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Candidate Kennedy and Quemoy Quentin Spannagel Qu ______________________________________________________________________________ Candidate Kennedy and Quemoy Quentin Spannagel Quentin Spannagel, from Villa Grove, IL, wrote “Candidate Kennedy and Quemoy’ during his junior year for Dr. Edmund Wehrle's Graduate Seminar in Diplomatic History in spring 2015. He graduated with a BA in History Summa Cum Laude with Departmental Honors in May 2016. ______________________________________________________________________________ Running for president in 1960, John F. Kennedy promised to explore a “New Frontier.” -- a hybrid of challenges and opportunities that promised progress in both domestic and foreign affairs.58 In essence, Kennedy advocated for a new America not chained down by the traditional approaches of the Republican administration before him. In many way, Kennedy achieved what he desired: a new, more open-minded way of approaching international issues. Though Kennedy struggled to develop a new diplomatic approach to China, he did show a willingness to compromise with the Chinese in regards to the islands of Quemoy and Matsu.59 Kennedy remained a “cold warrior” throughout his presidency but he did begin to cautiously portray himself to the communist Chinese as more open to negotiation than the Eisenhower administration. This is best reflected in Kennedy’s stance on the islands of Quemoy and Matsu during the 1960 presidential debate. The crisis between the Republic of China (ROC)60 and the communist People’s Republic of China (PRC) was one of the great political tinderboxes for American foreign policy in the 1950s and 1960s. In 1949, during the administration of President Harry S. Truman, Mao Zedong conquered mainland China, defeating the nationalist government of Jiang Jieshi.61 The Nationalists fled to the heavily fortified island of Formosa, but Jiang’s forces managed to hold the offshore islands of Quemoy and Matsu in the Battle of Guningtou (October 1949). Both islands are close enough to the mainland that they can easily be seen by the naked eye. The antagonists remained in a stalemate for over a decade: the PRC controlled the entire mainland and the ROC controlled Taiwan and the nearby islands of Quemoy and Matsu. On several instances though, tensions between the PRC and ROC flared up, requiring U.S. intervention to prevent the renewal of the Chinese Civil War. In 1954-1955, the United States found itself being dragged into the first Taiwan Strait Crisis. The crisis began when President Dwight D. Eisenhower lifted the Seventh Fleet blockade in the Taiwan Strait on February 2, 1953, less than two weeks after succeeding Truman as president. This resulted from American domestic pressure to allow Jiang to attack the mainland, even though the ROC had no chance of victory. This pressure primarily came from Republicans and the Kuomintang government which sought reclaiming the mainland from communism. As the ROC and American military establishments began stationing thousands of troops on Quemoy and Matsu, an invasion of the mainland appeared likely to the PRC.62 The communists then responded by directing their heavy artillery straight at Quemoy and Matsu. A few more militant-minded Americans in the military called for nuclear weapons to stop Chinese aggression against Taiwan. Eisenhower was reluctant to use nuclear weapons to resolve the crisis, and opted to respond to the 58 Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., A Thousand Days: John F. Kennedy in the White House (Greenwich: Fawcett Publications, Inc.,1965), 64. 59 For the purposes of this paper, the islands now known as Kinmen and Matsu will be referred to as “Quemoy and Matsu,” reflecting the popular American usage during the 1960 presidential campaign. 60 Also widely known as “Taiwan.” The government of the ROC is often referred to as “Nationalists.” This paper will use “ROC,” “Taiwan,” and “Formosa” interchangeably. 61 Also referred to as Chiang Kai-shek. 62 Nancy Bernkopf Tucker, Dangerous Strait: The U.S.-Taiwan-China Crisis (New York: Columbia University Press, 2005), 188-189. 63 PRC’s act of aggression by signing the Sino-American Mutual Defense Treaty of 1954.The pact stipulated that if Taiwan was attacked by the PRC, the United States would militarily intervene and bring U.S. troops to the aid of Taiwan.63 However, this treaty did not guarantee American assistance in the case of aggression against all islands that Taiwan controlled and claimed to be vital to their national security. The ROC had been an American ally since WWII, and American public opinion deemed unacceptable the idea of abandoning the ROC to conquest by the communist PRC. Bowing to public opinion, America committed itself to defending the ROC from a communist takeover. From the perspective of the PRC, Taiwan was a vital province in a state of open rebellion. Thus the PRC viewed Taiwan as an internal issue; in this light, threats of U.S. involvement challenged PRC sovereignty. The PRC demanded America abandon all commitments to Taiwan before it would open up formal relations. This the United States refused to do, unwilling to be seen as allowing more territory to fall to communism. For this reason, Sino-American relations would not drastically improve until the 1970s. Kennedy’s Anti-Communism Credentials Though the ROC looked at the Democrat Kennedy with apprehension, he made it apparent during his House and Senate terms that he was a staunch anti-communist. Kennedy expressed his anti-communist sentiment particularly strongly in political debates and speeches. However, in private, Kennedy occasionally signaled openness to improving relations with the PRC if it halted its anti-American rhetoric, accepted the American commitment to Taiwan, and pursued a less aggressive policy in Southeast Asia. In 1947, while serving in the House of Representatives, Kennedy called for the indictment of Harold Christoffel, a United Auto Workers member who in 1941 called for a strike against the Allis- Chalmers Company, on charges of perjury.64 Kennedy suspected Christoffel of being a communist and the Allis-Chalmers Company was vital to the national defense effort. Wisconsin Congressman Charles J. Kersten called Kennedy’s early bold action against communism one of “[T]he first shots fired against American communism in this country.”65 Then in 1948, Kennedy broke from the Democratic Party and voted for the Mundt-Nixon Bill, which required domestic communists and their members to register with the federal government. In 1949, Representative Kennedy even accused President Truman, the leader of his own party, and his administration of being soft on communism. He placed exclusive blame on the White House and the State Department for “losing” China — a position normally associated with Republicans.66 Probably the most interesting display of Kennedy’s anti-communist background was his friendship with Joseph McCarthy. McCarthy was the face and heart of the Red Scare of the 1950s and was a family friend of the Kennedys dating back to a friendship with Joseph P. Kennedy, Sr.67 This family friendship is particularly apparent in the fact that Representative Kennedy’s younger brother Robert got his start in politics working for McCarthy.68 McCarthy was serving as the Chair of the Senate Committee, and Robert worked within the Committee. During a House session on May 9th, 1951, Representative Kennedy criticized Great Britain and other countries for providing the PRC with rubber and other war materials. As Kennedy lambasted other nations for their material support of the PRC, American soldiers were fighting and 63 Ibid, 189. 64 Thomas J. Whalen, Kennedy versus Lodge: The 1952 Massachusetts Senate Race (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 2000), 112-113. 65 Ibid, 113. 66 Ibid, 113-114. 67 United States Ambassador to the Court of St. James’ (United Kingdom) from 1938 to 1940 and President Kennedy’s father. 68 Marc J. Selverstone, A Companion to John F. Kennedy (United Kingdom: Wiley Blackwell, 2014), 99-100. 64 sustaining heavy losses against PRC troops in Korea. Kennedy wanted the legislature to disrupt the PRC’s ability to wage war. “The Congress of the United States must in conscience take action that will condemn and forbid any further shipment of materials, useful in war, to Communist China directly, or indirectly through Hong Kong,” declared the young congressman.69 In 1952 when running for election to the United States Senate against the incumbent Republican Henry Cabot Lodge, Kennedy accused his opponent of being the number one supporter of the Truman foreign policy that appeased the communists. Kennedy also accused Lodge of failing as a senator because he refused to support legislation that would have halted the trading of war materials to communist nations.70 Kennedy’s campaign secretary William Sutton went as far as to call Kennedy “ultraconservative” and that many of his speeches when running for the House of Representatives in 1946 stressed anticommunism.71 Kennedy Displays Some Flexibility Though Kennedy seemed to be constantly positioning himself as a leading anti-communist, he believed that relations with communist China could slowly be improved without hurting the American relationship with Taiwan. He took a pragmatic approach to a gradual rapprochement. Kennedy’s intense anti-colonialism, for instance, actually echoed the communist line, and he was especially vocal against continued colonialism in French Indochina. In Kennedy’s own words in his book The Strategy of Peace, “to pour money, materi[a]l, and men into the jungles of Indo-China without at least a remote prospect of victory would be dangerous, futile, and self-destructive.”72 Kennedy also preached the importance of India and the PRC to the development of the world, and how they would be models of development in Asia, calling them “poles of power.”73 Unlike many in the United States government, Kennedy doubted the possibility of Jiang Jieshi regaining the mainland and accepted the fact that America would have to learn to live alongside the People’s Republic of China.74 As pleased as Americans would have been if the ROC nationalists regained the mainland, it would have been a futile and dangerous policy to encourage Jiang to engage in aggressive behavior.
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