DOCSLIB.ORG

Johnsonkyle Spring2014.Pdf

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Johnsonkyle Spring2014.Pdf Staying Relevant An Analysis of U.S. Marxist-Leninist Organizational Activities in a Post-Soviet Environment Kyle A. Johnson California State University of San Marcos Dr. Garry Rolison, Chair Dr. Sharon Elise Dr. Kristen Bates Johnson 1 “We stand as Lenin did prior to the revolution, with nothing but steel in our minds and passion in our hearts.” -Kyle A. Johnson Johnson 2 Acknowledgments • Dr. Garry Rolison: You have been a mentor, a professor, and a comrade. You have inspired me to become a better scholar and a better person. Your ability to make me answer my own questions has turned me into a person I would take seriously had I ever met me. I thank you for all you have done for me and showing me what an uncompromisingly principled and ethical teacher should be. I know you will continue to inspire countless students. • Dr. Sharon Elise: Knowing you over these years has changed my life forever. You have consistently challenged me and made me a much stronger, far more intellectual student. I cherish the time you have given to me and will never forget all the lessons you have imparted onto me. Whenever I had an idea that I couldn’t fully comprehend, I knew it was you that could take it and make sense of it. You will always be legend to me. • Dr. Kristen Bates: Since the day I met you, I knew that you were a supportive and creative teacher that would always encourage the best in her students. You have driven my creativity through the roof and have inspired to look at one idea from so many different angles. Thank you so much for all your help, this wouldn’t have been possible without your structure so early in the program. Thank you, thank you, thank you. • To my cohort: You have been some of the most interesting and accepting people I have ever met in my life. I have found friends, colleagues, and comrades. I hope to always keep in touch with you and will remember all of the perspectives you have shown me. Special shout outs to my comrade Yolanda, you have challenged me and pushed me to become a great student and a great leader. I am lucky to have a friend like you. • To my family and my lady: Thank you for helping me get through this process, a process which would have overwhelmed me without you. You have calmed me when I was stressed, brought me up when I was down, and gave me the strength to keep going when I thought I had no more. This thesis is a part of you as it is a part of me. I am forever grateful. I love you. Johnson 3 Table of Contents Introduction…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….4-5 Statement of the problem……………………………………………………………………………………………….5-7 Theory…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….7-13 Literature Review………………………………………………………………………………………………………….13-19 Methods……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..…19-22 Results……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………22-31 Discussion………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………31-34 Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..34-36 Bibliography…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………...36-40 Johnson 4 Introduction “Write in such a way as that you can be readily understood by both the young and the old, by men as well as women, even by children.” --Ho Chi Minh Within the last two decades the world has seen a tremendous shift in the global environment with respects to economic, political, and social hegemony. These aspects have much to owe to a few events that have had a massive impact upon the world social setting. Two main paradigm shifting events that changed the course of uninterrupted globalized capitalism were the Russian Revolution of 1917 and the dissolution of the USSR in 1991. These two monumental events spawned two separate styles of world activity, each event bringing in a new era of world policy and power relationships. With the dissolution of the Soviet Bloc in 1991, many have thought the idea of socialism to be dead and the inevitable intrusion of capitalism restored. Along with the ever expanding global economy, dominated mainly by the sole remaining superpower, the United States, and its allies, the political landscape has looked singularly linear, with resistance coming from popular revolts and national attempts to resist global capitalist integration instead of previous endeavors to join the communist bloc. With the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the U.S.’s rival super power, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics aka the Soviet Union, the prospects of alternatives to Western style capitalism seems marginal to say the least. With the grip of global capitalism seizing the last remaining bastions of non-U.S. supported economic and political policies, what are activist organizations; specifically Marxist-Leninist activist organizations, to do to counter this newly unrivaled economic hegemony? Johnson 5 Marxist-Leninist organizations have been active in the United States for nearly one hundred years, with a history of being victims of government persecution and occupational blacklisting. Forced to recover from often devastating consequences, these organizations have continued to give a voice to the victims of crimes committed by the United States and to promote alternatives to the current capitalist economic policies that are in place right now. With the events mentioned above unfolding slightly over the last two decades, most hardline Marxist-Leninist nations have disappeared, forcing the remaining anti globalized capitalist countries to adopt some market reforms. In this time of near absolute domination of globalized capitalism and the near political impossibility of electoral change occurring in the United States, how will modern Marxist-Leninist organizations attempt to reach out to the public and mobilize for change? By critically analyzing the content promoted by these organizations and observing the activities of public outreach, the potential for movement building will be discovered. Statement of the problem “Who are our enemies? Who are our friends? These are the questions of primary importance for the revolution” --Mao Tse Tung Since the fall of the Soviet Union and the restoration of capitalism in formerly socialist nations, the U.S. dominated ideology of free market, globalized capitalism has portrayed itself the winner of the cold war and the rightful heir to the top of the global hierarchy. Alternatives to the U.S. dominated world system, especially alternatives that were communist sympathetic, were seen as fundamentally anti-American and worthy of political and social persecution. Whether the first red scare of 1919-1921, the second red scare of 1947-1954, the witch hunt that was McCarthyism, or the continual blacklisting from occupation for communist or Marxist- Johnson 6 Leninist supporters, the United States has made anti-communism a central pillar of its existence. While the USSR existed, many found strength in knowing there was a bulwark against Western imperialism and based their actions and parties off those of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. That continued to last until the years of Soviet revisionism and ultimately, its dissolution. Without the presence of the Soviet Union and the isolation imposed on remaining socialist/communist nations, many Marxist-Leninist activists have had to adapt to the new environment of dominant, relentless, U.S. economic, political, and social power. Whereas defense of the Soviet Union, not wholly uncritical, was seen as a main pillar of Marxist-Leninist organizational activity, nowadays seems irrelevant to organizations hoping to enter the realm of mainstream political audiences. The need to reconstruct the foundation for these organizations has been the driving force behind their adaptations both internal and external. Now that defense of a now defunct nation is no longer a sound tactic to recruit new members to the Marxist-Leninist cause, activist organizations must now focus on new topics that they deem as fulfilling and necessary as the previous tactic was. Many of these new focus points have to deal with very hot social issues that have sharply divided U.S. politics and their impact on the U.S. economy. Issues such as immigration, workers rights, racism, healthcare, education, gentrification, imperialism, and their link to their main struggle against the capitalist economic system have further evolved the ideology of Marxism Leninism and the organizations following it. Many of these issues were debated in previous times, but, as a lot of organizations did at the time, they looked to the Soviet Union to guide them in their fight against the ills in American society and attempted to replicate Soviet social gains in the U.S. With that function Johnson 7 no longer existing, Marxist-Leninist organizations are being forced forge their own path, often mirroring the revolutionaries who faced similar situations prior to their nations revolution. With the eruption of popular revolts around the world and here in the United States, Marxist-Leninist organizations have had to adapt to movements which shelter large amounts of different ideologies. Occupy Wall Street and the Arab Spring have inspired mass mobilizations around the world, often finding themselves leaderless, splinted, and highly sectarian. (Greene & Kuswa 2012) Marxist-Leninist organizations attempting not only to incorporate themselves into these popular movements, but ultimately steer these movements through the idea of a vanguard party is a differentiating factor between Marxist-Leninist organizations and the myriad of organizations participating in often international popularized revolts. (Galia 1987) Internationalization, also a foundational pillar of Marxism-Leninism also has posed these organizations problems regarding the relationship their presence has in the United States with the popular revolts occurring in the Middle East. (Greene & Kuswa 2012) In addition to the mass mobilization of the Occupy and the Arab Spring movements, the increase in the use of mass media by the movements has spawned an ability to organize at a much quicker scale and react to the changing reality that is the world of protest and resistance.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Yalta Conference
    Yalta Conference 1 The Conference All three leaders were attempting to establish an agenda for governing post-war Europe. They wanted to keep peace between post-world war countries. On the Eastern Front, the front line at the end of December 1943 re- mained in the Soviet Union but, by August 1944, So- viet forces were inside Poland and parts of Romania as part of their drive west.[1] By the time of the Conference, Red Army Marshal Georgy Zhukov's forces were 65 km (40 mi) from Berlin. Stalin’s position at the conference was one which he felt was so strong that he could dic- tate terms. According to U.S. delegation member and future Secretary of State James F. Byrnes, "[i]t was not a question of what we would let the Russians do, but what Yalta Conference in February 1945 with (from left to right) we could get the Russians to do.”[2] Moreover, Roosevelt Winston Churchill, Franklin D. Roosevelt and Joseph Stalin. Also hoped for a commitment from Stalin to participate in the present are Soviet Foreign Minister Vyacheslav Molotov (far left); United Nations. Field Marshal Sir Alan Brooke, Admiral of the Fleet Sir Andrew Cunningham, RN, Marshal of the RAF Sir Charles Portal, RAF, Premier Stalin, insisting that his doctors opposed any (standing behind Churchill); General George C. Marshall, Chief long trips, rejected Roosevelt’s suggestion to meet at the of Staff of the United States Army, and Fleet Admiral William Mediterranean.[3] He offered instead to meet at the Black D. Leahy, USN, (standing behind Roosevelt).
    [Show full text]
  • Black-Jewish Coalition” Unraveled: Where Does Israel Fit?
    The “Black-Jewish Coalition” Unraveled: Where Does Israel Fit? A Master’s Thesis Presented to The Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences Brandeis University Hornstein Jewish Professional Leadership Program Professors Ellen Smith and Jonathan Krasner Ph.D., Advisors In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts by Leah Robbins May 2020 Copyright by Leah Robbins 2020 Acknowledgements This thesis was made possible by the generous and thoughtful guidance of my two advisors, Professors Ellen Smith and Jonathan Krasner. Their content expertise, ongoing encouragement, and loving pushback were invaluable to the work. This research topic is complex for the Jewish community and often wrought with pain. My advisors never once questioned my intentions, my integrity as a researcher, or my clear and undeniable commitment to the Jewish people of the past, present, and future. I do not take for granted this gift of trust, which bolstered the work I’m so proud to share. I am also grateful to the entire Hornstein community for making room for me to show up in my fullness, and for saying “yes” to authentically wrestle with my ideas along the way. It’s been a great privilege to stretch and grow alongside you, and I look forward to continuing to shape one another in the years to come. iii ABSTRACT The “Black-Jewish Coalition” Unraveled: Where Does Israel Fit? A thesis presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Brandeis University Waltham, Massachusetts By Leah Robbins Fascination with the famed “Black-Jewish coalition” in the United States, whether real or imaginary, is hardly a new phenomenon of academic interest.
    [Show full text]
  • YUGOSLAV-SOVIET RELATIONS, 1953- 1957: Normalization, Comradeship, Confrontation
    YUGOSLAV-SOVIET RELATIONS, 1953- 1957: Normalization, Comradeship, Confrontation Svetozar Rajak Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy London School of Economics and Political Science University of London February 2004 UMI Number: U615474 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615474 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 ” OF POUTICAL «, AN0 pi Th ^ s^ s £ £2^>3 ^7&2io 2 ABSTRACT The thesis chronologically presents the slow improvement of relations between Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union, starting with Stalin’s death on 5 March 1953, through their full normalization in 1955 and 1956, to the renewed ideological confrontation at the end of 1956. The normalization of Yugoslav-Soviet relations brought to an end a conflict between Yugoslavia and the Eastern Bloc, in existence since 1948, which threatened the status quo in Europe. The thesis represents the first effort at comprehensively presenting the reconciliation between Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union, between 1953 and 1957. It will also explain the motives that guided the leaderships of the two countries, in particular the two main protagonists, Josip Broz Tito and Nikita Sergeevich Khrushchev, throughout this process.
    [Show full text]
  • Uva-DARE (Digital Academic Repository)
    UvA-DARE (Digital Academic Repository) Political violence and its cultural constructions : representations & narrations in times of war de Silva, P.L. Publication date 2000 Link to publication Citation for published version (APA): de Silva, P. L. (2000). Political violence and its cultural constructions : representations & narrations in times of war. General rights It is not permitted to download or to forward/distribute the text or part of it without the consent of the author(s) and/or copyright holder(s), other than for strictly personal, individual use, unless the work is under an open content license (like Creative Commons). Disclaimer/Complaints regulations If you believe that digital publication of certain material infringes any of your rights or (privacy) interests, please let the Library know, stating your reasons. In case of a legitimate complaint, the Library will make the material inaccessible and/or remove it from the website. Please Ask the Library: https://uba.uva.nl/en/contact, or a letter to: Library of the University of Amsterdam, Secretariat, Singel 425, 1012 WP Amsterdam, The Netherlands. You will be contacted as soon as possible. UvA-DARE is a service provided by the library of the University of Amsterdam (https://dare.uva.nl) Download date:30 Sep 2021 CHAPTERR FIVE CULTURE,, VIOLENCE AND POWER ©© Purnaka L. de Silva Culturee lends significance to human experience by selecting from and organizing it. It refers broadlyy to the forms through which people make sense of their lives, rather than more narrowlyy to the opera or art museums. It does not inhabit a setaside domain, as does, for example,, that of politics or economics.
    [Show full text]
  • The Marshall Plan and the Cold War ______
    Background Essay: The Marshall Plan and the Cold War _____________________________________________ The Cold War was fought with words and threats rather than violent action. The two nations at war were the United States and the Soviet Union. Although the two superpowers had worked as allies to defeat Germany during World War II, tensions between them grew after the war. Feelings of mistrust and resentment began to form as early as the 1945 Potsdam Conference, where Harry S. Truman and Soviet leader Joseph Stalin met. Stalin was interested in expanding Russia’s power into Eastern Europe, and the U.S. feared that Russia was planning to take over the world and spread the political idea of Communism. Truman’s response to the Soviet Union’s sphere of influence and current conditions of war-torn Europe would become known as the Truman Doctrine. This doctrine proposed to give aid to countries that were suffering from the aftermath of World War II and threatened by Soviet oppression. The U.S. was especially concerned about Greece and Turkey. Due to the slow progress of Europe’s economic development following WWII, Truman devised another plan to offer aid called the Marshall Plan. The plan was named after Secretary of State George Marshall due to Truman’s respect for his military achievements. Truman hoped that by enacting the Marshall Plan two main goals would be accomplished. These goals were: 1.) It would lead to the recovery of production abroad, which was essential both to a vigorous democracy and to a peace founded on democracy and freedom, and which, in the eyes of the United States, the Soviet Union had thus far prevented.
    [Show full text]
  • American Tourism to the Eastern Bloc, 1960-1975
    Seeing Red: American Tourism to the Eastern Bloc, 1960-1975 A Thesis Presented to the Academic Faculty by Kayleigh Georgina Haskin In Partial Fulfillment of the Degree Requirements for the Bachelor of Science in History, Technology, and Society with the Research Option Georgia Institute of Technology May 2018 Acknowledgements I am extremely grateful to everyone who played a large or small role in the completion of this project. I would especially like to thank Dr. Kate Pride Brown, my research mentor, for all of her encouragement and guidance during this project; Dr. Laura Bier for being a flexible second-reader; Dr. Tobias Wilson-Bates for his detailed and constructive comments on the drafts I submitted; Kayla McManus-Viana for her enthusiasm and willingness to help edit, even during finals week; and finally, I would like to thank my parents for all of their inspiration and support over the past twenty years. Abstract Theoretical literature asserts that tourism should lead to better interactions between nations with different ideas and cultures. However, empirical studies find that this is often not the case, and certain pre-trip factors are more influential in changing tourists’ opinions than the experience itself. This study examines one of these potential factors: the role that the news media plays in shaping public opinion about foreign countries prior to travel. Using a case study of American tourists to the Eastern Bloc from 1960-1975, this paper suggests that media portrayal contributed to the negative views Americans held of the Soviet Union and the lack of opinion change after travel.
    [Show full text]
  • Remembering George Kennan Does Not Mean Idolizing Him
    UNITED STATES InsTITUTE OF PEACE www.usip.org SPECIAL REPORT 1200 17th Street NW • Washington, DC 20036 • 202.457.1700 • fax 202.429.6063 ABOUT THE REPORT Melvyn P. Leffler This report originated while Melvyn P. Leffler was a Jennings Randolph Fellow at the United States Institute of Peace. He was writing his book on what appeared to be the most intractable and ominous conflict of the post–World War II era—the Cold War. He was addressing the questions of why the Cold War lasted as long as it did and why it ended when Remembering it did. As part of the ongoing dialogue at the United States Institute of Peace, he was repeatedly asked about the lessons of the Cold War for our contemporary problems. George Kennan His attention was drawn to the career of George F. Kennan, the father of containment. Kennan was a rather obscure and frustrated foreign service officer at the U.S. embassy in Lessons for Today? Moscow when his “Long Telegram” of February 1946 gained the attention of policymakers in Washington and transformed his career. Leffler reviews Kennan’s legacy and ponders the implications of his thinking for the contemporary era. Is it Summary possible, Leffler wonders, to reconcile Kennan’s legacy with the newfound emphasis on a “democratic peace”? • Kennan’s thinking and policy prescriptions evolved quickly from the time he wrote the Melvyn P. Leffler, a former senior fellow at the United States “Long Telegram” in February 1946 until the time he delivered the Walgreen Lectures Institute of Peace, won the Bancroft Prize for his book at the University of Chicago in 1950.
    [Show full text]
  • The Impact of the Cold War and the Second Red Scare on the 1952 American Presidential Election
    Eastern Kentucky University Encompass Online Theses and Dissertations Student Scholarship January 2019 The Impact of the Cold War and the Second Red Scare on the 1952 American Presidential Election Dana C. Johns Eastern Kentucky University Follow this and additional works at: https://encompass.eku.edu/etd Part of the Political History Commons, and the United States History Commons Recommended Citation Johns, Dana C., "The Impact of the Cold War and the Second Red Scare on the 1952 American Presidential Election" (2019). Online Theses and Dissertations. 594. https://encompass.eku.edu/etd/594 This Open Access Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Scholarship at Encompass. It has been accepted for inclusion in Online Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Encompass. For more information, please contact [email protected]. STATEMENT OF PERMISSION TO USE In thispresenting thesis in partial fulfillment of the requirements for a Master of Arts degree at Eastern Kentucky University, I agree that the Library shall make it available to borrowers under rules of the Library. Brief quotations from this document are allowable without special permission, provided that accurate acknowledgements of the source are made. Permission for extensive quotation from or reproduction of this document may be granted by my major professor. In [his/her] absence, by the Head oflnterlibrary Services when, in the opinion of either, the proposed use of the material is for scholarly purposes. Any copying or use of the material in this document for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Signature: X Date: q/ \ \ 9/ \ THE IMPACT OF THE COLD WAR AND THE SECOND RED SCARE ON THE 1952 AMERICAN PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION BY DANA JOHNS Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Eastern Kentucky University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS 2019 © Copyright by DANA JOHNS 2019 All Rights Reserved.
    [Show full text]
  • Candidate Kennedy and Quemoy Quentin Spannagel Qu
    ______________________________________________________________________________ Candidate Kennedy and Quemoy Quentin Spannagel Quentin Spannagel, from Villa Grove, IL, wrote “Candidate Kennedy and Quemoy’ during his junior year for Dr. Edmund Wehrle's Graduate Seminar in Diplomatic History in spring 2015. He graduated with a BA in History Summa Cum Laude with Departmental Honors in May 2016. ______________________________________________________________________________ Running for president in 1960, John F. Kennedy promised to explore a “New Frontier.” -- a hybrid of challenges and opportunities that promised progress in both domestic and foreign affairs.58 In essence, Kennedy advocated for a new America not chained down by the traditional approaches of the Republican administration before him. In many way, Kennedy achieved what he desired: a new, more open-minded way of approaching international issues. Though Kennedy struggled to develop a new diplomatic approach to China, he did show a willingness to compromise with the Chinese in regards to the islands of Quemoy and Matsu.59 Kennedy remained a “cold warrior” throughout his presidency but he did begin to cautiously portray himself to the communist Chinese as more open to negotiation than the Eisenhower administration. This is best reflected in Kennedy’s stance on the islands of Quemoy and Matsu during the 1960 presidential debate. The crisis between the Republic of China (ROC)60 and the communist People’s Republic of China (PRC) was one of the great political tinderboxes for American foreign policy in the 1950s and 1960s. In 1949, during the administration of President Harry S. Truman, Mao Zedong conquered mainland China, defeating the nationalist government of Jiang Jieshi.61 The Nationalists fled to the heavily fortified island of Formosa, but Jiang’s forces managed to hold the offshore islands of Quemoy and Matsu in the Battle of Guningtou (October 1949).
    [Show full text]
  • Killing Hope U.S
    Killing Hope U.S. Military and CIA Interventions Since World War II – Part I William Blum Zed Books London Killing Hope was first published outside of North America by Zed Books Ltd, 7 Cynthia Street, London NI 9JF, UK in 2003. Second impression, 2004 Printed by Gopsons Papers Limited, Noida, India w w w.zedbooks .demon .co .uk Published in South Africa by Spearhead, a division of New Africa Books, PO Box 23408, Claremont 7735 This is a wholly revised, extended and updated edition of a book originally published under the title The CIA: A Forgotten History (Zed Books, 1986) Copyright © William Blum 2003 The right of William Blum to be identified as the author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. Cover design by Andrew Corbett ISBN 1 84277 368 2 hb ISBN 1 84277 369 0 pb Spearhead ISBN 0 86486 560 0 pb 2 Contents PART I Introduction 6 1. China 1945 to 1960s: Was Mao Tse-tung just paranoid? 20 2. Italy 1947-1948: Free elections, Hollywood style 27 3. Greece 1947 to early 1950s: From cradle of democracy to client state 33 4. The Philippines 1940s and 1950s: America's oldest colony 38 5. Korea 1945-1953: Was it all that it appeared to be? 44 6. Albania 1949-1953: The proper English spy 54 7. Eastern Europe 1948-1956: Operation Splinter Factor 56 8. Germany 1950s: Everything from juvenile delinquency to terrorism 60 9. Iran 1953: Making it safe for the King of Kings 63 10.
    [Show full text]
  • Introduction the Vietnamese Revolution in World History
    Cambridge University Press 978-1-107-15402-5 — Vietnam's Communist Revolution Tuong Vu Excerpt More Information Introduction The Vietnamese Revolution in World History The odds are stacked against revolutionaries in any society. Most have never had a chance to wield state power because even weak govern- ments command sufi cient forces to defeat them. Even if revolutions suc- cessfully overthrow the ancien régime , young revolutionary states from France to Russia have often faced powerful foreign enemies that make their survival even more remarkable. This book focuses on Vietnam as one of those rare exceptions in modern world history when revolution succeeded and endured. In this study, I trace the worldview of Vietnamese revolutionaries over an eighty- year period, starting from the 1920s when they were a band of outlaws who dreamed of building a communist paradise; through the decades in between, when they struggled to seize power, build a new society, and defeat foreign interventions; and to the late 1980s when they attempted in vain to save socialism at home and abroad. The revolu- tion effectively ended then, but its legacies are surprisingly resilient: the communist regime is under tremendous pressure for change but has stubbornly refused to abandon its widely discredited ideology. Thus, this book places ideology at the center of nearly a century of modern Vietnamese history. I argue that ideology helped Vietnamese communists persevere against great odds, but did not lead them to success and left behind dismal legacies. In the popular image, Vietnamese revolutionaries appear as pragmatic nationalists who inherited strong patriotic traditions and whose heroism deserves great admiration.
    [Show full text]
  • People's Committee of Ho Chi Minh City Ho Chi Minh Sub-Proiect Manaqement Unit of VUUP Public Disclosure Authorized RESETTLEMENT ACTION PLAN, PHASE 1 Final Report
    RP1 89 Volume 6 People's Committee of Ho Chi Minh City Ho Chi Minh Sub-Proiect Manaqement Unit of VUUP Public Disclosure Authorized RESETTLEMENT ACTION PLAN, PHASE 1 Final Report Public Disclosure Authorized F' b A 'I t> :: i a . o W an L V Ho Chi Min Su Projec D 2003 Public Disclosure Authorized Vietnam Urban Upgrading Project Ho Chi Minh Sub Project Public Disclosure Authorized Preparedby Martin Associates P/L (Australia) in association with Duongthtanh Water and Environmnent Ltd (Vietnam) December 2003 FILECOP Vietnam Urban Upgrading Project Ho Chi Minh City Sub-Project Management Unit of VUUP --- oOo- RESETTLEMENT ACTION PLAN - PHASE 1 FINAL REPORT Client: Project Management Unit of Urban Upgrading Project in Ho Chi Minh City aGI^M Be N f NO:ANG NELN Consutant: Martin Associates P/L J 0 A e Douglas Martin Social Planning & Environmental Consultant Ho Chi Minh City 12-2003 People's Committee of Ho Chi Minh City Ho Chi Minh Sub-Proiect Manaqement Unit of VUUP No 011A/KH01-NCDT RESETTLEMENT ACTION PLAN, PHASE 1 Final Report Vietnam Urban Upgrading Project Ho Chi Minh City Sub Project Preparedby Marti,i Associates P/L (Australia) in association with Duongthanh Water and Ensvironment Ltd (Vietnanm) December 2003 Vietnam Urban Upgrading Project Resettlement Action Plan Ho Chi Minh City TABLE OF CONTENTS I INTRODUCTION .................................... 8 1.1 Scope of RAP .................................... 8 1.2 Background .................................... 8 1.3 Overall Project Description ................................... 10 1.4 Social Impacts and the Scale of Resettlement ................................... 13 1.5 Alternative Options Considered .............................. 16 1.6 Structure of the Document .............................
    [Show full text]