Primary Sources Progressivism and Liberalism

John Dewey on Liberalism’s Future

December 28, 1934

introduction

John Dewey’s 37 volumes of writings on philoso- economic life (Dewey helped establish a pattern for lib- phy, psychology, politics, and education present an eral intellectuals ignoring if not attacking the Found- evolving democratic social philosophy for the new ing). He contends that now-outmoded absolutist con- Progressive American way of life. The great themes cepts such as natural rights and natural law have led of Dewey’s long and influential academic career are to a misguided notion of freedom and individuality. progress, democracy, and the experimental method (or What he calls “the earlier liberalism” did not see that the scientific understanding of humanity) leading to “an individual is…something achieved.” Achieving the what he calls the “reconstruction” of American soci- individual means recognizing that human nature is ety. Dewey would reconstruct Americans from the “nothing fixed” and is fundamentally social in both its rights-exercising individuals of the Founding era to creation and its effects. socialized beings molded by modern social sciences. Dewey’s relativistic liberalism becomes a meth- Contrary to his talk about an old and a new liberal- odology—a “continuous reconstruction” of vast ism, Deweyan liberalism and its intellectual supposi- experiments to socialize individuals, to make them tions could not be more at odds with the older belief more cooperative. The ultimate aim is “full freedom in liberty and happiness expressed in the Declaration of the human spirit and of individuality.” While of Independence. To construct the social individual of sounding perfectly in line with American thinking, the new liberalism, the rights and liberties of the old this is radically different, for Dewey’s truly free indi- liberalism must be discarded. vidual will be thoroughly socialized and democra- In this Depression-era lecture, Dewey argues that tized—incapable of living freely in the Founders’ the earlier, spurious “pseudo-liberalism” of the Found- sense. The new American will understand himself ers assumed an “absolutism” that produces and justi- not as someone reflecting self-evident truths about fies current social ills, in particular the inequalities of human nature, liberty, and happiness but as some-

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one who has come to be of, by, and for liberal experi- speaks of “the maximum reliance upon intelligence.” mental social policy. Dewey sees the truth about the human spirit revealed To achieve its aims, the new liberalism will be in the creative will of scientists. Man is not created guided by an elite composed of social scientists. He but the creator.

2 Primary Sources Progressivism and Liberalism

“The Future of Liberalism” John Dewey

Originally delivered as an address to the 24th annual meeting of the American Philosophical Association on December 28, 1934 and then published in the journal School and Society on January 19, 1935

The emphasis of earlier liberalism upon individual- try and exchange was thus regarded as a violation not ity and liberty defines the focal points of discussion of only of inherent individual liberty but also of natural the philosophy of liberalism today. This earlier liber- laws—of which supply and demand is a sample. The alism was itself an outgrowth, in the late eighteenth proper sphere of governmental action was simply to and nineteenth centuries, of an earlier revolt against prevent and to secure redress for infringement by one, oligarchical government, one which came to its culmi- in the exercise of his liberty, of like and equal liberty nation in the “glorious revolution” of 1688. The latter of action by others. was fundamentally a demand for freedom of the tax- Nevertheless, demand for freedom in initiation payer from governmental arbitrary action, in connec- and conduct of business enterprise did not exhaust tion with a demand for confessional freedom in reli- the content of the earlier liberalism. In the minds of gion by the Protestant churches. In the new liberalism its chief promulgators there was included an equally expressly so named, demand for individual freedom strenuous demand for liberty of mind: freedom of of action came primarily from the rising industrial thought and its expression in speech, writing, print and trading class, and was directed against restric- and assemblage. The earlier interest in confessional tions placed by government, in legislation, common freedom was generalized, and thereby deepened as law and judicial action (and other institutions hav- well as broadened. This demand was a product of the ing connection with the political state) upon freedom rational enlightenment of the eighteenth century and of economic enterprise. In both cases, governmental of the growing importance of science. The great tide action and the desired freedom were placed in antith- of reaction that set in after the defeat of Napoleon, the esis to each other. This way of conceiving liberty has demand for order and discipline, gave the agitation for persisted; it was strengthened in this country by the freedom of thought and its expression plenty of cause revolt of the colonies and by pioneer conditions. and plenty of opportunity. Nineteenth-century philosophic liberalism added, The earlier liberal philosophy rendered valiant ser- more or less because of its dominant economic interest, vice. It finally succeeded in sweeping away, especially the conception of natural laws to that of natural rights in its home, Great Britain, an innumerable number of in the earlier Whig movement. There are natural laws, abuses and restrictions. The history of social reforms it held, in social matters as well as in physical, and in the nineteenth century is almost one with the histo- these natural laws are economic in character. Politi- ry of liberal social thought. It is not, then, from ingrati- cal laws, on the other hand, are man-made and in that tude that I shall emphasize its defects, for recognition sense artificial. Governmental intervention in indus- of them is essential to an intelligent statement of the

3 Primary Sources Progressivism and Liberalism

elements of liberal philosophy for the present and any ing when they are used as means of preventing social nearby future. The fundamental defect was its lack of change. This fact is itself an illustration of historic rela- perception of historic relativity. This lack is expressed tivity, and an evidence of the evil that lay in the asser- in the conception of the individual as something given, tion by earlier liberalism of the immutable and eternal complete in itself, and of liberty as a ready-made pos- character of their ideas. Because of this latter fact, the session of the individual, only needing the removal laissez faire doctrine was held by the degenerate school of external restrictions in order to manifest itself. The of liberals to express the very order of nature itself. individual of earlier liberalism was a Newtonian The outcome was the degradation of the idea of indi- atom having only external time and space relations to viduality until in the minds of many who are them- other individuals, save in that each social atom was selves struggling for a wider and fuller development equipped with inherent freedom. These ideas might of individuality, individualism has become a term of not have been especially harmful if they had been hissing and reproach, while many can see no remedy merely a rallying cry for practical movements. But for the evils that have come from the use of socially they formed part of a philosophy, and of a philosophy unrestrained liberty in business enterprise, save in which the particular ideas of individuality and free- change produced by violence. The historic tendency dom were asserted to be absolute and eternal truths; to conceive the whole question of liberty as a matter in good for all times and all places. which individual and government are opposed par- ties has borne bitter fruit. Born of despotic government, it has continued to influence thinking and action after Liberalism knows that an individual is nothing government had become popular and in theory the ser- fixed, given ready-made. It is something vant of the people. achieved, and achieved not in isolation I pass now to what the philosophy of liberalism but with the aid and support of conditions, would be were its inheritance of absolutism eliminat- cultural and physical. ed. In the first place, such liberalism knows that an individual is nothing fixed, given ready-made. It is This absolutism, this ignoring and denial of tempo- something achieved, and achieved not in isolation but ral relativity, is one great reason why the earlier liberal- with the aid and support of conditions, cultural and ism degenerated so easily into pseudo-liberalism. For physical: including in “cultural,” economic, legal and the sake of saving time, I shall identify what I mean political institutions as well as science and art. Liberal- by this spurious liberalism, the kind of social ideas ism knows that social conditions may restrict, distort represented by the “Liberty League” and ex-President and almost prevent the development of individual- Hoover. I call it a pseudo-liberalism because it ossified ity. It therefore takes an active interest in the working and narrowed generous ideas and aspirations. Even of social institutions that have a bearing, positive or when words remain the same, they mean something negative, upon the growth of individuals who shall be very different when they are uttered by a minority rugged in fact and not merely in abstract theory. It is as struggling against repressive measures, and when much interested in the positive construction of favor- expressed by a group that has attained power and able institutions, legal, political and economic as it is in then uses ideas that were once weapons of emancipa- removing abuses and overt oppressions. tion as instruments for keeping the power and wealth In the second place, liberalism is committed to the they have obtained. Ideas that at one time are means idea of historic relativity. It knows that the content of of producing social change have not the same mean- the individual and freedom change with time; that this

4 Primary Sources Progressivism and Liberalism

is as true of social change as it is of individual develop- conditions in the interest of increased individual- ment from infancy to maturity. The positive counter- ity and liberty. The first requirement is so obviously part of opposition to doctrinal absolutism is experi- implied that I shall not elaborate it. The second point mentalism. The connection between historic relativity needs some amplification. Experimental method is not and experimental method is intrinsic. Time signifies just messing around nor doing a little of this and a change. The significance of individuality with respect little of that in the hope that things will improve. Just to social policies alters with change of the conditions in as in the physical sciences, it implies a coherent body which individuals live. The earlier liberalism in being of ideas, a theory, that gives direction to effort. What is absolute was also unhistoric. Underlying it there was implied, in contrast to every form of absolutism is that a philosophy of history which assumed that history, the ideas and theory be taken as methods of action like time in the Newtonian scheme, means only modi- tested and continuously revised by the consequences fication of external relations; that it is quantitative not they produce in actual social conditions. Since they are qualitative and internal. The same thing is true of any operational in nature, they modify conditions, while theory that assumes, like the one usually attributed the first requirement, that of basing policies upon real- to Marx, that temporal changes in society are inevi- istic study of actual conditions, brings about their con- table—that is to say, are governed by a law that is not tinuous reconstruction. itself historical. The fact is that the historicism and the evolutionism of nineteenth century doctrine were only The method indicated is that of maximum halfway doctrines. They assumed that historical and reliance upon intelligence. developmental processes were subject to some law or formula outside temporal processes. The commitment of liberalism to experimental It follows finally that there is no opposition in prin- procedure carries with it the idea of continuous recon- ciple between liberalism as social philosophy and struction of the ideas of individuality and of liberty, radicalism in action, if by radicalism is signified the in their intimate connection with changes in social adoption of policies that bring about drastic, instead relations. It is enough to refer to the changes in pro- of piecemeal, social change. It is all a question of what ductivity and distribution since the time when the kind of procedures an intelligent study of changing earlier liberalism was formulated, and the effect of conditions discloses. These changes have been so tre- these transformations, due to science and technology, mendous in the last century, yes, in the last forty years, upon the terms on which men associate together. An that it looks to me as if radical methods were now nec- experimental method is the recognition of this tempo- essary. But all that the argument here requires is rec- ral change in ideas and policies so that the latter may ognition of the fact that there is nothing in the nature coordinate with the facts, instead of being opposed to of liberalism that makes it a milk-water doctrine, com- them. Any other view maintains a rigid conceptual- mitted to compromise and minor “reforms.” It is worth ism, and implies that facts should conform to concepts noting that the earlier liberals were regarded in their that are framed independently of temporal or histori- day as subversive radicals. cal change. What has been said should make it clear that the The two things essential, then, to thoroughgoing question of method in formation and execution of poli- social liberalism are, first, realistic study of existing cies is the central thing in liberalism. The method indi- conditions in their movement, and, secondly, leading cated is that of maximum reliance upon intelligence. ideas, in the form of policies, for dealing with these This fact determines its opposition to those forms of

5 Primary Sources Progressivism and Liberalism

radicalism that place chief dependence upon violent The whole problem of the intelligent use of force is one overthrow of existing institutions as the method of too large to go into here. I can only say that when the effecting desired social change. A genuine liberal will forces in possession are so blind and stubborn as to emphasize as crucial the complete correlation between resist by force the free use of intelligence in effecting the means used and the consequences that follow. The social change, they not only encourage dependence same principle which makes him aware that the means upon the method of force in those who see the need of employed by pseudo-liberalism only perpetuate and social change but they give the latter its maximum of multiply the evils of existing conditions makes him justification. The emphasis of liberalism upon liberty also aware that dependence upon sheer massed force, of inquiry, communication and organization does not as the means of social change decides the kind of con- commit it to unqualified pacifism but to the unremit- sequences that actually result. Doctrines, whether pro- ting use of every method of intelligence that condi- ceeding from Mussolini or from Marx, which assume tions permit—and to search for all that are possible. that because certain ends are desirable therefore those In conclusion, I wish to emphasize a point implied ends and nothing else will result from the use of force in the earlier discussion. The question of the practical to attain them, is but another example of the limita- significance of liberty is much wider than that of the tions put upon intelligence by any absolute theory. In relation of government to the individual, to say noth- the degree in which mere force is resorted to, actual ing of the monstrosity of the doctrine that assumes consequences are themselves so compromised that the that under all conditions governmental action and ends originally in view have in fact to be worked out individual liberty are found in separate and indepen- afterwards by the method of experimental intelligence. dent spheres. Government is one factor and an impor- In saying this, I do not wish to be understood as tant one. But it comes into the picture only in relation meaning that radicals of the type mentioned have to other matters. At present, these other matters are any monopoly of the use of force. The contrary is the economic and cultural. With respect to the first point, case. The reactionaries are in possession of force, in it is absurd to conceive liberty as that of the business not only the army and police, but in the press and the entrepreneur and ignore the immense regimentation schools. The only reason they do not advocate the use to which workers are subjected, intellectual as well as of force is the fact that they are already in possession manual workers. As to the second point, the full free- of it, so that their policy is to cover up its existence dom of the human spirit and of individuality can be with idealistic phrases—of which their present use achieved only as there is effective opportunity to share of the ideas of individual initiative and liberty is a in the cultural resources of civilization. No economic striking example. state of affairs is merely economic. It has a profound These facts exemplify the essential evil of reliance effect upon the presence or absence of cultural free- upon sheer force. Action and reaction are physically dom. Any liberalism that does not make full cultural equal and in opposite direction and force as such freedom supreme and that does not see the relation is always physical. Dependence upon it on one side between it and genuine industrial freedom as a way of always sooner or later calls out force on the other side. life is a degenerate and delusive liberalism.

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