Abbas Swears in Palestinian Unity Government
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
West Bank and Gaza 2020 Human Rights Report
WEST BANK AND GAZA 2020 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The Palestinian Authority basic law provides for an elected president and legislative council. There have been no national elections in the West Bank and Gaza since 2006. President Mahmoud Abbas has remained in office despite the expiration of his four-year term in 2009. The Palestinian Legislative Council has not functioned since 2007, and in 2018 the Palestinian Authority dissolved the Constitutional Court. In September 2019 and again in September, President Abbas called for the Palestinian Authority to organize elections for the Palestinian Legislative Council within six months, but elections had not taken place as of the end of the year. The Palestinian Authority head of government is Prime Minister Mohammad Shtayyeh. President Abbas is also chairman of the Palestine Liberation Organization and general commander of the Fatah movement. Six Palestinian Authority security forces agencies operate in parts of the West Bank. Several are under Palestinian Authority Ministry of Interior operational control and follow the prime minister’s guidance. The Palestinian Civil Police have primary responsibility for civil and community policing. The National Security Force conducts gendarmerie-style security operations in circumstances that exceed the capabilities of the civil police. The Military Intelligence Agency handles intelligence and criminal matters involving Palestinian Authority security forces personnel, including accusations of abuse and corruption. The General Intelligence Service is responsible for external intelligence gathering and operations. The Preventive Security Organization is responsible for internal intelligence gathering and investigations related to internal security cases, including political dissent. The Presidential Guard protects facilities and provides dignitary protection. -
Palestine's Occupied Fourth Estate
Arab Media and Society (Issue 17, Winter 2013) Palestine’s Occupied Fourth Estate: An inside look at the work lives of Palestinian print journalists Miriam Berger Abstract While for decades local Palestinian media remained a marginalized and often purely politicized subject, in recent years a series of studies has more critically analyzed the causes and consequences of its seeming diversity but structural underdevelopment.1 However, despite these advances, the specific conditions facing Palestinian journalists in local print media have largely remained underreported. In this study, I address this research gap from a unique perspective: as viewed from the newsroom itself. I present the untold stories of the everyday work life of Palestinian journalists working at the three local Jerusalem- and Ramallah-based newspapers— al-Quds, al-Ayyam, and al-Hayat al-Jadida—from 1994 until January 2012. I discuss the difficult working conditions journalists face within these news organizations, and situate these experiences within the context of Israeli and Palestinian Authority policies and practices that have obstructed the political, economic, and social autonomy of the local press. I first provide a brief background on Palestinian print media, and then I focus on several key areas of concern for the journalists: Israeli and Palestinian violence, the economics of printing in Palestine, the phenomenon of self-censorship, the Palestinian Journalists Syndicate, and internal newspaper organization. This study covers the nearly two decades since the signing of the Oslo Peace Accords between Israel and the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) which put in place the now stalled process of ending the Israeli military occupation of Palestine (used here to refer to the West Bank, East Jerusalem, and Gaza Strip). -
Israeli-Arab Negotiations: Background, Conflicts, and U.S. Policy
Order Code RL33530 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Israeli-Arab Negotiations: Background, Conflicts, and U.S. Policy Updated August 4, 2006 Carol Migdalovitz Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress Israeli-Arab Negotiations: Background, Conflicts, and U.S. Policy Summary After the first Gulf war, in 1991, a new peace process involved bilateral negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians, Jordan, Syria, and Lebanon. On September 13, 1993, Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) signed a Declaration of Principles (DOP), providing for Palestinian empowerment and some territorial control. On October 26, 1994, Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and King Hussein of Jordan signed a peace treaty. Israel and the Palestinians signed an Interim Self-Rule in the West Bank or Oslo II accord on September 28, 1995, which led to the formation of the Palestinian Authority (PA) to govern the West Bank and Gaza. The Palestinians and Israelis signed additional incremental accords in 1997, 1998, and 1999. Israeli-Syrian negotiations were intermittent and difficult, and were postponed indefinitely in 2000. On May 24, 2000, Israel unilaterally withdrew from south Lebanon after unsuccessful negotiations. From July 11 to 24, 2000, President Clinton held a summit with Israeli and Palestinian leaders at Camp David on final status issues, but they did not produce an accord. A Palestinian uprising or intifadah began that September. On February 6, 2001, Ariel Sharon was elected Prime Minister of Israel, and rejected steps taken at Camp David and afterwards. The post 9/11 war on terrorism prompted renewed U.S. -
An Unusual Revolution: the Palestinian Thawra in Lebanon, C
Durham Middle East Papers AN UNUSuaL REVOLUTION: THE PALESTINIAN THAWra IN LEBANON, C. 1969-82 Dr Anne Irfan Durham Middle East Paper No. 103 Durham Middle East Papers Institute for Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies Institute for Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies Durham University Al-Qasimi Building Elvet Hill Road Durham AN UNUSuaL REVOLUTION: Durham Middle East Papers No. 103 DH1 3TU ISSN 1476-4830 THE PALESTINIAN THAWra IN LEBANON, C. 1969-82 Tel: +44 (0)191 3345680 September 2020 The Durham Middle East Papers series covers all aspects of the economy, politics, social science, history, literature and languages of the Middle East. Authors are invited to submit papers to the Editorial Board for consideration for publication. Dr Anne Irfan The views expressed in this paper are the author(s) alone and do not necessarily reflect those of the publisher or IMEIS. All Rights Reserved. This paper cannot be photocopied or reproduced without prior permission. Durham Middle East Paper No. 103 © Dr Anne Irfan and Durham University, 2020 About The Institute Editorial Board The Institute for Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies (IMEIS), within the Professor Anoush Ehteshami Dr Colin Turner School of Government & International Affairs, is a Social Science-focused Exofficio member Reader in Islamic Thought in academic institute of excellence, research-led in ethos, with a track-record of Professor of International Relations the School of Government and internationally acclaimed research outputs across all sub-areas of its activity. in the School of -
Palestinian Forces
Center for Strategic and International Studies Arleigh A. Burke Chair in Strategy 1800 K Street, N.W. • Suite 400 • Washington, DC 20006 Phone: 1 (202) 775 -3270 • Fax : 1 (202) 457 -8746 Email: [email protected] Palestinian Forces Palestinian Authority and Militant Forces Anthony H. Cordesman Center for Strategic and International Studies [email protected] Rough Working Draft: Revised February 9, 2006 Copyright, Anthony H. Cordesman, all rights reserved. May not be reproduced, referenced, quote d, or excerpted without the written permission of the author. Cordesman: Palestinian Forces 2/9/06 Page 2 ROUGH WORKING DRAFT: REVISED FEBRUARY 9, 2006 ................................ ................................ ............ 1 THE MILITARY FORCES OF PALESTINE ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 2 THE OSLO ACCORDS AND THE NEW ISRAELI -PALESTINIAN WAR ................................ ................................ .............. 3 THE DEATH OF ARAFAT AND THE VICTORY OF HAMAS : REDEFINING PALESTINIAN POLITICS AND THE ARAB - ISRAELI MILITARY BALANCE ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 4 THE CHANGING STRUCTURE OF PALESTINIAN AUTHORITY FORC ES ................................ ................................ .......... 5 Palestinian Authority Forces During the Peace Process ................................ ................................ ..................... 6 The -
The Palestinian Parliamentary Election and the Rise of Hamas
RESEARCH PAPER 06/17 The Palestinian 15 MARCH 2006 Parliamentary Election and the rise of Hamas The militant Islamist movement Hamas won a surprise victory in the Palestinian parliamentary election of 25 January 2006 and is in the process of forming a government. This paper examines the background to the election and the various factors behind the Hamas victory, before considering the reaction to the result and the possible implications it may have. Background on the Arab-Israeli conflict and peace process can be found in Research Paper 05/29, The Middle East Peace Process: prospects after the Palestinian Presidential Elections, of 29 March 2005, while a chronology of key events can be found in Standard Note SN/IA/2693, Middle East Peace Process: a detailed chronology from 1990 to the present. Tim Youngs INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS & DEFENCE SECTION HOUSE OF COMMONS LIBRARY Recent Library Research Papers include: List of 15 most recent RPs 06/02 Social Indicators [includes article: New Year resolutions – how do 12.01.06 they figure?] 06/03 Unemployment by Constituency, December 2005 18.01.06 06/04 The Merchant Shipping (Pollution) Bill [Bill 68 of 2005-06] 23.01.06 06/05 Economic Indicators, February 2006 [includes article: 01.02.06 The 80% employment aspiration] 06/06 The Legislative and Regulatory Reform Bill [Bill 111 of 2005-06] 06.02.06 06/07 The Children and Adoption Bill [Bill 96 of 2005-06] 07.02.06 06/08 Sudan: The Elusive Quest for Peace 08.02.06 06/09 Inflation: The value of the pound 1750-2005 13.02.06 06/10 Unemployment by Constituency, -
Palestine, Israel and Lebanon: Politics and Peace Prospects
Palestine, Israel and Lebanon: Politics and Peace Prospects International Peace Institute with Charney Research 8 December 2010 Summary Key findings from polls of 1,019 Palestinians, 1,020 Israelis, and 1,000 Lebanese and eight focus groups in Israel in August and September 2010 include: • Palestinian mood much better than in 2009, especially on the West Bank. • Israelis anxious despite prosperity and security. • Lebanese unhappy about economy and security. • President and Prime Minister popular in all three governments. • Israel’s right-wing government and Fatah would lead in elections today, Lebanon’s March 14 government could face problems. • Lebanese favor a truce with Israel. • Phased two-state solution appeals to Israelis and Palestinians. • Israelis are fearful and ignorant about Arab politics. • Palestinians, Arab states and West can all encourage Israeli acceptance of a two-state plan. 2 Palestinian mood has improved markedly, particularly in the West Bank, thanks to a better economy and security. Would you say things in Palestine are headed in the right direction or wrong direction? (Percent saying right direction) Economic situation good • West Bank 47% (2009: 35%) • Gaza 34% (2009: 12%) Rarely/never fear for safety or security • West Bank 63% (2009: 42%) • Gaza 38% (2009: 65%) 2009 2010 2009 2010 2009 2010 All West Bank Gaza 3 Israelis are pessimistic and fearful about long-term security despite a strong economy and calm at present. Would you say things in Israel are headed in the right direction or wrong direction? Economic situation good • 68% Rarely/never fear for safety or security • 53% 4 Lebanese mood darker than in 2008, though economy and security somewhat better. -
U.S. Security Assistance to the Palestinian Authority
U.S. Security Assistance to the Palestinian Authority Jim Zanotti Analyst in Middle Eastern Affairs January 8, 2010 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R40664 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress U.S. Security Assistance to the Palestinian Authority Summary Since shortly after the establishment of limited Palestinian self-rule in the West Bank and Gaza Strip in the mid-1990s, the United States has periodically provided assistance to the Palestinian Authority (PA) for civil security and counterterrorism purposes. Following the death of Yasser Arafat in late 2004 and the election of Mahmoud Abbas as his successor as PA President in early 2005, then-U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice created the office of U.S. Security Coordinator (USSC) for Israel and the Palestinian Authority to help reform, train, and equip PA security forces which had been personally beholden to Arafat and his political allies. Previous Israeli-Palestinian efforts at security cooperation collapsed during the second Palestinian intifada that took place earlier this decade. Since Hamas gained control of the Gaza Strip in June 2007, Lieutenant General Keith Dayton, head of the USSC since November 2005, and the State Department’s Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs (INL) have helped with the “gendarmerie-style” training of West Bank-based PA security personnel. As of June 2009, approximately 400 Presidential Guardsmen and 2,200 National Security Forces troops have been trained at the Jordan International Police Training Center (JIPTC) near Amman. All troops, new or already serving, are vetted for terrorist links, human rights violations, and/or criminal records by the State Department, Israel, Jordan, and the PA before they are admitted to U.S.-sponsored training courses at JIPTC. -
Council on Palestinian Affairs
Topic I: Devising Contingency Plans and Increasing Resiliency to Protect Palestinian Civilians and Infrastructure from Military Actions and Offensives. I. Introduction A. General Background Palestinian civilians and infrastructure have been under attack by foreign military actors since the 1950’s. Past efforts on behalf of the United Nations (UN), World Bank (WB) and other international institutions to develop a Palestinian contingency plan have failed to bring about a peaceful end to the conflict, often sacrificing long-term flexibility for short-term improvements which are not compatible with the evolving needs of the Palestinian people and government. The majority of efforts to solve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict are funded by non-League states, creating a disconnect between the creators of these initiatives and those whom the initiatives affect1. For example, plans calling for military action disproportionately place military offensives in Gaza and the West Bank regions, which are already systematically targeted by state and sub-state violence. Meanwhile, economy-focused contingency plans tend to ignore the greater fiscal influences of the region.2 In order to create a meaningful contingency plan for the Palestinian conflict, it is important that Arab states play a role, as their understanding of the Palestinian people’s needs is more intimate than other states. Finally, the protection of Palestinian civilians is a delicate but crucial issue in light of the current Israeli occupation. There has been a considerable lack of protection -
The Legal Effects of the Israeli-PLO Declaration of Principles: Steps Toward Statehood for Palestine
The Legal Effects of the Israeli-PLO Declaration of Principles: Steps Toward Statehood for Palestine Kathryn M. McKinney* I. INTRODUCTION After decades of bitter conflict in the Middle East,1 Israel and Palestine have embarked on a historic quest for peace. On Monday, 0 Lead Article Editor, Seattle University Law Review. B.A. 1991, Austin College; J.D. Candidate 1995, Seattle University School of Law. 1. For a discussion of the history of the conflict in the Middle East, see generally PETER MANSFIELD, A HISTORY OF THE MIDDLE EAST (1991). For an analysis of the modem conflicts in the Middle East, see generally DAVID KIMICHE, THE LAST OPTION (1991). For an historical perspective of the history of Israel drawn from the Hebrew Bible, see MICHAEL GRANT, THE HISTORY OF ANCIENT ISRAEL (1984). Although the history of the conflict in the Middle East is long and complicated, the following is a brief summary of highlights from the last century: *1882 - Jewish immigrants in "Lovers of Zion" movement begin to arrive in Palestine from Eastern Europe. 01896 - Theodor Herzl publishes Zionist treatise outlining the establishment of a state of the Jews. *1917 - British Balfour Declaration declares that it "views with favor" the establishment of a "Jewish National Home" in Palestine. 01937 - Spurred by heightened Arab-Jewish tension, British Peel Commission recommends partitioning Palestine into a Jewish and an Arab state. *1939 - British government issues White Paper backing away from partition idea. *1945 - World War II ends with attention focused on survivors of Nazi holocaust. *1947 - UN votes to partition Palestine into Jewish and Arab states. -
Palestinian Reconciliation and the Potential of Transitional Justice
Brookings Doha Center Analysis Paper Number 25, March 2019 Palestinian Reconciliation and the Potential of Transitional Justice Mia Swart PALESTINIAN RECONCILIATION AND THE POTENTIAL OF TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE Mia Swart The Brookings Institution is a nonprofit organization devoted to independent research and policy solutions. Its mission is to conduct high-quality, independent research and, based on that research, to provide innovative, practical recommendations for policymakers and the public. The conclusions and recommendations of any Brookings publication are solely those of its author(s), and do not reflect the views of the Institution, its management, or its other scholars. Brookings recognizes that the value it provides to any supporter is in its absolute commitment to quality, independence and impact. Activities supported by its donors reflect this commitment and the analysis and recommendations are not determined by any donation. Copyright © 2019 Brookings Institution THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION 1775 Massachusetts Avenue, N.W. Washington, D.C. 20036 U.S.A. www.brookings.edu BROOKINGS DOHA CENTER Saha 43, Building 63, West Bay, Doha, Qatar www.brookings.edu/doha Table of Contents I. Executive Summary .................................................................................................1 II. Introduction ..........................................................................................................3 III. Background on the Rift Between Fatah and Hamas ...............................................7 IV. The Concept -
Religious Nationalism and the Palestinian-Israeli Conflict: Examining Hamas and the Possibility of Reform
Chicago Journal of International Law Volume 5 Number 1 Article 17 6-1-2004 Religious Nationalism and the Palestinian-Israeli Conflict: Examining Hamas and the Possibility of Reform Sara Roy Follow this and additional works at: https://chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/cjil Recommended Citation Roy, Sara (2004) "Religious Nationalism and the Palestinian-Israeli Conflict: Examining Hamas and the Possibility of Reform," Chicago Journal of International Law: Vol. 5: No. 1, Article 17. Available at: https://chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/cjil/vol5/iss1/17 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Chicago Unbound. It has been accepted for inclusion in Chicago Journal of International Law by an authorized editor of Chicago Unbound. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Religious Nationalism and the Palestinian-Israeli Conflict: Examining Hamas and the Possibility of Reform* Sara Roy** Is the transformation of Hamas-the largest political faction in the Palestinian Islamic movement-possible?' For many, perhaps most, observers and analysts of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict the answer is an immediate and unequivocal "no," particularly in light of the many horrific suicide bombing attacks perpetrated by Hamas against Israeli civilians since the start of the al Aqsa Intifada over three years ago. Yet, recent history has shown that internal change within Hamas is indeed possible, and perhaps under the right conditions, sustainable. History has also shown Hamas to be pragmatic, flexible, and open to change. There is no doubt that in the five years or so prior to the start of the current uprising, the Islamists-particularly Hamas-had entered a period of de- radicalization and demilitarization and were searching for political and social accommodation within Palestinian society.