DOCSLIB.ORG

Coercive Institutions and State Violence Under Authoritarianism

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Coercive Institutions and State Violence Under Authoritarianism Coercive Institutions and State Violence Under Authoritarianism The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Greitens, Sheena E. 2013. Coercive Institutions and State Violence Under Authoritarianism. Doctoral dissertation, Harvard University. Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:11125991 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA Coercive Institutions and State Violence under Authoritarianism A dissertation presented by Sheena Elise Greitens to the Department of Government in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the subject of Political Science Harvard University Cambridge, Massachusetts April 2013 © 2013 – Sheena Elise Greitens All rights reserved. Dissertation Advisor: Professor Elizabeth J. Perry Sheena Elise Greitens Coercive Institutions and State Violence under Authoritarianism Abstract Why do we observe such widely differing patterns of repression and state violence under authoritarian rule? Despite a wave of recent interest in authoritarian politics, the origins, design and behavior of the coercive institutions that embody the state’s monopoly on violence remain relatively unexamined. This project draws on new statistical and geographic data, elite interviews, and archival evidence from the U.S. and Asia to chronicle the origins and operation of the internal security apparatus in three Cold War anti-communist authoritarian regimes – Taiwan, the Philippines, and South Korea – and compares them to similar processes in Communist authoritarian regimes in North Korea and China. Its findings challenge dominant narratives about contentious politics and state-society conflict in Asia; offer an unprecedented view inside ‘secret police’ use of surveillance, coercion, and violence; and provide a new understanding of the institutional and social foundations of authoritarian power. I argue that autocrats face a fundamental tradeoff between designing their internal security apparatus to deal with a popular threat, or coup-proofing it to defend against elite rivals. Coup-proofing requires an internally fragmented security force drawn from narrow segments of society; managing popular unrest requires a unitary apparatus with broadly embedded, socially inclusive intelligence networks. Autocrats construct coercive institutions based on the dominant perceived threat when they come to power, but these organizational tradeoffs, exacerbated by institutional stickiness, blunt their ability to adapt as new threats arise. Organizational characteristics thus give rise to predictable patterns of state violence. A more fragmented, exclusive security apparatus – associated with a high initial threat from fellow elites – is likely to be more violent, both because it has stronger incentives to engage in violence and because it lacks the intelligence capacity to engage in discriminate, pre-emptive repression. In contrast to existing threat-based explanations of repression, I demonstrate that autocrats who are deeply concerned about popular threats use less violence rather than more, and do so because they mobilize organizations expressly designed for that purpose. In iii Dissertation Advisor: Professor Elizabeth J. Perry Sheena Elise Greitens these organizations, intelligence becomes a substitute for violence, and citizens relinquish their privacy, but less often their lives. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract iii Table of Contents v Acknowledgments vi Front Matter xiii 1 Introduction & Theory 1 2 Taiwan 64 3 The Philippines 135 4 South Korea 214 5 North Korea and China 294 6 Conclusion 362 Bibliography 372 Appendices 419 v ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Writing a dissertation is a humbling process. While that has been clear from day one, typing these acknowledgments brings home how much I have benefitted from the guidance and support of numerous individuals, without whose influence I would not have embarked upon this project, let alone completed it. It has been an honor to work with and learn from each of them, and it is a pleasure to express my gratitude for the role they have played. The project is better for their involvement, and responsibility for any remaining errors is mine alone. Despite the length of these acknowledgments, I cannot help but worry that I have forgotten to note someone deserving of my thanks; I apologize in advance for any omissions. I arrived at Stanford two weeks after September 11th, 2001, intending to study English and biology in preparation for medical school. At the end of my first year, out of curiosity about current events, I enrolled in Laura Donohue’s course “Security, Civil Liberties, and Terrorism.” The course examined how security threats, particularly terrorism, changed the structure and behavior of democracies, both internally and externally. Eleven years later, preparing for my dissertation defense, I realized I had come full circle, asking how threats work through autocratic governments to affect the lives of citizens. I thank Professor Donohue for kindling my interest in these questions and first pushing me to think critically about the answers. In all likelihood, I would not have embarked on a PhD without the example and encouragement of a phenomenal group of undergraduate advisors, who encouraged me to pursue my interests wholeheartedly and with hard work. Shin Gi-Wook’s overseas seminar in Seoul in fall 2002 took me to Asia for the very first time, and transformed Korea from a personal and family interest to an intellectual one. For three years my undergraduate advisor, Chip Blacker, was a source of wise words and guidance about my studies on campus and my interests in policy work and public service. A term abroad at Oxford brought me into contact with Vipin Narang, then my tutor for a course in security studies and vi later my colleague in the Government Department. Though our friendship unquestionably reflects the fact that we began by arguing every week in Holywell Manor, he has been a source of trusted advice ever since, and a close friend. In my final year at Stanford, the Center for International Security and Cooperation took me on as an honors thesis advisee, and taught me how exciting and relevant research in security studies could be. For their support and guidance throughout that process, I thank Tino Cuellar, Lynn Eden, Keith Hansen, and Tonya Putnam. I also owe a profound debt to Scott Sagan and Bill Perry, who agreed to advise a fairly unconventional investigation into North Korean involvement in illicit criminal networks, and whose support made the project better than I could possibly have imagined. I admire, and strive to emulate, their commitments to scholarship and public service. To this date, I think of CISAC as a model for combining rigor and relevance, and remain deeply appreciative of their example and support. I am also grateful to my advisors at Stanford for encouraging me to apply for post-graduate fellowships to study in the United Kingdom. At Oxford, my supervisor, Patricia Owens, forced me to wrestle with hard questions about power and the social dimensions of security studies. Yuen Foong Khong became a source of guidance and encouragement as well, on both my coursework and my eventual decision to pursue a PhD at Harvard. My thanks to both of them. My research interests were also shaped by a number of outstanding mentors outside academia, including Richard Bush and Kevin Scott at the Brookings Institution’s Center for Northeast Asian Policy Studies, and Randy Schriver at Project 2049. I am grateful to Christopher Langton at the International Institute for Strategic Studies for reminding me that my first drafts use far too many adverbs, and to Steve Krasner, who recruited me to work for a summer on North Korea at the Secretary of State’s Policy Planning Staff, and under whose tutelage I learned how to write a policy memo. At Harvard, I must thank first and foremost my dissertation committee: Elizabeth Perry, Iain Johnston, Steve Levitsky, and Steve Rosen. As my advisor from the moment I arrived at Harvard, and the chair of my dissertation committee, Elizabeth Perry supported me at every point as I sought to bring vii my skills up to the level necessary to do the project justice. She counseled me early on to make my dissertation not only an interesting idea, but an exercise in excellent craftsmanship. My work has become immensely better for her patient encouragement and insistence on high standards, and I hope that it reflects the degree to which I’ve taken her advice to heart. As a mentor and role model from my first semester, Iain Johnston gave me my first opportunity to teach, gave me a true intellectual apprenticeship by involving me in a project on China’s rise, and taught me an enormous amount about thinking like a social scientist. Steve Rosen generously agreed to oversee my general exam in security studies while otherwise on leave, offered an unparalleled reservoir of comments and readings from which to draw new and creative ideas, and provided a formative example of razor-sharp, humble dedication to intellectual inquiry and to teaching. Steve Levitsky generously took the time to teach and advise me in several courses during my third year while I retrained as a comparativist in order to embark on this project. I am grateful for his patience and counsel, and remain in awe of the encyclopedic knowledge, energy, and enthusiasm with which he approaches both teaching and research. I could not have imagined when I began this doctoral program how challenged I would be by it, or how much I would grow as a result of this work. I cannot imagine four better scholars, or four finer people, to work with and learn from for the past six years. Their encouragement, support, and adherence to the highest intellectual standards has been both intimidating and motivating, and this manuscript would not have been possible without their training, their advice, and their example (and sometimes their humor).
Load more

Recommended publications
  • THE PHILIPPINES, 1942-1944 James Kelly Morningstar, Doctor of History
    ABSTRACT Title of Dissertation: WAR AND RESISTANCE: THE PHILIPPINES, 1942-1944 James Kelly Morningstar, Doctor of History, 2018 Dissertation directed by: Professor Jon T. Sumida, History Department What happened in the Philippine Islands between the surrender of Allied forces in May 1942 and MacArthur’s return in October 1944? Existing historiography is fragmentary and incomplete. Memoirs suffer from limited points of view and personal biases. No academic study has examined the Filipino resistance with a critical and interdisciplinary approach. No comprehensive narrative has yet captured the fighting by 260,000 guerrillas in 277 units across the archipelago. This dissertation begins with the political, economic, social and cultural history of Philippine guerrilla warfare. The diverse Islands connected only through kinship networks. The Americans reluctantly held the Islands against rising Japanese imperial interests and Filipino desires for independence and social justice. World War II revealed the inadequacy of MacArthur’s plans to defend the Islands. The General tepidly prepared for guerrilla operations while Filipinos spontaneously rose in armed resistance. After his departure, the chaotic mix of guerrilla groups were left on their own to battle the Japanese and each other. While guerrilla leaders vied for local power, several obtained radios to contact MacArthur and his headquarters sent submarine-delivered agents with supplies and radios that tie these groups into a united framework. MacArthur’s promise to return kept the resistance alive and dependent on the United States. The repercussions for social revolution would be fatal but the Filipinos’ shared sacrifice revitalized national consciousness and created a sense of deserved nationhood. The guerrillas played a key role in enabling MacArthur’s return.
    [Show full text]
  • 28. Rights Defense and New Citizen's Movement
    JOBNAME: EE10 Biddulph PAGE: 1 SESS: 3 OUTPUT: Fri May 10 14:09:18 2019 28. Rights defense and new citizen’s movement Teng Biao 28.1 THE RISE OF THE RIGHTS DEFENSE MOVEMENT The ‘Rights Defense Movement’ (weiquan yundong) emerged in the early 2000s as a new focus of the Chinese democracy movement, succeeding the Xidan Democracy Wall movement of the late 1970s and the Tiananmen Democracy movement of 1989. It is a social movement ‘involving all social strata throughout the country and covering every aspect of human rights’ (Feng Chongyi 2009, p. 151), one in which Chinese citizens assert their constitutional and legal rights through lawful means and within the legal framework of the country. As Benney (2013, p. 12) notes, the term ‘weiquan’is used by different people to refer to different things in different contexts. Although Chinese rights defense lawyers have played a key role in defining and providing leadership to this emerging weiquan movement (Carnes 2006; Pils 2016), numerous non-lawyer activists and organizations are also involved in it. The discourse and activities of ‘rights defense’ (weiquan) originated in the 1990s, when some citizens began using the law to defend consumer rights. The 1990s also saw the early development of rural anti-tax movements, labor rights campaigns, women’s rights campaigns and an environmental movement. However, in a narrow sense as well as from a historical perspective, the term weiquan movement only refers to the rights campaigns that emerged after the Sun Zhigang incident in 2003 (Zhu Han 2016, pp. 55, 60). The Sun Zhigang incident not only marks the beginning of the rights defense movement; it also can be seen as one of its few successes.
    [Show full text]
  • Proposal to Un-Name Barrows Hall
    Proposal to Un-Name Barrows Hall July 9, 2020 by Melissa Charles and Takiyah Jackson UC Berkeley African American Student Development Office with research and drafting support from many UC Berkeley students, staff, and faculty in response to calls for action by the Black Student Union, Black Graduate Student Association, Filipinx and Philippine Studies Working Committees, RECLAIM, and other members of the community for review by the UC Berkeley Building Name Review Committee Community Acknowledgement and Campus Process Students, faculty, and staff have advocated for the campus to rename Barrows Hall in a way that better reflects our Principles of Community. This was outlined very clearly in the “Ten Initial Demands” put ​ ​ ​ ​ forward by the Black Student Union in 2015. Renaming Barrows Hall to dismantle the history of David Prescott Barrows and his views on the Philippines was proposed by participants in the fall 2019 Filipinx Summit at UC Berkeley. This sentiment and rationale has also been discussed in the student press: for example, in a Daily Californian feature by Nelly Lin in 2016, in an op-ed published in that paper by ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ Bradley Afroilan and Anthony Williams, in an editorial by the Daily Californian editorial board in 2016, in ​ ​ a piece by Revatti Thatte in 2017, and briefly in a Daily Californian editorial in 2020. ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ Many on the Berkeley campus — including staff in the African American Student Development Office; members of the Black Graduate Student Association, the Black Student Union, the Committee for Philippine Studies, and the student advocacy organization RECLAIM; and individual students past and present such as the artists and activists Anthony Williams and Bradley Afroilan — have devoted significant energy to illuminating the troubling legacy of Barrows Hall’s namesake and the ways in which the presence of the name continues to affect members of our community.
    [Show full text]
  • Centenario De La Provincia De Santo Tomás Notas Bibliograficas
    CENTENARIO DE LA PROVINCIA DE SANTO TOMÁS NOTAS BIBLIOGRAFICAS Ángel MARTÍNEZ CUESTA, OAR Pablo PANEDAS, OAR El consejo de la provincia de Santo Tomás de Villanueva, siguiendo in- dicaciones del capítulo de 2006 1, decidió celebrar solemnemente el primer centenario del nacimiento de la provincia. A primeros de abril del 2008 el provincial dirigió una circular a los religiosos anunciando que se celebraría desde el 10 de octubre de 2008 hasta la misma fecha de 2009. Se atenía así a la opinión de quienes fechan su fundación el 10 de junio de 1909, data en que el vicario general Enrique Pérez modificó el territorio y el número de religio- sos y casas de la provincia de Nuestra Señora del Pilar, fundada dos años an- tes, y la puso bajo la protección de Santo Tomás. En la misma circular seña- laba con claridad los fines de la celebración: «renovación personal y comuni- taria, rescatar nuestra historia para aprender de ella, darnos a conocer un poco más en el ambiente eclesial y cultural en el que nos movemos y hacer partícipes a las personas que trabajan con nosotros de la riqueza de nuestro carisma» (cursiva original)» 2. Animaba a los religiosos a aprovechar el cen- tenario para «renovar el espíritu misionero», necesitado de nuevo vigor. Para lograrlos la provincia programó diversos actos de orden espiritual, cultural y festivo. Consiguió de la Penitenciaría Apostólica un año jubilar, en el que se podría lucrar indulgencia plenaria en determinadas iglesias recoletas de Ar- gentina, Brasil, España y Venezuela, señaló las fechas de apertura y clausu- ra del centenario, preparó preces y subsidios litúrgicos para reuniones y ce- lebraciones especiales, etc.
    [Show full text]
  • Written Evidence Submitted by East Turkistan Government in Exile (XIN0078)
    Written evidence submitted by East Turkistan Government in Exile (XIN0078) The East Turkistan Problem and How the UK Should Address it East Turkistan Government in Exile The East Turkistan Government in Exile (ETGE) is the democratically elected official body representing East Turkistan and its people. On September 14, 2004, the government in exile was established in Washington, DC by a coalition of Uyghur and other East Turkistani organizations. The East Turkistan Government in Exile is a democratic body with a representative Parliament. The primary leaders — President, Vice President, Prime Minister, Speaker (Chair) of Parliament, and Deputy Speaker (Chair) of Parliament — are democratically elected by the Parliament members from all over the East Turkistani diaspora in the General Assembly which takes place every four years. The East Turkistan Government in Exile is submitting this evidence and recommendation to the UK Parliament and the UK Government as it is the leading body representing the interests of not only Uyghurs but all peoples of East Turkistan including Kazakhs, Kyrgyz, Uzbeks, and Tatars. More importantly, the ETGE has submitted the first ever legal complaint to the International Criminal Court against China and its officials for genocide and other crimes against humanity. We would like the UK Government to assist our community using all available means to seek justice and end to decades of prolonged colonization, genocide, and occupation in East Turkistan. Brief History of East Turkistan and the Uyghurs With a history of over 6000 years, according to Uyghur historians like Turghun Almas, the Uyghurs are the natives of East Turkistan. Throughout the millennia, the Uyghurs and other Turkic peoples have established and maintained numerous independent kingdoms, states, and even empires.
    [Show full text]
  • Congressional-Executive Commission on China Annual
    CONGRESSIONAL-EXECUTIVE COMMISSION ON CHINA ANNUAL REPORT 2007 ONE HUNDRED TENTH CONGRESS FIRST SESSION OCTOBER 10, 2007 Printed for the use of the Congressional-Executive Commission on China ( Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.cecc.gov VerDate 11-MAY-2000 01:22 Oct 11, 2007 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00001 Fmt 6011 Sfmt 5011 38026.TXT CHINA1 PsN: CHINA1 2007 ANNUAL REPORT VerDate 11-MAY-2000 01:22 Oct 11, 2007 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00002 Fmt 6019 Sfmt 6019 38026.TXT CHINA1 PsN: CHINA1 CONGRESSIONAL-EXECUTIVE COMMISSION ON CHINA ANNUAL REPORT 2007 ONE HUNDRED TENTH CONGRESS FIRST SESSION OCTOBER 10, 2007 Printed for the use of the Congressional-Executive Commission on China ( Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.cecc.gov U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 38–026 PDF WASHINGTON : 2007 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office Internet: bookstore.gpo.gov Phone: toll free (866) 512–1800; DC area (202) 512–1800 Fax: (202) 512–2104 Mail: Stop IDCC, Washington, DC 20402–0001 VerDate 11-MAY-2000 01:22 Oct 11, 2007 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00003 Fmt 5011 Sfmt 5011 38026.TXT CHINA1 PsN: CHINA1 VerDate 11-MAY-2000 01:22 Oct 11, 2007 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00004 Fmt 5011 Sfmt 5011 38026.TXT CHINA1 PsN: CHINA1 CONGRESSIONAL-EXECUTIVE COMMISSION ON CHINA LEGISLATIVE BRANCH COMMISSIONERS House Senate SANDER M. LEVIN, Michigan, Chairman BYRON DORGAN, North Dakota, Co-Chairman MARCY KAPTUR, Ohio MAX BAUCUS, Montana TOM UDALL, New Mexico CARL LEVIN, Michigan MICHAEL M. HONDA, California DIANNE FEINSTEIN, California TIM WALZ, Minnesota SHERROD BROWN, Ohio CHRISTOPHER H.
    [Show full text]
  • Constructing the Secular: the Changing Relationship Between Religion and Politics in the Tibetan Exile Community
    HIMALAYA, the Journal of the Association for Nepal and Himalayan Studies Volume 36 Number 1 Article 12 May 2016 Constructing the Secular: The Changing Relationship Between Religion and Politics in the Tibetan Exile Community Emmi Okada University of Tokyo, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/himalaya Recommended Citation Okada, Emmi. 2016. Constructing the Secular: The Changing Relationship Between Religion and Politics in the Tibetan Exile Community. HIMALAYA 36(1). Available at: https://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/himalaya/vol36/iss1/12 This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License. This Research Article is brought to you for free and open access by the DigitalCommons@Macalester College at DigitalCommons@Macalester College. It has been accepted for inclusion in HIMALAYA, the Journal of the Association for Nepal and Himalayan Studies by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Macalester College. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Constructing the Secular: The Changing Relationship Between Religion and Politics in the Tibetan Exile Community Acknowledgements The author would like to thank the innumerable Tibetans in Dharamsala, India, without whose assistance the present research could not have been completed. She also wishes to acknowledge Professor David Gellner who supervised her MPhil thesis which formed the basis of this article, and the Tibetan Studies staff at the Oriental Institute at the University of Oxford,
    [Show full text]
  • Transnational Mathematics and Movements: Shiing- Shen Chern, Hua Luogeng, and the Princeton Institute for Advanced Study from World War II to the Cold War1
    Chinese Annals of History of Science and Technology 3 (2), 118–165 (2019) doi: 10.3724/SP.J.1461.2019.02118 Transnational Mathematics and Movements: Shiing- shen Chern, Hua Luogeng, and the Princeton Institute for Advanced Study from World War II to the Cold War1 Zuoyue Wang 王作跃,2 Guo Jinhai 郭金海3 (California State Polytechnic University, Pomona 91768, US; Institute for the History of Natural Sciences, Chinese Academy of Sciences, Beijing 100190, China) Abstract: This paper reconstructs, based on American and Chinese primary sources, the visits of Chinese mathematicians Shiing-shen Chern 陈省身 (Chen Xingshen) and Hua Luogeng 华罗庚 (Loo-Keng Hua)4 to the Institute for Advanced Study in Princeton in the United States in the 1940s, especially their interactions with Oswald Veblen and Hermann Weyl, two leading mathematicians at the IAS. It argues that Chern’s and Hua’s motivations and choices in regard to their transnational movements between China and the US were more nuanced and multifaceted than what is presented in existing accounts, and that socio-political factors combined with professional-personal ones to shape their decisions. The paper further uses their experiences to demonstrate the importance of transnational scientific interactions for the development of science in China, the US, and elsewhere in the twentieth century. Keywords: Shiing-shen Chern, Chen Xingshen, Hua Luogeng, Loo-Keng Hua, Institute for 1 This article was copy-edited by Charlie Zaharoff. 2 Research interests: History of science and technology in the United States, China, and transnational contexts in the twentieth century. He is currently writing a book on the history of American-educated Chinese scientists and China-US scientific relations.
    [Show full text]
  • The Ideological Explorations of Chinese Communist Party and Chinese Kuomintang on Peacefully and Democratically Founding a New China
    ISSN 1712-8056[Print] Canadian Social Science ISSN 1923-6697[Online] Vol. 11, No. 2, 2015, pp. 111-116 www.cscanada.net DOI: 10.3968/6229 www.cscanada.org The Ideological Explorations of Chinese Communist Party and Chinese Kuomintang on Peacefully and Democratically Founding a New China WU Kan[a],* [a]School of Marxism, Southwest University, Chongqing, China. launched an intense contest on the new procedures of the *Corresponding author. ideology of founding a democratic country. However, for Received 20 November 2014; accepted 12 January 2015 the studies on the Political Consultative Conference, the Published online 26 February 2015 academia usually analyzed from the view of multi-party cooperation, but seldom involved the explorations of CCP Abstract and KMT on the new procedure mode of peacefully and During the old Political Consultative Conference, Chinese democratically founding a new China, and even some Communist Party (CCP) and Chinese Kuomintang (KMT) scholars mentioned this, they didn’t give much details both raised the idea of peacefully and democratically and specific analysis. This paper makes an analysis of founding a new China, that is, under the condition of CCP and KMT’s explorations on the new procedures of peace, to draw up the draft constitution, determine the peacefully and democratically founding a new China from principle of universal suffrage, hold a national people’s the perspectives of history, politics and law. conference, and eventually establish a democratic constitutional coalition government; however, on the specific procedures, the two parties had quite different 1. CCP AND KMT’S PROPOSALS OF founding ideologies. The old Political Consultative PEACEFULLY AND DEMOCRATICALLY Conference is a judgment to the political wisdom of both sides.
    [Show full text]
  • Abl25thesispdf.Pdf (2.788Mb)
    THE HOPE AND CRISIS OF PRAGMATIC TRANSITION: POLITICS, LAW, ANTHROPOLOGY AND SOUTH KOREA A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School Of Cornell University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements of the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Amy Beth Levine May 2011 © 2011 Amy Beth Levine THE HOPE AND CRISIS OF PRAGMATIC TRANSITION: POLITICS, LAW, ANTHROPOLOGY AND SOUTH KOREA Amy Beth Levine, Ph.D. Cornell University 2011 This dissertation demonstrates how the urgent condition of crisis is routine for many non-governmental (NGO) and non-profit organization (NPO) workers, activists, lawyers, social movement analysts, social designers and ethnographers. The study makes a contribution to the increasing number of anthropological, legal, pedagogical, philosophical, political, and socio-legal studies concerned with pragmatism and hope by approaching crisis as ground, hope as figure, and pragmatism as transition or placeholder between them. In effect this work makes evident the agency of the past in the apprehension of the present, whose complexity is conceptualized as scale, in order to hopefully refigure ethnography’s future role as an anticipatory process rather than a pragmatic response to crisis or an always already emergent world. This dissertation is based on over two years of fieldwork inside NGOs, NPOs, and think tanks, hundreds of conversations, over a hundred interviews, and archival research in Seoul, South Korea. The transformation of the “386 generation” and Roh Moo Hyun’s presidency from 2003 to 2008 serve as both the contextual background and central figures of the study. This work replicates the historical, contemporary, and anticipated transitions of my informants by responding to the problem of agency inherent in crisis with a sense of scale and a rescaling of agency.
    [Show full text]
  • MIAMI UNIVERSITY the Graduate School Certification for Approving
    MIAMI UNIVERSITY The Graduate School Certification for Approving the Dissertation We hereby approve the Dissertation of Stephen Hess Candidate for the Degree: Doctor of Philosophy ____________________________________ Director (Dr. Venelin Ganev) ____________________________________ Reader (Dr. Gulnaz Sharafutdinova) ____________________________________ Reader (Dr. Adeed Dawisha) ____________________________________ Graduate School Representative (Dr. Stanley Toops) ABSTRACT AUTHORITARIAN LANDSCAPES: STATE DECENTRALIZATION, POPULAR MOBILIZATION, AND THE INSTITUTIONAL SOURCES OF RESILIENCE IN NONDEMOCRACIES by Stephen Hess Beginning with the insight that highly-centralized state structures have historically provided a unifying target and fulcrum for the mobilization of contentious nationwide social movements, this dissertation investigates the hypothesis that decentralized state structures in authoritarian regimes impede the development of forms of popular contention sustained and coordinated on a national scale. As defined in this work, in a decentralized state, local officials assume greater discretionary control over public expenditures, authority over the implementation of government policies, and latitude in managing outbreaks of social unrest within their jurisdictions. As a result, they become the direct targets of most protests aimed at the state and the primary mediators of actions directed at third-party, non-state actors. A decentralized state therefore presents not one but a multitude of loci for protests, diminishing claimants‘ ability to use the central state as a unifying target and fulcrum for organizing national contentious movements. For this reason, decentralized autocracies are expected to face more fragmented popular oppositions and exhibit higher levels of durability than their more centralized counterparts. To examine this claim, I conduct four comparative case studies, organized into pairs of autocracies that share a common regime type but vary in terms of state decentralization.
    [Show full text]
  • Experiencing South Korea FPRI/Korea Society 2015 Korean
    Experiencing South Korea FPRI/Korea Society 2015 Korean Presidents: an Evaluation of Effective Leadership Author: Ellen Resnek: Downingtown East High School Lesson Overview: Through the use of various primary and secondary sources, students in this lesson will identify, understand and be able to explain the Korean President Power Ranking: Technically, the Republic of Korea has had ten heads of government since its birth in 1948: (1) Syngmn Rhee (1948-1960); (2) Chang Myon (1960-1961); (3) Park Chung-hee (1961-1979); (4) Choi Gyu-ha (1979-1980); (5) Chun Doo-hwan (1980-1987); (6) Roh Tae-woo (1987-1992); (7) Kim Young-sam (1992-1997); (8) Kim Dae-jung (1997-2002); (9) Roh Moo-hyun (2002-2007) ; (10) Lee Myeong-bak (2007-2012).; and Park Geun-hye, 2013–current. But one can see that Chang Myon and Choi Gyu-ha did not last very long, because they abdicated from their posts when their successors rolled into Seoul with tanks. Objectives: 1. Students will learn background information regarding Korean President Power 2. Students will develop an appreciation of people who have helped shape the history and culture of Korea. 3. Students will become aware of some of the most important events in Korean history. 4. Students will examine various leadership styles and determine those the students might want to emulate. Materials Required Handouts provided Computers for research While this lesson is complete in itself, it can be enriched by books on Korea and updated regularly by checking the Internet for current information. Experiencing South Korea FPRI/Korea Society 2015 Procedure: Lesson Objectives: Students will be able to: Evaluate authors’ differing points of view on the same historical event or issue by assessing the authors’ claims, reasoning, and evidence Determine an author’s point of view or purpose in analyzing how style and content contribute to the power, persuasiveness, or beauty of the text.
    [Show full text]