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Ethnic Patriotism: Boston's Irish and Jewish Communities, 1880-1929

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Ethnic Patriotism: Boston's Irish and Jewish Communities, 1880-1929 Ethnic Patriotism: Boston's Irish and Jewish Communities, 1880-1929 Author: Meaghan Dwyer-Ryan Persistent link: http://hdl.handle.net/2345/1831 This work is posted on eScholarship@BC, Boston College University Libraries. Boston College Electronic Thesis or Dissertation, 2010 Copyright is held by the author, with all rights reserved, unless otherwise noted. Boston College The Graduate School of Arts and Sciences Department of History ETHNIC PATRIOTISM: BOSTON’S IRISH AND JEWISH COMMUNITIES, 1880-1929 a dissertation by MEAGHAN DWYER-RYAN submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy August 2010 © copyright by MEAGHAN DWYER RYAN 2010 Ethnic Patriotism: Boston’s Irish and Jewish Communities, 1880-1929 Meaghan Dwyer-Ryan Advisor: Kevin Kenny This dissertation examines the development of ethnic consciousness in Boston’s Irish and Jewish communities in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, focusing on several interrelated areas of analysis: religion, public service, ethnic nationalism, and popular culture. As the city’s leading non-Protestant groups, Irish and Jews challenged ideas of Yankee superiority, arguing they could retain their ethnic culture and still be respected, patriotic citizens. Both groups consisted of a small middle class of businessmen and professionals and a large immigrant working class. From these factions emerged the competing voices of individuals who sought to find the best way to promote the compatibility of their religion, culture, and ethnic nationalist aspirations with American loyalties. After decades of trying to achieve full acceptance, Irish and Jews saw World War I as the ultimate test of ethnic patriotism; instead of conforming to a prescribed notion of Anglo-Protestant citizenship, they insisted on the centrality of their religion and culture to civic identity. Yet while their war service brought confidence in their rights as ethnic Americans, it did not bring total acceptance. By the 1920s, the Irish controlled local public life, but assumed a defensive posture toward the Yankee elite; Jews, meanwhile, were optimistic regarding interfaith cooperation, despite increasing antisemitism. This study expands on and moves beyond present studies of immigrant acculturation by adding a new comparative dimension. It examines the contested expressions of ethnic patriotism based on class, gender, and generation within two ethnic communities, demonstrating how ethnic groups utilized similar strategies to project a positive public image and articulate their place in society. It also shows the intersection of local, national, and international concerns in the development of ethnic consciousness. Irish and Jews created hybrid ethnic cultures rooted in religion, cultural practices, and mass consumerism that would survive for decades in the city’s entrenched ethnic neighborhoods. Table of Contents Acknowledgements…………………………………………………………………..….…ii Introduction…………………………………………………………………………..……1 Chapter 1: The Making of an Irish and a Jewish Boston, 1840-1900…………………...…..18 Chapter 2: Irish and Jewish Political Mobilization, 1900-1917………………………….….68 Chapter 3: “If It Wasn’t For the Irish and the Jews”: Ethnic Patriotism on the Civic Stage, 1900-1917……………...…………………..……………...109 Chapter 4: Waving Their Flags: The Compatibility of Ethnic Nationalism and Americanism, 1900-1917……………………………………….…....…151 Chapter 5: Yankee Doodle Paddy and Uncle Sammy: Ethnic Patriotism during World War I, 1914-1919…………………………...…………………..193 Chapter 6: Ethnic-American Assertion in the “Tribal Twenties,” 1919-1929………………………………………………………...……….….256 Conclusion: Legacies of Ethnic Patriotism in Boston………………………………….…306 Bibliography………………………………………………………………….………….310 i Acknowledgements Many people have helped me to complete this dissertation. I would like to thank the faculty and staff of the History Department at Boston College, as well as the members of the Irish Studies Program. I am especially grateful to Kevin Kenny, my dissertation advisor, who was always available for advice and counsel and had a profound influence in shaping the project. He and my other committee members, James O’Toole and Susan L. Porter, as well as David Quigley, were invaluable for their generosity of time and insightful comments. I would like to thank the Irish Studies Program for granting me the Irish Studies Fellowship, which allowed me time to research this project. I also received much-appreciated research grants from the Arthur & Elizabeth Schlesinger Library at the Radcliffe Institute for Advanced Study and the Clergy Discretionary Fund at Temple Israel of Boston, as well as financial support from the Citizen Scholarship Foundation of Wakefield, Massachusetts. People at many research institutions provided exceptional assistance on this project. In particular, I wish to acknowledge Judy Garner of the American Jewish Historical Society; John Atteberry and the rest of the staff of the John J. Burns Library, Boston College; the staff of the Schlesinger Library; the staff of the Special Collections and Rare Book Room of the Boston Public Library; the staff of the Jacob Rader Marcus Center of the American Jewish Archives; and the staff of the Archives of the Archdiocese of Boston. I would also like to thank the members and staff of Temple Israel, especially Lisa Fagin Davis and Susan L. Porter. My fellow graduate students in the History Department at Boston College have been a constant source of friendship, advice, and encouragement over the years. Members of the Irish Studies Writing Group, Adam Chill, Anthony Daly, Mark Doyle, and Ely Janis, ii provided invaluable assistance in helping me to formulate the project. Members of the Americanist Writing Group, particularly Laura Baines-Walsh, Mimi Cowan, Ian Delahunty, Hidetaka Hirota, Bethany Waywell Jay, Jeff Malanson, Sarah Nytroe, and Greg Walsh, read multiple drafts of nearly every chapter. Their willingness to offer constructive feedback was a tremendous help. Special thanks as well to Kristen Adrien, Jill Bender, Jason Cavallari, Jen Cote, Niamh Lynch, Megan Myers, and Rebecca Rea. My extended family and friends have provided love and support throughout my graduate career, as well as much-needed perspective and fun. My parents, Daniel and Rosemary, fostered my love of learning and provided me with a loving foundation. They, my brothers and sisters, and my nieces and nephews encouraged me along the entire process. Thank you to all of you. Most of all, I want to thank my wonderful husband, Anthony, whose love, faith, support, and patience made it possible for me to complete this project. He deserves much more recognition than I can possibly give here. This dissertation is dedicated to him. iii Introduction In December 1917, William Cardinal O’Connell celebrated a Requiem Mass for the war dead of Boston’s Irish County Clubs. “While you are Irishmen, true to the traditions of your race,” he told his listeners, “let it be doubly true…that you are fervent, loyal, patriotic Americans.” In a like-minded statement the following June, Jacob R. Morse, president of Temple Israel, the city’s largest synagogue, praised the congregation’s multitude of wartime and community activities. “No one,” he stated confidently, “can doubt our loyalty, either as good Americans or good Jews.”1 Such statements were common as immigrants and their American-born children attempted to reconcile ethno-religious ties with loyalty to their adopted nation. While some assimilated completely, most decried the ideology of the “melting pot” and “hyphenated Americanism.” Arguing that Americanization did not mean Anglo-Protestant conformity, they instead sought to demonstrate the compatibility of their religion, culture, and causes with American citizenship and nationality.2 This approach, which can be called “ethnic patriotism,” is crucial for understanding immigrant adjustment and the formation of group consciousness. Immigrants and their American-born offspring used the language of ethnic patriotism to further their identity and acceptance as ethnic Americans, understanding and articulating it in a variety of ways. Ethnic groups highlighted the contributions of their settlers, soldiers, and statesmen; compared their 1 Pilot, 8 December 1917. Temple Israel Bulletin, June 1918, in Temple Israel Archives, Boston. 2 Other historians have examined this process as it applies to specific ethnic groups. See Kerby A. Miller, “Class Culture, and Immigrant Group Identity in the United States: The Case of Irish-American Ethnicity,” in Immigration Reconsidered: History Sociology and Politics, ed. Virginia Yans-McLaughlin (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990), 98-129; Thomas N. Brown, Irish-American Nationalism, 1870-1890 (New York: J.B. Lippincott Company, 1966); Orm Overland, Immigrant Minds, American Identities: Making the United States Home, 1870-1930 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2000); June Granatir Alexander, Ethnic Pride, American Patriotism: Slovaks and Other New Immigrants in the Interwar Era (Philadelphia, Temple University Press, 2004). Reed Ueda, “Frameworks for Immigrant Inclusion, 1870-1965,” in Faces of Community: Immigrant Massachusetts, 1860-2000, ed. Reed Ueda and Conrad Edick Wright (Boston: Massachusetts Historical Society, 2003), vii, 14. 1 homeland nationalist causes to American foundation myths and the Revolution; enlisted to fight in American wars; held patriotic rallies and parades in their ethnic communities; incorporated patriotic elements into ethnic celebrations; and
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