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Colonial Contractions: the Making of the Modern Philippines, 1565–1946
Colonial Contractions: The Making of the Modern Philippines, 1565–1946 Colonial Contractions: The Making of the Modern Philippines, 1565–1946 Vicente L. Rafael Subject: Southeast Asia, Philippines, World/Global/Transnational Online Publication Date: Jun 2018 DOI: 10.1093/acrefore/9780190277727.013.268 Summary and Keywords The origins of the Philippine nation-state can be traced to the overlapping histories of three empires that swept onto its shores: the Spanish, the North American, and the Japanese. This history makes the Philippines a kind of imperial artifact. Like all nation- states, it is an ineluctable part of a global order governed by a set of shifting power rela tionships. Such shifts have included not just regime change but also social revolution. The modernity of the modern Philippines is precisely the effect of the contradictory dynamic of imperialism. The Spanish, the North American, and the Japanese colonial regimes, as well as their postcolonial heir, the Republic, have sought to establish power over social life, yet found themselves undermined and overcome by the new kinds of lives they had spawned. It is precisely this dialectical movement of empires that we find starkly illumi nated in the history of the Philippines. Keywords: Philippines, colonialism, empire, Spain, United States, Japan The origins of the modern Philippine nation-state can be traced to the overlapping histo ries of three empires: Spain, the United States, and Japan. This background makes the Philippines a kind of imperial artifact. Like all nation-states, it is an ineluctable part of a global order governed by a set of shifting power relationships. -
The Politics of Economic Reform in the Philippines the Case of Banking Sector Reform Between 1986 and 1995
The Politics of Economic Reform in the Philippines The Case of Banking Sector Reform between 1986 and 1995 A thesis submitted for the degree of PhD School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) University of London 2005 Shingo MIKAMO ProQuest Number: 10673052 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a com plete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest ProQuest 10673052 Published by ProQuest LLC(2017). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States C ode Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346 2 Abstract This thesis is about the political economy of the Philippines in the process of recovery from the ruin of economic crisis in the early 1980s. It examines the dynamics of Philippine politics by focussing on banking sector reform between 1986 and 1995. After the economic turmoil of the early 1980s, the economy recovered between 1986 and 1996 under the Aquino and Ramos governments, although the country is still facing numerous economic challenges. After the "Asian currency crisis" of 1997, the economy inevitably decelerated again. However, the Philippines was seen as one of the economies least adversely affected by the rapid depreciation of its currency. The existing literature tends to stress the roles played by international financial structures, the policy preferences of the IMF, the World Bank and the US government and the interests of the dominant social force as decisive factors underlying economic and banking reform policy-making in the Philippines. -
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MY DETAILS My Name: Jong B. Mobile No.: 0917-5877-393 Movie Library Count: 8,600 Titles / Movies Total Capacity : 36 TB Updated as of: December 30, 2014 Email Add.: jongb61yahoo.com Website: www.jongb11.weebly.com Sulit Acct.: www.jongb11.olx.ph Location Add.: Bago Bantay, QC. (Near SM North, LRT Roosevelt/Munoz Station & Congressional Drive Capacity & Loadable/Free Space Table Drive Capacity Loadable Space Est. No. of Movies/Titles 320 Gig 298 Gig 35+ Movies 500 Gig 462 Gig 70+ Movies 1 TB 931 Gig 120+ Movies 1.5 TB 1,396 Gig 210+ Movies 2 TB 1,860 Gig 300+ Movies 3 TB 2,740 Gig 410+ Movies 4 TB 3,640 Gig 510+ Movies Note: 1. 1st Come 1st Serve Policy 2. Number of Movies/Titles may vary depends on your selections 3. SD = Standard definition Instructions: 1. Please observe the Drive Capacity & Loadable/Free Space Table above 2. Mark your preferred titles with letter "X" only on the first column 3. Please do not make any modification on the list. 3. If you're done with your selections please email to [email protected] together with the confirmaton of your order. 4. Pls. refer to my location map under Contact Us of my website YOUR MOVIE SELECTIONS SUMMARY Categories No. of titles/items Total File Size Selected (In Gig.) Movies (2013 & Older) 0 0 2014 0 0 3D 0 0 Animations 0 0 Cartoon 0 0 TV Series 0 0 Korean Drama 0 0 Documentaries 0 0 Concerts 0 0 Entertainment 0 0 Music Video 0 0 HD Music 0 0 Sports 0 0 Adult 0 0 Tagalog 0 0 Must not be over than OVERALL TOTAL 0 0 the Loadable Space Other details: 1. -
Philippine Populism: Local Violence and Global Context in the Rise of a Filipino Strongman
Philippine Populism: Local Violence and Global Article Context in the Rise of a Filipino Strongman Alfred W. McCoy University of Wisconsin-Madison, US. [email protected] Abstract To explore the overlooked role of political violence in global “populism,” the essay explores the rise of Rodrigo Duterte from long- serving mayor of a provincial city to an exceptionally powerful Philippine president. Using an analytical frame that juxtaposes localized violence with international influence, the essay examines not only the political dynamics that elevated Duterte to power but the tensions that are already circumscribing his authority after only a year in office. Application of this model to comparable cases could both highlight the parallel role of political violence in contemporary populism and indicate the forces likely to lead to its decline. Introduction After a century of mutable meanings that changed as academics focused on different continents or contexts, the term “populism” has recently been recast to encompass the nationalist, anti-globalization movements responsible for electoral upheavals in democracies worldwide. Speaking to an audience of policy experts at the Council of Foreign Relations in March 2017, Nikki Haley, UN ambassador for the proudly populist the Trump administration, trumpeted the “wave of populism that is challenging institutions like the United Nations, and shaking them to their foundations.” The UN was, she said, “basically a club” for privileged elites and its Human Right Commission was “so corrupt.” Just as the ambassador appropriated this label to lend coherence to a muddled foreign policy, so analysts have applied it to diverse movements without much consideration of its deeper meaning—particularly the frequent inclination to violence (Sengupta 2017; Fisher 2017). -
SANCHEZ Final Defense Draft May 8
LET THE PEOPLE SPEAK: SOLIDARITY CULTURE AND THE MAKING OF A TRANSNATIONAL OPPOSITION TO THE MARCOS DICTATORSHIP, 1972-1986 BY MARK JOHN SANCHEZ DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History with a minor in Asian American Studies in the Graduate College of the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2018 Urbana, Illinois Doctoral Committee: Associate Professor Augusto Espiritu, Chair Professor Antoinette Burton Associate Professor Jose Bernard Capino Professor Kristin Hoganson Abstract This dissertation attempts to understand pro-democratic activism in ways that do not solely revolve around public protest. In the case of anti-authoritarian mobilizations in the Philippines, the conversation is often dominated by the EDSA "People Power" protests of 1986. This project discusses the longer histories of protest that made such a remarkable mobilization possible. A focus on these often-sidelined histories allows a focus on unacknowledged labor within social movement building, the confrontation between transnational and local impulses in political organizing, and also the democratic dreams that some groups dared to pursue when it was most dangerous to do so. Overall, this project is a history of the transnational opposition to the Marcos dictatorship in the Philippines. It specifically examines the interactions among Asian American, European solidarity, and Filipino grassroots activists. I argue that these collaborations, which had grassroots activists and political detainees at their center, produced a movement culture that guided how participating activists approached their engagements with international institutions. Anti-Marcos activists understood that their material realities necessitated an engagement with institutions more known to them for their colonial and Cold War legacies such as the press, education, human rights, international law, and religion. -
Countdown to Martial Law: the U.S-Philippine Relationship, 1969
University of Massachusetts Boston ScholarWorks at UMass Boston Graduate Masters Theses Doctoral Dissertations and Masters Theses 8-31-2016 Countdown to Martial Law: The .SU -Philippine Relationship, 1969-1972 Joven G. Maranan University of Massachusetts Boston Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umb.edu/masters_theses Part of the Asian History Commons, and the United States History Commons Recommended Citation Maranan, Joven G., "Countdown to Martial Law: The .SU -Philippine Relationship, 1969-1972" (2016). Graduate Masters Theses. 401. https://scholarworks.umb.edu/masters_theses/401 This Open Access Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Doctoral Dissertations and Masters Theses at ScholarWorks at UMass Boston. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Masters Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at UMass Boston. For more information, please contact [email protected]. COUNTDOWN TO MARTIAL LAW: THE U.S.-PHILIPPINE RELATIONSHIP, 1969-1972 A Thesis Presented by JOVEN G. MARANAN Submitted to the Office of Graduate Studies, University of Massachusetts Boston, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS August 2016 History Program © 2016 by Joven G. Maranan All rights reserved COUNTDOWN TO MARTIAL LAW: THE U.S.-PHILIPPINE RELATIONSHIP 1969-1972 A Thesis Presented by JOVEN G. MARANAN Approved as to style and content by: ________________________________________________ Vincent Cannato, Associate Professor Chairperson of Committee ________________________________________________ David Hunt, Professor Member ________________________________________________ Christopher Capozzola, Associate Professor MIT Member _________________________________________ Vincent Cannato, Program Director History Graduate Program _________________________________________ Tim Hascsi, Chairperson History Department ABSTRACT COUNTDOWN TO MARTIAL LAW: THE U.S.-PHILIPPINE RELATIONSHIP, 1969-1972 August 2016 Joven G. -
Declaration of Martial Law
Declaration of Martial Law The anniversary of the declaration of martial law is on September 23 (not September 21) “FM Declares Martial Law”—the headline of the September 24, 1972 issue of the Sunday Express, which was the Sunday edition of Philippines Daily Express. The Daily Express was the only newspaper allowed to circulate upon the declaration of Martial Law President Ferdinand E. Marcos signed Proclamation No. 1081 on September 21, 1972, placing the Philippines under Martial Law. Some sources say that Marcos signed the proclamation on September 17 or on September 22—but, in either case, the document itself was dated September 21. Throughout the Martial Law period, Marcos built up the cult of September 21, proclaiming it as National Thanksgiving Day by virtue of Proclamation No. 1180 s. 1973 to memorialize the date as the foundation day of his New Society. The propaganda effort was so successful that up to the present, many Filipinos—particularly those who did not live through the events of September 23, 1972—labor under the misapprehension that martial law was proclaimed on September 21, 1972. It was not. The culmination of a long period of preparation The facts are clear. A week before the actual declaration of Martial Law, a number of people had already received information that Marcos had drawn up a plan to completely take over the government and gain absolute rule. Senator Benigno S. Aquino Jr., during a September 13, 1972 privilege speech, exposed what was known as “Oplan Sagittarius.” The Senator said he had received a top-secret military plan given by Marcos himself to place Metro Manila and outlying areas under the control of the Philippine Constabulary as a prelude to Martial Law. -
Tracking the Proceeds of Organised Crime – the Marcos Case
TRACKING THE PROCEEDS OF ORGANISED CRIME – THE MARCOS CASE Dr David Chaikin Barrister, NSW Paper presented at the Transnational Crime Conference convened by the Australian Institute of Criminology in association with the Australian Federal Police and Australian Customs Service and held in Canberra, 9-10 March 2000 Grand Corruption International lawyers have paid little attention to the problem of fraudulent enrichment and corruption by heads of state/government and top state officials. The organised and systematic plundering of national treasuries or "indigenous spoliation"1 of assets by political and military elites has ravaged many developing countries, exacerbating poverty and undermining economic and social development. When a greedy authoritarian leader or despot is in power, there are few, if any opportunities, for taking legal action to prevent or interdict stolen monies. However, if the dictator or authoritarian leader is deposed, the new government may seek the assistance of foreign government and courts to investigate and ultimately to recover stolen assets, which are located abroad2. Although grand corruption is not a new problem, it has more serious consequences today when practised by dictators or authoritarian leaders. Even if the dictator is overthrown, this does mean that the stolen monies will be recovered. Indeed, the modern experience is that dictators are able to keep their loot, which is deposited, outside their country. The mobility of wealth prevents effective recovery of the assets and the sheer size of the stolen monies has major economic consequences for development. It has been often stated that corruption by the political elite is perhaps the most important obstacle to economic development3. -
Ang Rebolusyong Pilipino: Isang Pagtanaw Mula Sa Loob
ANG REBOLUSYONG PILIPINO: ISANG PAGTANAW MULA SA LOOB Unang Kabanata Mga Taon ng Pagbubuo Mga Bagay-bagay Hinggil sa Kapanganakan T1: Kailan at saan ka ipinanganak? Maaari bang ilahad mo sa amin ang ilang bagay tungkol sa pinagmulan ng iyong pamilya? Sinu-sino ang iyong mga magulang? Ano ang katayuang panlipunan ng iyong pamilya? S: Ipinanganak ako noong Pebrero 8, 1939 sa Cabugao, Ilocos Sur sa Hilagang Luzon. Ang aking amang si Salustiano Serrano Sison ay namatay noong 1958 sa gulang na limampu't siyam na taon. Ang aking inang si Florentina Canlas ay mahigit na walumpung taon na ngayon. Ang aking pamilya ay kabilang sa uring panginoong maylupa at siyang prinsipal na pamilyang pyudal sa aking bayan. Ang aking ama ay kabilang sa ikatlong henerasyon ng ninunong lalaki ng pamilya, si Don Leandro Serrano, na nakapag- ipon ng pinakamalawak na lupain sa Hilagang Luzon noong huling kwarto ng ikalabinsiyam na siglo. Ang aking lolo sa ama, si Don Gregorio Sison, ang kahuli-hulihang gobernadorsilyo (punong ehekutibo ng isang munisipyo) noong kolonyal na rehimeng Espanyol at kauna-unahang presidente munisipal sa ilalim ng kolonyal na paghahari ng Estados Unidos. Hinawakan niya ang posisyong ito hanggang sa kamatayan niya noong maagang bahagi ng dekadang treynta. Ang pinagbuklod na mga pamilyang Serrano at Sison ay nangibabaw sa ekonomya at pulitika sa buong probinsya ng Ilocos Sur hanggang noong dekadang kwarenta. Minsan ay dalawa sa mga tiyo ko, sina Jesus Serrano at Sixto Brillantes, ang panabay na naging konggresista ng dalawang distrito ng aking probinsya. Isang lolo ko, si Don Mena Crisologo, ang naging unang gobernadorsilyo sa ilalim ng kolonyal na rehimeng Amerikano. -
The International and Transnational Construction of Authoritarian Rule in Island Southeast Asia, 1969-1977
THE INTERNATIONAL AND TRANSNATIONAL CONSTRUCTION OF AUTHORITARIAN RULE IN ISLAND SOUTHEAST ASIA, 1969-1977 A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Cornell University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Mattias Emerson Fibiger May 2018 © 2018 Mattias Emerson Fibiger THE INTERNATIONAL AND TRANSNATIONAL CONSTRUCTION OF AUTHORITARIAN RULE IN ISLAND SOUTHEAST ASIA, 1969-1977 Mattias Emerson Fibiger, Ph. D. Cornell University 2018 This dissertation examines the making of authoritarian rule in Indonesia, the Philippines, Malaysia, and Singapore from 1969-1977. American President Richard Nixon and National Security Adviser Henry Kissinger funneled vast sums of U.S. military and economic aid to island Southeast Asia via the anticommunist policy of the Nixon Doctrine. Facing no meaningful communist threats, national leaders in the region then used American largesse to construct and consolidate newly authoritarian regimes. Indonesia played a leading role in this process, disseminating its authoritarian state-building doctrine of national resilience and encouraging a “New Orderization” of island Southeast Asia. The transformation of the region’s political systems then reverberated on both sides of the Pacific. In the United States, diasporic communities and human rights groups lobbied against the provision of American aid to authoritarian regimes and contributed to a broad left-right coalition that undermined the Nixon and Ford administration’s core foreign policy projects. In island Southeast Asia, the narrowing of legitimate channels of political contestation produced an efflorescence of disloyal opposition movements, including communist, Islamist, and separatist insurgencies. The narrative emphasizes several themes, including the international and transnational construction of authoritarian rule, the importance of regional history, and the agency of American and Southeast Asian leaders and publics. -
The Philippines Between Neopatrimonialism and Oligarchy Karadag, Roy
www.ssoar.info Where Do Regimes Come From? Where Do They Go? The Philippines Between Neopatrimonialism and Oligarchy Karadag, Roy Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Arbeitspapier / working paper Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Karadag, R. (2011). Where Do Regimes Come From? Where Do They Go? The Philippines Between Neopatrimonialism and Oligarchy. (InIIS-Arbeitspapiere, 37). Bremen: Universität Bremen, FB 08 Sozialwissenschaften, Institut für Interkulturelle und Internationale Studien (InIIS). https://nbn-resolving.org/ urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-67410-2 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer Deposit-Lizenz (Keine This document is made available under Deposit Licence (No Weiterverbreitung - keine Bearbeitung) zur Verfügung gestellt. Redistribution - no modifications). We grant a non-exclusive, non- Gewährt wird ein nicht exklusives, nicht übertragbares, transferable, individual and limited right to using this document. persönliches und beschränktes Recht auf Nutzung dieses This document is solely intended for your personal, non- Dokuments. Dieses Dokument ist ausschließlich für commercial use. All of the copies of this documents must retain den persönlichen, nicht-kommerziellen Gebrauch bestimmt. all copyright information and other information regarding legal Auf sämtlichen Kopien dieses Dokuments müssen alle protection. You are not allowed to alter this document in any Urheberrechtshinweise und sonstigen Hinweise auf gesetzlichen way, to copy it for public or commercial purposes, to exhibit the Schutz beibehalten werden. Sie dürfen dieses Dokument document in public, to perform, distribute or otherwise use the nicht in irgendeiner Weise abändern, noch dürfen Sie document in public. dieses Dokument für öffentliche oder kommerzielle Zwecke By using this particular document, you accept the above-stated vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, aufführen, vertreiben oder conditions of use. -
Philippine Politics and Society in the Twentieth Century
Philippine Politics and Society in the Twentieth Century Well over a decade has passed since the dramatic ‘People Power Revolution’ in Manila, yet until now no book-length study has emerged to examine the manifold changes underway in the Philippines in the post-Marcos era. This book fills that gap. Philippine Politics and Society in the Twentieth Century offers historical depth and sophisticated theoretical insight into contemporary life in the archipelago. Organised as a set of interrelated thematic essays rather than a chronological account, the book addresses key topics which will be of interest to the academic and non-academic reader, such as trends in national-level and local politics, the role of ethnic-Chinese capital in the Philippine economy, nationalism and popular culture, and various forms of political violence and extra-electoral contestation. Drawing on a wide variety of primary and secondary sources, as well as over a decade of research and work in the area, Hedman and Sidel provide an invaluable overview of the contemporary and historical scene of a much misunderstood part of Southeast Asia. This book fills an important gap in the literature for readers interested in understanding the Philippines as well as students of Asian studies, comparative politics, political economy and cultural studies. Eva-Lotta E. Hedman is Lecturer in Asian-Pacific Politics at the University of Nottingham. John T. Sidel is Lecturer in Southeast Asian Politics at the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London. Politics in Asia series Edited by Michael Leifer London School of Economics ASEAN and the Security of South-East Korea versus Korea Asia A case of contested legitimacy Michael Leifer B.K.