Social Liberalism Mark Pack

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Social Liberalism Mark Pack Social Liberalism Mark Pack Welcome to the next instalment in the weekly series about Liberal Democrat political philosophy. I hope you find it interesting and useful - and if you do, by all means let other people know that they too can sign up for the series. The content draws very heavily on an excellent pamphlet edited by Duncan Brack for the Liberal Democrat History Group and by contributors to the group's (now sadly out of print) Dictionary of Liberal Thought. If you aren't familiar with the group's work, particularly the website and quarterly Journal of Liberal History, I'd highly recommend taking a look. If you like elements of the emails that follow, most likely Duncan and colleagues deserve the credit. For the bits you don't like, the brickbats should come my way. Best wishes, Mark Social Liberalism Social liberals believe in individual freedom as a central objective – like all liberals. Unlike economic or classical liberals, however, they believe that factors such as poverty, unemployment, ill-health, disability and a lack of education are serious enough constraints on freedom that significant state action is justified to redress them. The British Liberal Democrats are generally considered a social liberal party, as are a number of other European liberal parties. The development of social liberalism can be seen as a response to the problems of industrialisation in the mid- to late nineteenth century. Although free trade, the opening up of global markets and the transformation of European economies from agriculture to manufacturing delivered prosperity for many, these changes were accompanied by less positive trends, including in particular growing poverty amongst the new urban working classes. In Britain, the New Liberalism of T.H. Green, L.T. Hobhouse and J.A. Hobson, among many others, was the response. They argued that laissez-faire economic policies and the unrestrained pursuit of profit had given rise to new forms of poverty and injustice; the economic liberty of the few had blighted the life chances of the many. The central aim of classical liberalism, the removal of constraints on the individual, they argued, would not lead to freedom of choice for all, as not everyone enjoyed access to the same opportunities. A prince and a pauper might have the same rights under the law. That did not give them the same opportunities in life. Green proposed the idea of positive freedom: the ability of the individual to develop and attain individuality through personal self-development and self-realisation. Since much of the population was prevented from such self-realisation by the impediments of poverty, sickness, unemployment and ignorance, government was justified in taking action to tackle all those conditions. This was not a threat to liberty, but the necessary guarantee of it. As David Lloyd George put it in 1908, "British Liberalism is not going to repeat the errors of Continental Liberalism … Let Liberalism proceed with its glorious work of building up the temple of liberty in this country, but let it also bear in mind that the worshippers at the shrine have to live." The social reforms of the 1906–15 Liberal government, including the introduction of old- age pensions, national insurance and progressive taxation, can be seen as the realisation of the New Liberal social programme in action, though it drew its inspiration from many sources, including the experience of the active municipal liberalism of Joseph Chamberlain and other Liberals in local government. Later in the century, the economic genius of J. M. Keynes, the imaginativeness of Lloyd George’s ‘Yellow Book’, Britain’s Industrial Future, and the welfare reforms of William Beveridge seemed to cement the triumph of social liberalism. The distinction between social and economic (or classical) liberals revolves around attitudes to the balance between the free market and state intervention. Social liberals do not generally question the value of market-based economies, but accept a significant role for state action in adjusting or supplementing market outcomes, for example through generous welfare provision, socialised medical care and state education. This usually implies a higher level of taxation than economic liberals desire, and also a greater role for the use of redistributive fiscal policy. More recently, social liberals have also tended to accept a growing role for the state in regulating economic activity to tackle environmental degradation. The growth in the size of the state throughout the twentieth century, however, has led to new problems, summarised in last week's instalment on classical/economic liberalism. In response, in many European countries since the war, economic liberals made something of a comeback, drawing intellectual strength from writers such as Friedrich von Hayek and, more recently, Robert Nozick. Despite this resurgence of economic liberal thinking, in Britain the Liberal Party/Liberal Democrats has remained a social liberal party, retaining their beliefs in an activist role for the state, particularly over public services and environmental issues, and in taxation policy. This position seemed to be challenged by the publication of the avowedly economic-liberal Orange Book: Reclaiming Liberalism in 2004, though in reality most of the book’s contents were existing party policy. A riposte, Reinventing the State: Social Liberalism for the 21st Century, was published in 2007, and a perceived attempt to shift the party under Nick Clegg’s leadership led to the formation of the Social Liberal Forum in 2009 to campaign for social-liberal values. Even under the coalition with the Conservative Party in 2010–15, however, the party remained fundamentally social liberal in character. Liberal Democrat ministers spent much of their time fighting off the deregulatory obsessions of their coalition partners and promoting such social-liberal approaches as the pupil premium, support for renewable energy and green industry, or free school meals for the youngest children. Although they accept the need for state intervention, social liberals have responded to the dangers of the growth in state power highlighted by Hayek and others. The social liberal answer, though, is not, in general, to seek the withdrawal of the state from areas of activity, but to make it more accountable and responsive to its citizens, for instance through the decentralisation of power, the creation of federal systems of government, electoral reform the use of mechanisms such as written constitutions to control state power. In this way, social liberals can be distinguished from social democrats, who tend to be much less suspicious of state power, although they may share similar approaches to the mixed economy. As argued above, however, there is no firm divide between social liberalism and economic liberalism; rather, there is a spectrum of views and positions, depending strongly on the economic and social circumstances in a given country at a given time. There is no general answer to the question of how much government intervention is enough, or how big the state should be. This is because of the need to deal both with market failure and with government failure, and because the appropriate level of state involvement, and the size of the state, varies so widely over time and across areas of activity. Differences of opinion over this question lie at the root of the disagreements between economic liberals and social liberals, but individual liberals’ views range over a broad spectrum rather being separated into two firm camps. And what unites liberals of both tendencies – a commitment to civil liberties, human rights, open and tolerant societies, and a just international order – has usually proven stronger than what may divide them. Social and economic liberals may differ over economic means, but they do not disagree over their ends. Further reading Duncan Brack, Richard S. Grayson and David Howarth (eds.), Reinventing the State: Social Liberalism for the 21st Century (Politico’s, 2007) Ronald Dworkin, Sovereign Virtue: The Theory and Practice of Equality (Harvard University Press, 2000) Will Kymlicka, Contemporary Political Philosophy: An Introduction (Oxford University Press, 2nd edn., 2002), ch. 3, ‘Liberal Equality’ Martin Pugh, The Making of Modern British Politics 1867–1945 (Blackwell, 3rd edn., 2002), ch. 6, ‘Edwardian Progressivism’ Thanks for reading this email, which is number 2 out of a total of 15. Here's what next week's email will be about: Social Democracy..
Recommended publications
  • Liberalism, Social Democracy, and Tom Kent Kenneth C
    Liberalism, Social Democracy, and Tom Kent Kenneth C. Dewar Journal of Canadian Studies/Revue d'études canadiennes, Volume 53, Number/numéro 1, Winter/hiver 2019, pp. 178-196 (Article) Published by University of Toronto Press For additional information about this article https://muse.jhu.edu/article/719555 Access provided by Mount Saint Vincent University (19 Mar 2019 13:29 GMT) Journal of Canadian Studies • Revue d’études canadiennes Liberalism, Social Democracy, and Tom Kent KENNETH C. DEWAR Abstract: This article argues that the lines separating different modes of thought on the centre-left of the political spectrum—liberalism, social democracy, and socialism, broadly speaking—are permeable, and that they share many features in common. The example of Tom Kent illustrates the argument. A leading adviser to Lester B. Pearson and the Liberal Party from the late 1950s to the early 1970s, Kent argued for expanding social security in a way that had a number of affinities with social democracy. In his paper for the Study Conference on National Problems in 1960, where he set out his philosophy of social security, and in his actions as an adviser to the Pearson government, he supported social assis- tance, universal contributory pensions, and national, comprehensive medical insurance. In close asso- ciation with his philosophy, he also believed that political parties were instruments of policy-making. Keywords: political ideas, Canada, twentieth century, liberalism, social democracy Résumé : Cet article soutient que les lignes séparant les différents modes de pensée du centre gauche de l’éventail politique — libéralisme, social-démocratie et socialisme, généralement parlant — sont perméables et qu’ils partagent de nombreuses caractéristiques.
    [Show full text]
  • Exhibition Plan Solent Hall, Ground Floor of BIC
    Exhibition Plan Solent Hall, Ground Floor of BIC 44 43 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 46 51 45 42 32 31 30 CZ1 CZ2 CZ3 CZ4 47 41 52 53 48 CZ 28 29 10 CAMPAIGN ZONE CZ 49 27 26 9 14 13 50 22& 24 25 CZ8 CZ7 12 23 21 20 19 18 17 16 15 11 10 3 4 5 6 7 1 Solent 8 9 ➔ Lounge to Branksome, Solent Bar Durley, Meyrick and Westbourne Catering ➔ ➔ ➔ ➔ (Not to scale) L ➔ ➔ to Auditorium ➔ Main Foyer Key L Lift Exhibition stand Coffee Shop Key to stand numbers on page 2. Seating area EXHIBITION PLAN LIBERAL DEMOCRATS AUTUMN CONFERENCE 2019 Exhibitors listed by stand number 1 Thakeham Group 34 National Liberal Club 3 Berber Leather 35 Liberator Magazine 5 Heathrow West Limited 36 ALTER 8 Her Majesty’s Government of 37 Association of Lib Dem Trade Gilbraltar Unionists 9 The National Education Union 38 Volunteering with the Liberal 10 Liberal Democrat Disability Democrats Association 39 Liberal Reform 11 Liberal Democrats European 40 Liberal Democrat History Group Parliamentary Party 42 Liberal Democrat Education 12 Social Democrat Group Association 13 RemainerNow 43 Liberal Democrats 4 Seekers of 14 E.A.R.S. Campaign Software Sanctuary 15 Humanist & Secularist Liberal 44 Young Liberals Democrats 45 London Liberal Democrats 16 ALDE Party 46 Liberal Democrats in Business 17 Best for Britain 47 Liberal Democrat European 18 Parliamentary Candidates Group Association 48 Association of Liberal Democrat 20 Midlands Engine Engineers and Scientists 21 Guardian News & Media 49 Rights Liberties Justice (Liberal 22&23 ALDC – Liberal Democrat Democrat Lawyers) Campaigners
    [Show full text]
  • Beyond Brexit Liberal Politics for the Age of Identity
    Beyond Brexit Liberal politics for the age of identity A collection of essays presenting a roadmap to a better Britain Sir Vince Cable MP BEYOND BREXIT Liberal Politics for the Age of Identity BEYOND BREXIT Liberal Politics for the Age of Identity A collection of essays presenting a roadmap to a better Britain By Sir Vince Cable MP Leader of the Liberal Democrats March 2019 First published in Great Britain in 2019 by the Liberal Democrats, 8–10 Great George Street, London, SW1P 3AE, on behalf of Vince Cable MP Copyright © Vince Cable 2019. Vince Cable has asserted his rights under the Copyright, Designs & Patents Act, 1988, to be identifed as the author of this work. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the publisher’s prior permission in writing. Tis book is published subject to the condition that it shall not, by way of trade or otherwise, be lent, resold, hired out, or otherwise circulated without the publishers’ prior consent in writing in any form of binding or cover other than that in which it is published and without a similar condition being imposed on the subsequent purchaser. ISBN 978-1-910763-67-4 A CIP catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. Research and editing by Alex Davies and Mike Tufrey. Typeset in Adobe Caslon Pro and Myriad Pro by Duncan Brack. Cover design by Mike Cooper. Printed and bound in Great Britain by Park Communications Ltd, Alpine Way, London E6 6LA Contents Introduction: Beyond Brexit ............................................................1 1 Where We Are ................................................................................3 2 A Functioning Economy and an Entrepreneurial State ..................11 3 Te Digital Economy and the Tech Titans ....................................23 4 Capital and Labour ......................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Rethinking the French Liberal Moment: Some Thoughts on the Heterogeneous Origins of Lefort and Gauchet's Social Philosophy
    CHAPTER 3 Rethinking the French Liberal Moment: Some Thoughts on the Heterogeneous Origins of Lefort and Gauchet’s Social Philosophy Noah Rosenblum ecent scholarship has taken an interest in the renaissance of French liberal thought in the second half of the twentieth century. This R“French liberal revival” has swept up scholars and commentators alike, and is often thought to include the important French philosophers Claude Lefort and Marcel Gauchet. But, as work in intellectual history has shown,1 the term sits uneasily on at least these two. On close examination, we see that some of their mature thought is only ambiguously committed to liberal goals and rests on complex philosophical premises that are incompatible with some traditional liberal arguments. Tracing aspects of their social thought back to its roots reveals how deeply opposed to liberalism some of their premises were and helps us see how they carried illiberal ideas forward into new contexts. This forces us to take a new perspective on at least this piece of the twentieth century’s French liberal moment, revising accepted stories of its origins and meaning. Recognizing the heterogeneous sources of their argument leads us to appreciate Lefort and Gauchet’s creative work of reconstruction and resist the urge to canalize their powerful social philosophy. Conceptualizing the “French Liberal Revival” In a purely analytic sense, we can understand the idea of a “French liberal revival” in two different ways. The phrase describes, first, a new or renewed interest in traditional liberal themes by thinkers writing in French. We can S. W. Sawyer et al.
    [Show full text]
  • American Civil Associations and the Growth of American Government: an Appraisal of Alexis De Tocqueville’S Democracy in America (1835-1840) Applied to Franklin D
    City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works All Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects 2-2017 American Civil Associations and the Growth of American Government: An Appraisal of Alexis de Tocqueville’s Democracy in America (1835-1840) Applied to Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal and the Post-World War II Welfare State John P. Varacalli The Graduate Center, City University of New York How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/gc_etds/1828 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] AMERICAN CIVIL ASSOCIATIONS AND THE GROWTH OF AMERICAN GOVERNMENT: AN APPRAISAL OF ALEXIS DE TOCQUEVILLE’S DEMOCRACY IN AMERICA (1835- 1840) APPLIED TO FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT’S NEW DEAL AND THE POST-WORLD WAR II WELFARE STATE by JOHN P. VARACALLI A master’s thesis submitted to the Graduate Program in Liberal Studies in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts, The City University of New York 2017 © 2017 JOHN P. VARACALLI All Rights Reserved ii American Civil Associations and the Growth of American Government: An Appraisal of Alexis de Tocqueville’s Democracy in America (1835-1840) Applied to Franklin D. Roosevelt’s New Deal and the Post World War II Welfare State by John P. Varacalli The manuscript has been read and accepted for the Graduate Faculty in Liberal Studies in satisfaction of the thesis requirement for the degree of Master of Arts ______________________ __________________________________________ Date David Gordon Thesis Advisor ______________________ __________________________________________ Date Elizabeth Macaulay-Lewis Acting Executive Officer THE CITY UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK iii ABSTRACT American Civil Associations and the Growth of American Government: An Appraisal of Alexis de Tocqueville’s Democracy in America (1835-1840) Applied to Franklin D.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Polarization in the United States and Canada by Philip Carl Salzman
    (EF24) FEBRUARY 2018 Political Polarization in the United States and Canada By Philip Carl Salzman Political polarization in both the United States and Canada seems to increase every year. Those on the left appear to move ever farther to the left; while those on the right find less and less in common with their fellow citizens. The political rhetoric has, in fact, escalated to a toxic level. From the highest political level in the U.S. half of American citizens are labelled sexist, racist, homophobic, and Islamophobic, a basket of deplorables,1 redneck failures who cling to their guns, fundamentalist religion, and fear,2 and white supremacists. American opponents of the progressive left view it as consisting of traitors of America, betrayers of Western civilization, haters of Christianity and apologists for Islam, violators of the Constitution, advocates of open borders who wish to bring a flood of Third World immigrants, even those dedicated to destroying the West, enemies of capitalism who openly revere socialism, and champions of a dominant state apparatus that aims at suppressing freedom. Canada is also increasingly polarized along the same lines, with Parliament denouncing the non-existent psychiatric condition “Islamophobia” in order to suppress criticism of Islam, the press driving out conservatives, such as Kellie Leitch, whose advocacy of “so-called “Canadian values,” [was] widely viewed as anti-immigrant and nativist,”3 as racists and fascists, and with “Human Rights Commissions and Tribunals” suppressing speech that hurts someone’s feelings. In Canada too, at the highest political level, Canada’s heritage in Western Civilization is denied4 in favour of “diversity,”5 and minorities favoured over majorities.
    [Show full text]
  • 0 the Tories' Social Care Scandal
    0 The Tories’ social care scandal - Claire Tyler & Margaret Lally 0 Government ‘worse than incompetence’ - Paul Clein 0 Time for universal basic income - Paul Hindley Issue 401 - June 2020 £ 4 Issue 401 June 2020 SUBSCRIBE! CONTENTS Liberator magazine is published six/seven times per year. Commentary .......................................................................3 Subscribe for only £25 (£30 overseas) per year. Radical Bulletin ...................................................................4..7 You can subscribe or renew online using PayPal at THE PEOPLE THEY FORGOT .........................................8..9 our website: www.liberator.org.uk It was too little, too late when the Government tried to protect care homes from Covid-19, leading to a scandal of needless deaths, Or send a cheque (UK banks only), payable to say Claire Tyler and Margaret Lally “Liberator Publications”, together with your name and full postal address, to: BLOOD ON THEIR HANDS ...........................................10..11 The Tory Government’s response to the pandemic has been marked by Liberator Publications something even worse than incompetence, says Paul Clein Flat 1, 24 Alexandra Grove London N4 2LF OWNERSHIP FOR ALL ...................................................12..13 England An old Liberal idea of universal ownership can be matched with a newer one of universal basic income for a post-pandemic world, THE LIBERATOR says Paul Hindley COLLECTIVE THERE GOES THE HIGH STREET ................................14..15 Jonathan Calder, Richard
    [Show full text]
  • Thecoalition
    The Coalition Voters, Parties and Institutions Welcome to this interactive pdf version of The Coalition: Voters, Parties and Institutions Please note that in order to view this pdf as intended and to take full advantage of the interactive functions, we strongly recommend you open this document in Adobe Acrobat. Adobe Acrobat Reader is free to download and you can do so from the Adobe website (click to open webpage). Navigation • Each page includes a navigation bar with buttons to view the previous and next pages, along with a button to return to the contents page at any time • You can click on any of the titles on the contents page to take you directly to each article Figures • To examine any of the figures in more detail, you can click on the + button beside each figure to open a magnified view. You can also click on the diagram itself. To return to the full page view, click on the - button Weblinks and email addresses • All web links and email addresses are live links - you can click on them to open a website or new email <>contents The Coalition: Voters, Parties and Institutions Edited by: Hussein Kassim Charles Clarke Catherine Haddon <>contents Published 2012 Commissioned by School of Political, Social and International Studies University of East Anglia Norwich Design by Woolf Designs (www.woolfdesigns.co.uk) <>contents Introduction 03 The Coalition: Voters, Parties and Institutions Introduction The formation of the Conservative-Liberal In his opening paper, Bob Worcester discusses Democratic administration in May 2010 was a public opinion and support for the parties in major political event.
    [Show full text]
  • 8-14 February Managing Government in Times of Coalition
    Coalition Update: 8-14 February Managing Government in times of coalition Coalition needs a new approach to collective responsibility (LibDemVoice, 11 February) Richard Morris discusses how the coalition interprets the notion of collective responsibility, so that members of the government, rather than just backbenchers, can be honest about differences in policy within the coalition. The spotlight begins to shine on the coalition's flaws and faultlines (Observer, 13 February) Andrew Rawnsley discusses how recent political events have shown up key coalition weaknesses. He claims that the coalition is a "top-down project" based on its reliance on David Cameron and Nick Clegg. David Cameron allows Nick Clegg to share his audiences with the Queen (Telegraph, 12 February) Nick Clegg has been having regular meetings with the Queen due to his position as Lord President of the Council, a job not usually given to someone with his Cabinet role. The Big Society Nick Clegg out to wreck Big Society as David Cameron tries to salvage flagship policy (Mail on Sunday, 13 February) The Mail on Sunday claims that "Tory officials" have said that Nick Clegg believes the "Big Society" is a "waste of time" and that the term is not permitted in the Cabinet Office. Menzies Campbell calls the idea "BSE". AV Reform Conservative peers help Labour defeat Nick Clegg over voting referendum (Telegraph, 8 February) Ten Conservative peers defied government instructions on a key plank of the coalition agreement and voted with Labour in support of a 40 per cent turnout threshold for the result of a referendum on AV to be binding.
    [Show full text]
  • Liberalism 1100
    Chap 10 6/5/03 3:13 pm Page 195 Liberalism 1100 Liberalism has become the dominant ideology at the start of the third millennium. Like conservatism it cannot be easily identified with one particular political party. We trace the origins of liberalism back to the late seventeenth century and the political turmoil in England that followed the civil wars of the middle of the century. After this, liberalism’s ‘golden age’ during the nineteenth century is studied and the main themes of ‘classical’ and ‘New’ liberalism are outlined and discussed. The limitations of British liberalism began to become evident just before the First World War and it was almost eclipsed during the inter-war period. We discuss the apparent renaissance of liberalism that followed the collapse of Soviet communism during the late 1980s and the apparent triumph of liberal capitalist democracy on a global scale. Some of the inadequacies of contem- porary liberalism are discussed and an estimate is made of the future that lies in store for liberalism. POINTS TO CONSIDER ➤ Is liberalism culturally specific to Westernisation or is it of universal value? ➤ To what extent is the liberal focus on the individual based on a misunderstanding of human nature? ➤ At what point does liberalism end and socialism begin? ➤ Why were nineteenth-century liberals so uncomfortable with democracy and why don’t modern liberals appear to share the doubts? ➤ In the twenty-first century is the state still the main threat to the individual? ➤ How far is it true to say that the triumph of liberal ideology has been at the price of the eclipse of liberal political parties? Kevin Harrison and Tony Boyd - 9781526137951 Downloaded from manchesterhive.com at 09/26/2021 08:03:51PM via free access Chap 10 6/5/03 3:13 pm Page 196 196 Understanding political ideas and movements A rich man told me recently that a liberal is a man who tells other people what to do with their money.
    [Show full text]
  • PAUL HINDLEY I Am Standing for Re-Election to the Social Liberal Forum Council After Serving on the Council for the Last Two Years
    PAUL HINDLEY I am standing for re-election to the Social Liberal Forum Council after serving on the Council for the last two years. Many communities have been ‘left behind’ by market fundamentalism, which has opened the door to nationalism. Individual liberty cannot thrive if people are in the grip of poverty, social hardship and economic powerlessness. Brexit puts at risk our hard-won workers’ rights, our vital EU trade links and our ability to combat climate change. With the Conservatives and Labour fighting a battle of big ideas, it is essential that the Liberal Democrats rediscover the radical heritage of social liberalism. Britain has never more needed an ambitious radical social liberal movement. Advancing Big Ideas: I wrote a chapter for “Four Go In Search of Big Ideas” calling for a new culture of social rights in-order to reach out to ‘left behind’ seaside towns. I am an advocate for economic democracy, universal inheritance, radical welfare policies, land value taxation, federalism, workers’ rights and German-style works councils. A Strong Record: I have been actively involved in the SLF Council for the last two years. Since January 2018, I have been managing the SLF social media accounts on Twitter and Facebook. I have also written many articles for the SLF Blog and Liberator. A Progressive Movement: I proposed an amendment to the SLF Constitution which enshrined the SLF’s commitment to build a “progressive alliance of people, ideas and campaigns”. The SLF must be the voice of progressives within the Liberal Democrats, while reaching out to liberal progressives in other political parties and across society.
    [Show full text]
  • The Liberal Democrat Journey to a LIB-Con Coalition and Where Next?
    The LiberaL Democrat Journey To a LIB-CoN CoaLITIoN aNd where NexT? Southbank house, Black Prince road, London Se1 7SJ T: +44 (0) 20 7463 0632 | [email protected] www.compassonline.org.uk richard S Grayson The LiberaL Democrat Journey To a LIB-CoN CoaLITIoN – aNd where NexT? richard S Grayson 2 about the author Dr Richard Grayson is Head of Politics at Goldsmiths, University of London, and is one of three vice-chairs of the Liberal Democrat Federal Policy Committee, but writes here in a personal capacity. He was the party’s Director of Policy in 1999–2004 and stood for Parliament in Hemel Hempstead in 2005 and 2010, adding over 10% to the party’s vote. He was one of the founders of the Social Liberal Forum and was the first chair of its Executive. In September 2010 he takes up the post of Professor of Twentieth Century History at Goldsmiths. Published by Compass − Direction for the Democratic Left Ltd Southbank House, Black Prince Road, London SE1 7SJ T: +44 (0) 207 463 0632 [email protected] www.compassonline.org.uk Designed by SoapBox, www.soapboxcommunications.co.uk 3 The Liberal democrat ning both needs to be understood. Doing so begins with a story about how it is possible that a journey to a Lib–Con party which has often over the past decade been seen as ‘left of Labour’ on civil liberties, demo - coalition – and where cratic reform, taxation and public services is engaged quite so enthusiastically in reducing the next? size of the state.
    [Show full text]