October 13, 1962 Memorandum of the Conversation Between China's
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Information to Users
INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript Pas been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI films the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissenation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from anytype of computer printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely. event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material bad to beremoved, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing from left to right in equal sections with smalloverlaps. Each original is also photographed in one exposure and is included in reduced form at the back ofthe book. Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced xerographically in this copy. Higher quality 6" x 9" black and white photographic prints are available for any photographs or illustrations appearing in this copy for an additional charge. Contact UMI directly to order. UMI A Bell &Howell Information Company 300North Zeeb Road. Ann Arbor. MI48106-1346 USA 313!761-47oo 800:521·0600 THE LIN BIAO INCIDENT: A STUDY OF EXTRA-INSTITUTIONAL FACTORS IN THE CULTURAL REVOLUTION A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE DIVISION OF THE UNIVERSITY OF HAWAII IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN HISTORY AUGUST 1995 By Qiu Jin Dissertation Committee: Stephen Uhalley, Jr., Chairperson Harry Lamley Sharon Minichiello John Stephan Roger Ames UMI Number: 9604163 OMI Microform 9604163 Copyright 1995, by OMI Company. -
Xi Jinping and the Party Apparatus
Miller, China Leadership Monitor, No. 25 Xi Jinping and the Party Apparatus Alice Miller In the six months since the 17th Party Congress, Xi Jinping’s public appearances indicate that he has been given the task of day-to-day supervision of the Party apparatus. This role will allow him to expand and consolidate his personal relationships up and down the Party hierarchy, a critical opportunity in his preparation to succeed Hu Jintao as Party leader in 2012. In particular, as Hu Jintao did in his decade of preparation prior to becoming top Party leader in 2002, Xi presides over the Party Secretariat. Traditionally, the Secretariat has served the Party’s top policy coordinating body, supervising implementation of decisions made by the Party Politburo and its Standing Committee. For reasons that are not entirely clear, Xi’s Secretariat has been significantly trimmed to focus solely on the Party apparatus, and has apparently relinquished its longstanding role in coordinating decisions in several major sectors of substantive policy. Xi’s Activities since the Party Congress At the First Plenum of the Chinese Communist Party’s 17th Central Committee on 22 October 2007, Xi Jinping was appointed sixth-ranking member of the Politburo Standing Committee and executive secretary of the Party Secretariat. In December 2007, he was also appointed president of the Central Party School, the Party’s finishing school for up and coming leaders and an important think-tank for the Party’s top leadership. On 15 March 2008, at the 11th National People’s Congress (NPC), Xi was also elected PRC vice president, a role that gives him enhanced opportunity to meet with visiting foreign leaders and to travel abroad on official state business. -
The Life and Works of Philip J. Jaffe: a Foreigner's Foray
THE LIFE AND WORKS OF PHILIP J. JAFFE: A FOREIGNER’S FORAY INTO CHINESE COMMUNISM Patrick Nichols “…the capitalist world is divided into two rival sectors, the one in favor of peace and the status quo, and the other the Fascist aggressors and provokers of a new world war.” These words spoken by Mao Tse Tung to Philip J. Jaffe in a confidential interview. Although China has long held international relations within its Asian sphere of influence, the introduction of a significant Western persuasion following their defeats in the Opium Wars was the first instance in which China had been subservient to the desires of foreigners. With the institution of a highly westernized and open trading policy per the wishes of the British, China had lost the luster of its dynastic splendor and had deteriorated into little more than a colony of Western powers. Nevertheless, as China entered the 20th century, an age of new political ideologies and institutions began to flourish. When the Kuomintang finally succeeded in wrestling control of the nation from the hands of the northern warlords following the Northern Expedition1, it signaled a modern approach to democratizing China. However, as the course of Chinese political history will show, the KMT was a morally weak ruling body that appeased the imperial intentions of the Japanese at the cost of Chinese citizens and failed to truly assert its political legitimacy during it‟s almost ten year reign. Under these conditions, a radical and highly determined sect began to form within the KMT along with foreign assistance. The party held firmly on the idea of general welfare, but focused mostly on the rights of the working class and student nationalists. -
Lin Biao Riding the Tiger During the Cultural Revolution 1966-1971
FREDERICK C. TEIWES WARREN SUN The Tragedy of Lin Biao Riding the Tiger during the Cultural Revolution 1966-1971 Hong Kong University Press ~~*•.!!l.i)l,g,*!: • "' CONTENTS Preface and Acknowledgements page ix Abbreviations XVl Chapters 1. Introduction 1 2. Lin Biao: The Man and his Context 10 3. Lin Biao during the Active Phase of the Cultural Revolution, 1966-1968 56 4. Lin Biao during the Construction of the New Order, 1969-1971 103 5. Conclusion: Western Assumptions and Chinese Realities 161 Appendix: Lin Biao's Pre-Cultural Revolution Career, 1949-1965: A Critical Chronology 169 Select Bibliography 214 Index 231 Vll PHOTOGRAPHS Between pages 102 and 103 Lin Biao in 1937, as a commander of the 115th Division of the Eighth Route Army. Lin Biao in Guangzhou, c. 1960, as Vice Chairman of the Military Affairs Committee. Lin Biao's family with Air ·Force Commander Wu Faxian, early Cultural Revolution period. Lin Biao and Mao Zedong during the Cultural Revolution period. Lin Biao with Mao and Zhou Enlai at Eleventh Plenum, August 1966. Lin Biao reading a speech to a mass reception of Red· Guards, Tiananmen, 31 August 1966. Mao, Zhou Enlai and Lin Biao during a Red Guard reception, 1966. Mao and Lin Biao on rostrum at Ninth Party Congress, April 1969. Lin Biao with the 'four generals', Lushan, September 1970. Mao receiving Edgar Snow, with Lin Biao and others. On the rostrum of Tiananmen during May Day celebrations, 1971, when the Mao-Lin relationship was under strain. Lin Biao's last public appearance, at a reception for Ceau~escu. -
The Kuomintang-Communist Crisis in China
The Kuomintang-Communist Crisis in China A First-hand Account of One of the Most Critical Periods in Far Eastern History By Anna Louise Strong Reprinted from "Amerasia", March 1941 THIS article io a sample of the authoritative and enlight ening material which Amerasia brings to its readers. SuBSCRIBE now and receive every month forty-eight pages of expert comment on Far Eastern developments by no ted authorities. AMERASIA 125 East 52nd Street, New York City Please enter my subscription to Amerasia for 12 months beginning with the issue for the month of... .... ·-···-········-··-·-·-··········--· Bill me for $2.50 Single copies of A.m~rasia are 25 cen!s D I and yearly subscr1pt1ons are $2.50 1n I endose $2.50 U. S., Canada, and Mexi~o. Add 50 D cents for all other countnes. Name ·-----------·----·--------·--······-·-·--·---·-····-----·-----···-·····----·· -··-·-·········-- --·----··- -·-···············--···-·-··-···- Address ·----·----··----- --- ·----··----·-·---··--------···---·----··------·····--·-·-----------·· -·-··-·····-·----- --·-·········-·····-··· • The Kuomintang-Commrinist Crisis in China By Anna Louise Strong T is no service to China either to mini An official "spokesman" for this committee mize or exaggerate the present tension immediately issued an interview in response I between the Communist Party and the to the January 17th announcement of the Kuomintang. The threat of widespread civil Chungking Military Council disbanding the war is serious but the situation is not yet New Fourth. He charged that the attack on fatal. It has reached the stage in which the the New Fourth was only one step in the actions of "friendly nations" may either ruin plot of the "pro-Japanese elements who oc or save the situation-in which, for example, cupy high positions in the government and the actions of those in charge of American the Kuomintang" to bring about a peace foreign loans may prove decisive. -
The CCP Central Committee's Leading Small Groups Alice Miller
Miller, China Leadership Monitor, No. 26 The CCP Central Committee’s Leading Small Groups Alice Miller For several decades, the Chinese leadership has used informal bodies called “leading small groups” to advise the Party Politburo on policy and to coordinate implementation of policy decisions made by the Politburo and supervised by the Secretariat. Because these groups deal with sensitive leadership processes, PRC media refer to them very rarely, and almost never publicize lists of their members on a current basis. Even the limited accessible view of these groups and their evolution, however, offers insight into the structure of power and working relationships of the top Party leadership under Hu Jintao. A listing of the Central Committee “leading groups” (lingdao xiaozu 领导小组), or just “small groups” (xiaozu 小组), that are directly subordinate to the Party Secretariat and report to the Politburo and its Standing Committee and their members is appended to this article. First created in 1958, these groups are never incorporated into publicly available charts or explanations of Party institutions on a current basis. PRC media occasionally refer to them in the course of reporting on leadership policy processes, and they sometimes mention a leader’s membership in one of them. The only instance in the entire post-Mao era in which PRC media listed the current members of any of these groups was on 2003, when the PRC-controlled Hong Kong newspaper Wen Wei Po publicized a membership list of the Central Committee Taiwan Work Leading Small Group. (Wen Wei Po, 26 December 2003) This has meant that even basic insight into these groups’ current roles and their membership requires painstaking compilation of the occasional references to them in PRC media. -
Kampen MAO ZEDONG, ZHOU ENLAI and the CHINESE COMMUNIST
Kampen MAO ZEDONG, ZHOU ENLAI AND THE EVOLUTION OF THE CHINESE COMMUNIST LEADERSHIP MAO ZEDONG, ZHOU ENLAI Thomas Kampen MAO ZEDONG, ZHOU ENLAI AND THE CHINESE COMMUNIST LEADERSHIP NIAS AND THE EVOLUTION OF This book analyses the power struggles within the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party between 1931, when several Party leaders left Shanghai and entered the Jiangxi Soviet, and 1945, by which time Mao Zedong, Liu THE CHINESE COMMUNIST Shaoqi and Zhou Enlai had emerged as senior CCP leaders. In 1949 they established the People's Republic of China and ruled it for several decades. LEADERSHIP Based on new Chinese sources, the study challenges long-established views that Mao Zedong became CCP leader during the Long March (1934–35) and that by 1935 the CCP was independent of the Comintern in Moscow. The result is a critique not only of official Chinese historiography but also of Western (especially US) scholarship that all future histories of the CCP and power struggles in the PRC will need to take into account. “Meticulously researched history and a powerful critique of a myth that has remained central to Western and Chinese scholarship for decades. Kampen’s study of the so-called 28 Bolsheviks makes compulsory reading for anyone Thomas Kampen trying to understand Mao’s (and Zhou Enlai’s!) rise to power. A superb example of the kind of revisionist writing that today's new sources make possible, and reminder never to take anything for granted as far as our ‘common knowledge’ about the history of the Chinese Communist Party is concerned.” – Michael Schoenhals, Director, Centre for East and Southeast Asian Studies, Lund University, Sweden “Thomas Kampen has produced a work of exceptional research which, through the skillful use of recently available Chinese sources, questions the accepted wisdom about the history of the leadership of the CCP. -
When Serfs Stood up in Tibet
BOOK REVIEW OF WHEN SERFS STOOD UP IN TIBET BY ANNA LOUISE STRONG A COMPILATION OF A SERIES OF PROGRAMS ON RADIO FREE ASIA TIBETAN SERVICE BY WARREN W. SMITH 1 WHEN SERFS STOOD UP IN TIBET ANNA LOUISE STRONG Anna Louise Strong was 73 years old in 1959 when she went to Tibet. Although describing herself as an American journalist, she was a proponent of the Chinese Communists from the earliest years, writing her first book about the revolution in China, China's Millions, in 1927. This was followed by One-fifth of Mankind in 1939, an account of the CCP's United Front policy with the KMT against the Japanese. In 1949 she wrote The Chinese Conquer China, an eyewitness account of Mao and other Chinese Communist leaders at Yenan. She took up permanent residence in the PRC in 1958 and wrote Rise of the Chinese People's Communes in 1959. After the 1959 revolt in Tibet she wrote Tibetan Interviews, the result of interviews with Tibetans in Beijing, which is described as "dealing with the exploitation and misery of the Tibetan people and their aspirations and struggles." Jung Chang, author of Mao: the Unknown Story, describes Strong as a second-rate journalist and as "Mao's lackey." Strong was sent by Mao in 1947 on a world tour to promote him and the revolution in China. Jung Chang says that Mao hoped to repeat with Strong the success he had with Edgar Snow in creating a positive portrayal of himself outside China. She was given documents that Mao told her to pass to the world's communist parties. -
Tomorrow's China
Generated for Debra Ann Gierke (Michigan State University) on 2012-07-23 11:32 GMT / http://hdl.handle.net/2027/uc1.b294858 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www.hathitrust.org/access_use#pd-google Generated for Debra Ann Gierke (Michigan State University) on 2012-07-23 11:32 GMT / http://hdl.handle.net/2027/uc1.b294858 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www.hathitrust.org/access_use#pd-google Generated for Debra Ann Gierke (Michigan State University) on 2012-07-23 11:32 GMT / http://hdl.handle.net/2027/uc1.b294858 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www.hathitrust.org/access_use#pd-google Generated for Debra Ann Gierke (Michigan State University) on 2012-07-23 11:32 GMT / http://hdl.handle.net/2027/uc1.b294858 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www.hathitrust.org/access_use#pd-google TOMORROW'S CHINA by Anna Louise Strong Committee for a Democratic Far Eastern Po!icy NEW YORK Generated for Debra Ann Gierke (Michigan State University) on 2012-07-23 11:32 GMT / http://hdl.handle.net/2027/uc1.b294858 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www.hathitrust.org/access_use#pd-google / /,•:•••• <* ' ,i £*•*(• .. ; \ CONTENTS I. China - Ally or Target? 5 II. The City of Caves 10 III. The Chinese Communists 18 IV. Mao Tse-tung 30 V. Yenan Fights to the Sea 40 VI. First Test of the "Marshall Plan" 50 VII. Kalgan — the "New Capitalism" 61 VIII. How Government Goes Underground 71 IX. Manchurian Empire 83 X. Railway to Tsitsihar 94 XI. Land to the Tiller 1c>6 XII. Strategy Against Superior Arms 113 XIII. -
Ethnic Nationalist Challenge to Multi-Ethnic State: Inner Mongolia and China
ETHNIC NATIONALIST CHALLENGE TO MULTI-ETHNIC STATE: INNER MONGOLIA AND CHINA Temtsel Hao 12.2000 Thesis submitted to the University of London in partial fulfilment of the requirement for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in International Relations, London School of Economics and Political Science, University of London. UMI Number: U159292 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U159292 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 T h c~5 F . 7^37 ( Potmc^ ^ Lo « D ^(c st' ’’Tnrtrr*' ABSTRACT This thesis examines the resurgence of Mongolian nationalism since the onset of the reforms in China in 1979 and the impact of this resurgence on the legitimacy of the Chinese state. The period of reform has witnessed the revival of nationalist sentiments not only of the Mongols, but also of the Han Chinese (and other national minorities). This development has given rise to two related issues: first, what accounts for the resurgence itself; and second, does it challenge the basis of China’s national identity and of the legitimacy of the state as these concepts have previously been understood. -
Download the Publication
NEWCOL D WEAR IVIDENCENTERNATIONAL HISTORY PROJECT ON BULLETIN 207 MAO ZEDONG’S HANDLING OF THE TAIWAN STRAITS CRISIS OF 1958: CHINESE RECOLLECTIONS AND DOCUMENTS Translated and Annotated by Li Xiaobing, Chen Jian, and David L. Wilson Translators’ Note: On 23 August 1958, as abruptly as it initiated it? For a long time, Guang Zhang, Deterrence and Strategic Cul- Chinese Communist forces in the Fujian scholars have been forced to resort to “edu- ture: Chinese-American Confrontations, area along the People’s Republic of China’s cated guesses” to answer these questions. 1949-1958 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Pacific Coast began an intensive artillery The materials in the following pages, Press, 1992), 225-267; Qiang Zhai, The bombardment of the Nationalist-controlled translated from Chinese, provide new in- Dragon, the Lion, and the Eagle: Chinese- Jinmen Island. In the following two months, sights for understanding Beijing’s handling British-American Relations, 1949-1958 several hundred thousand artillery shells of the Taiwan crisis. They are divided into (Kent, OH: Kent State University Press, exploded on Jinmen and in the waters around two parts. The first part is a memoir by Wu 1994), 178-207; and a forthcoming study by it. At one point, a Chinese Communist Lengxi, then the director of the New China Thomas Christensen to be published by invasion of the Nationalist-controlled off- News Agency and editor-in-chief of Renmin Princeton University Press.] shore islands, especially Jinmen (Quemoy) ribao (People’s Daily). Wu was personally Rendering Chinese- or English-lan- and Mazu (Matsu), seemed imminent. In involved in the decision-making process in guage materials into the other language is response to the rapidly escalating Commu- Beijing during the 1958 Taiwan crisis and difficult because the two languages have no nist threat in the Taiwan Straits, the attended several Politburo Standing Com- common linguistic roots. -
Media and Perception of the 1937 Soviet Census a Thesis Submitted To
Before the Numbers Disappeared: Media and Perception of the 1937 Soviet Census A thesis submitted to the Department of History, Miami University, in partial fulfillment of the Requirements for Honors in History by Jessica A. Baloun May 2021 Oxford, Ohio Abstract This thesis surveys the 1937 All-Soviet Census and its importance to the government- citizen relationship under Stalin despite the suppression of the census shortly after completion. The census served as a vital data collection tool for the socialist regime and, as a point of accuracy and pride, it was important for the census to garner high participation. By studying the 1937 census as it was promoted and received by citizens, this research aims to reveal how Stalinist media functioned in 1936, how the promotion of the census reflected the concerns of the government, and how it illustrates the nature of Stalinist propaganda at the time. The state implemented a marketing campaign to push the significance of the census as well as to recruit roughly 1 million workers needed to conduct the program. However, the campaign was not able to assuage the potential danger perceived in giving the government personal information, fears further cemented after heightened persecutions throughout 1937. Characterization of the census and its use in governing will be highlighted through close analysis of the newspaper campaigns of the Moscow News (an international paper) and Pravda (a domestic paper). Conversely, the views of Soviet citizens in regard to personal identity will be discussed through diaries of enumerators and intellectuals. Reservations surrounding the census commonly stemmed from the Soviet government’s tense relationship with religion and the fear of being persecuted based on information provided to census workers.