise, those with interests in ethnography and mosquito bites and delirious a few days later. Fort anthropology will not be disappointed either.This Langley’s chief trader determined that marriages publication provides the reading public with easy into the local community were the “only means access to primary records previously available only ofreconciling” the men to the place.These niixed through archival manuscript collections. Its en marriages resulted in long term meaningful rela tries are thick with detailed description and titil tionships that fulfilled a host of social, economic, lating accounts of a host of matters. ‘‘

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