Electricity in North Korea and Dependency on Moscow
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Introduction to Korean History by Charles
HIST 108: Introduction to East Asian History – Korea Spring 2017 Charles Kim (University of Wisconsin-Madison) The Cheonggye Stream in Seoul: From the turn of the 20th century to the early 21st century Course Description: Korea has a long and rich history that provides a unique vantage point for understanding major processes in East Asia and the world. This course explores Korean history from the fourteenth century to the present. The first part of the course delves into Confucian social changes during the Joseon (Chosŏn) Dynasty (1392- 1910). The second part focuses on social realities for Koreans under Japanese colonial rule (1910-1945). The final part turns to the contemporary era (1945 to present) to shed light on national division, social movements, and everyday life in South Korea and North Korea. Course Objectives: 1) Acquire a solid understanding of the major eras, political events, social realities, and intellectual trends in Korean history, 1392 to present. 2) Hone your ability to identify historically significant information in primary sources, short stories, and films. 3) Engage in historical thinking. 4) Make connections between texts, course topics, and broader issues of the past and present—within and beyond Korea. 5) Learn interactively. Required Texts: Kyung Moon Hwang, A History of Korea: An Episodic Narrative, 2nd ed. (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2017). Referred to in Course Schedule as “Hwang.” Other readings and films will be made available for students to view electronically on or through Canvas on Learn@UW: https://learnuw.wisc.edu/ Course Requirements: 1) Participation: 13% 2) Facilitate Discussion: 2% (A number of you may end up doing this with a partner). -
Book Review of "Nothing to Envy," by Barbara Demick, and "The Cleanest Race," by B.R
Book review of "Nothing to Envy," by Barbara Demick, and "The Cleanest Race," by B.R. Myers By Stephen Kotkin Sunday, February 28, 2010 NOTHING TO ENVY Ordinary Lives in North Korea By Barbara Demick Spiegel & Grau. 314 pp. $26 THE CLEANEST RACE How North Koreans See Themselves -- and Why It Matters By B.R. Myers Melville House. 200 pp. $24.95 "If you look at satellite photographs of the Far East by night, you'll see a large splotch curiously lacking in light," writes Barbara Demick on the first page of "Nothing to Envy." "This area of darkness is the Democratic People's Republic of Korea." As a correspondent for the Los Angeles Times, Demick discovered that the country isn't illuminated any further by traveling there. So she decided to penetrate North Korea's closed society by interviewing the people who had gotten out, the defectors, with splendid results. Of the hundred North Koreans Demick says she interviewed in South Korea, we meet six: a young kindergarten teacher whose aspirations were blocked by her father's prewar origins in the South ("tainted blood"); a boy of impeccable background who made the leap to university in Pyongyang and whose impossible romance with the kindergarten teacher forms the book's heart; a middle-age factory worker who is a model communist, a mother of four and the book's soul; her daughter; an orphaned young man; and an idealistic female hospital doctor, who looked on helplessly as the young charges in her care died of hunger during the 1996-99 famine. -
North Korea's Political System*
This article was translated by JIIA from Japanese into English as part of a research project to promote academic studies on the international circumstances in the Asia-Pacific. JIIA takes full responsibility for the translation of this article. To obtain permission to use this article beyond the scope of your personal use and research, please contact JIIA by e-mail ([email protected]) Citation: International Circumstances in the Asia-Pacific Series, Japan Digital Library (March 2016), http://www2.jiia.or.jp/en/digital_library/korean_peninsula.php Series: Korean Peninsula Affairs North Korea’s Political System* Takashi Sakai** Introduction A year has passed since the birth of the Kim Jong-un regime in North Korea following the sudden death of General Secretary Kim Jong-il in December 2011. During the early days of the regime, many observers commented that all would not be smooth sailing for the new regime, citing the lack of power and previ- ous experience of the youthful Kim Jong-un as a primary cause of concern. However, on the surface at least, it now appears that Kim Jong-un is now in full control of his powers as the “Guiding Leader” and that the political situation is calm. The crucial issue is whether the present situation is stable and sustain- able. To consider this issue properly, it is important to understand the following series of questions. What is the current political structure in North Korea? Is the political structure the same as that which existed under the Kim Jong-il regime, or have significant changes occurred? What political dynamics are at play within this structure? Answering these questions with any degree of accuracy is not an easy task. -
North Korea-Japan Relations in the Post-Cold War Era
North Korea-Japan Relations in the Post-Cold War Era Titus North Introduction In the spring of 1992 I published an Article in the South Korean government-backed journal Korea and World Affairs on the succession problem in North Korea in which I detailed misrule of the North Korean government and the harsh and oppressed conditions under which the citizens of that country live. Then a decade later on a live radio debate on Radio Nippon I was accused of being a "North Korean agent" by the Japanese parliamentarian Hirasawa Katsuei for having called for Japan to open direct, high-level negotiations with Pyongyang aimed at settling their outstanding differences and establishing diplomatic relations. One might wonder what had snapped in order to transform me from a South Korean flunky to a North Korean agent, but my reading of the situation has not changed at all. What has happened it that the international environment and the attitude of the United States have changed dramatically. The demilitarized zone on the Korean peninsula was one of the front lines during the Cold War, and any transgression across it by either side was liable to set off World War III, thus there was no military solution for Korea, only a possible military nightmare. When the Cold War ended and the Soviet Union broke up, North Korea lost a vital source of cheap energy and raw materials, putting its economy into a tailspin. Meanwhile, Kim Il-sung, the only leader the republic had ever known, was aging and obviously on his way out, leaving behind his untested son. -
Leadership Training for North Korean Defectors
From One “Great Leader” to Many Leaders Who Are Truly Great: Leadership Training for North Korean Defectors Hyun Sook Foley Regent University This article explores Ju-che, the official ideology of North Korea, as an intentional inhibitor of leadership development among North Korean citizens. Ju-che is best understood as a religion idolizing Kim Il-Sung and Kim Jong-Il, who are identified as the “mind” of North Korea, with citizens serving as the body and as “human bombs” sworn to protect the Kims. The Confucian concept of “hyo,” or filial piety, is reconceived to apply no longer to biological parents but only to the Kims as the progenitors of a new and eternal revolutionary family—one where civic adolescence and obedience are extolled and independent choice is vilified. A growing number of defectors to South Korea form a leadership laboratory for studying how North Koreans can be equipped to grow to their full potential as leaders. Attempts to swap the Ju-che ideology for a different leadership theory will be insufficient, since Ju-che is a comprehensive worldview. Though unemployment is high and professional employment is low among defectors, training programs like Seoul USA’s Underground University suggest that a comprehensive strategy of teaching leadership from within the Ju-che framework rather than discarding or ignoring it may prove most effective in promoting leadership growth among North Koreans. orth Korea constitutes a fascinating study for leadership theory in that its Ju-che ideological system institutionalizes the recognition -
The Life and Works of Philip J. Jaffe: a Foreigner's Foray
THE LIFE AND WORKS OF PHILIP J. JAFFE: A FOREIGNER’S FORAY INTO CHINESE COMMUNISM Patrick Nichols “…the capitalist world is divided into two rival sectors, the one in favor of peace and the status quo, and the other the Fascist aggressors and provokers of a new world war.” These words spoken by Mao Tse Tung to Philip J. Jaffe in a confidential interview. Although China has long held international relations within its Asian sphere of influence, the introduction of a significant Western persuasion following their defeats in the Opium Wars was the first instance in which China had been subservient to the desires of foreigners. With the institution of a highly westernized and open trading policy per the wishes of the British, China had lost the luster of its dynastic splendor and had deteriorated into little more than a colony of Western powers. Nevertheless, as China entered the 20th century, an age of new political ideologies and institutions began to flourish. When the Kuomintang finally succeeded in wrestling control of the nation from the hands of the northern warlords following the Northern Expedition1, it signaled a modern approach to democratizing China. However, as the course of Chinese political history will show, the KMT was a morally weak ruling body that appeased the imperial intentions of the Japanese at the cost of Chinese citizens and failed to truly assert its political legitimacy during it‟s almost ten year reign. Under these conditions, a radical and highly determined sect began to form within the KMT along with foreign assistance. The party held firmly on the idea of general welfare, but focused mostly on the rights of the working class and student nationalists. -
North Korea and the Subversive Truth Andrei Lankov by All Rational
North Korea and the Subversive Truth Andrei Lankov By all rational measures, North Korea is the model of a “failed state.” The country is the poorest in East Asia, with a populace that struggles to survive on an annual income between some $500 and $1,200. Despite this economic catastrophe, the North Korean regime is itself a master survivor, a living fossil whose political system is a vestige of Stalinism. Since the early 1990s, many observers have predicted the regime’s imminent collapse, but Pyongyang has consistently outmaneuvered its more powerful adversaries while keeping its starving populace docile. The survival strategy followed by the North Korean regime rests upon a simple but effective imperative: control information at all costs. Above all, the leadership in Pyongyang understands that the North Korean people must never be exposed to the outside world. If this happens, the North Koreans would discover that their country is not the “people’s paradise” and “envy of the world” described in the regime’s propaganda. Indeed, if North Korean commoners ever learned about the true prosperity of their South Korean cousins, and if they became less afraid of the government’s wrath, they would do what East Germans once did: they would demand unification on South Korean terms, discarding the Pyongyang ruling elite to the proverbial “waste bin of history. ” The North Korean masses are thus watched and terrorized, even at the price of perennial economic failure. North Koreans are not allowed to interact with foreigners, including citizens of supposedly “friendly countries,” in any form without clear authorization. -
North Korean Decisionmaking
C O R P O R A T I O N JOHN V. PARACHINI, SCOTT W. HAROLD, GIAN GENTILE, DEREK GROSSMAN, LEAH HEEJIN KIM, LOGAN MA, MICHAEL J. MAZARR, LINDA ROBINSON North Korean Decisionmaking Economic Opening, Conventional Deterrence Breakdown, and Nuclear Use For more information on this publication, visit www.rand.org/t/RRA165-1 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available for this publication. ISBN: 978-1-9774-0553-1 Published by the RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, Calif. © Copyright 2020 RAND Corporation R® is a registered trademark. Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of its research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions. The RAND Corporation is a research organization that develops solutions to public policy challenges to help make communities throughout the world safer and more secure, healthier and more prosperous. RAND is nonprofit, nonpartisan, and committed to the public interest. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. Support RAND Make a tax-deductible charitable contribution at www.rand.org/giving/contribute www.rand.org Preface Discerning the decisionmaking of Kim Jong-Un and the North Korean regime on issues of peaceful engagement and warlike actions endures as a mighty challenge for U.S. -
Demography of a Reunified Korea
a report of the csis korea chair Demography of a Reunified Korea January 2013 Author Elizabeth Hervey Stephen CHARTING our future a report of the csis korea chair Demography of a Reunified Korea Author January 2013 Elizabeth Hervey Stephen CHARTING our future About CSIS—50th Anniversary Year For 50 years, the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) has developed solutions to the world’s greatest policy challenges. As we celebrate this milestone, CSIS scholars are developing strategic insights and bipartisan policy solutions to help decisionmakers chart a course toward a better world. CSIS is a nonprofit organization headquartered in Washington, D.C. The Center’s 220 full- time staff and large network of affiliated scholars conduct research and analysis and develop policy initiatives that look into the future and anticipate change. Founded at the height of the Cold War by David M. Abshire and Admiral Arleigh Burke, CSIS was dedicated to finding ways to sustain American prominence and prosperity as a force for good in the world. Since 1962, CSIS has become one of the world’s preeminent international institutions focused on defense and security; regional stability; and transnational challenges ranging from en- ergy and climate to global health and economic integration. Former U.S. senator Sam Nunn has chaired the CSIS Board of Trustees since 1999. Former deputy secretary of defense John J. Hamre became the Center’s president and chief executive of- ficer in April 2000. CSIS does not take specific policy positions; accordingly, all views expressed herein should be understood to be solely those of the author(s). -
The Kuomintang-Communist Crisis in China
The Kuomintang-Communist Crisis in China A First-hand Account of One of the Most Critical Periods in Far Eastern History By Anna Louise Strong Reprinted from "Amerasia", March 1941 THIS article io a sample of the authoritative and enlight ening material which Amerasia brings to its readers. SuBSCRIBE now and receive every month forty-eight pages of expert comment on Far Eastern developments by no ted authorities. AMERASIA 125 East 52nd Street, New York City Please enter my subscription to Amerasia for 12 months beginning with the issue for the month of... .... ·-···-········-··-·-·-··········--· Bill me for $2.50 Single copies of A.m~rasia are 25 cen!s D I and yearly subscr1pt1ons are $2.50 1n I endose $2.50 U. S., Canada, and Mexi~o. Add 50 D cents for all other countnes. Name ·-----------·----·--------·--······-·-·--·---·-····-----·-----···-·····----·· -··-·-·········-- --·----··- -·-···············--···-·-··-···- Address ·----·----··----- --- ·----··----·-·---··--------···---·----··------·····--·-·-----------·· -·-··-·····-·----- --·-·········-·····-··· • The Kuomintang-Commrinist Crisis in China By Anna Louise Strong T is no service to China either to mini An official "spokesman" for this committee mize or exaggerate the present tension immediately issued an interview in response I between the Communist Party and the to the January 17th announcement of the Kuomintang. The threat of widespread civil Chungking Military Council disbanding the war is serious but the situation is not yet New Fourth. He charged that the attack on fatal. It has reached the stage in which the the New Fourth was only one step in the actions of "friendly nations" may either ruin plot of the "pro-Japanese elements who oc or save the situation-in which, for example, cupy high positions in the government and the actions of those in charge of American the Kuomintang" to bring about a peace foreign loans may prove decisive. -
Gendered Rhetoric in North Korea's International
University of Wollongong Research Online University of Wollongong Thesis Collection 1954-2016 University of Wollongong Thesis Collections 2015 Gendered rhetoric in North Korea’s international relations (1946–2011) Amanda Kelly Anderson University of Wollongong Follow this and additional works at: https://ro.uow.edu.au/theses University of Wollongong Copyright Warning You may print or download ONE copy of this document for the purpose of your own research or study. The University does not authorise you to copy, communicate or otherwise make available electronically to any other person any copyright material contained on this site. You are reminded of the following: This work is copyright. Apart from any use permitted under the Copyright Act 1968, no part of this work may be reproduced by any process, nor may any other exclusive right be exercised, without the permission of the author. Copyright owners are entitled to take legal action against persons who infringe their copyright. A reproduction of material that is protected by copyright may be a copyright infringement. A court may impose penalties and award damages in relation to offences and infringements relating to copyright material. Higher penalties may apply, and higher damages may be awarded, for offences and infringements involving the conversion of material into digital or electronic form. Unless otherwise indicated, the views expressed in this thesis are those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views of the University of Wollongong. Recommended Citation Anderson, Amanda Kelly, Gendered rhetoric in North Korea’s international relations (1946–2011), Doctor of Philosophy thesis, School of Humanities and Social Inquiry, University of Wollongong, 2015. -
When Serfs Stood up in Tibet
BOOK REVIEW OF WHEN SERFS STOOD UP IN TIBET BY ANNA LOUISE STRONG A COMPILATION OF A SERIES OF PROGRAMS ON RADIO FREE ASIA TIBETAN SERVICE BY WARREN W. SMITH 1 WHEN SERFS STOOD UP IN TIBET ANNA LOUISE STRONG Anna Louise Strong was 73 years old in 1959 when she went to Tibet. Although describing herself as an American journalist, she was a proponent of the Chinese Communists from the earliest years, writing her first book about the revolution in China, China's Millions, in 1927. This was followed by One-fifth of Mankind in 1939, an account of the CCP's United Front policy with the KMT against the Japanese. In 1949 she wrote The Chinese Conquer China, an eyewitness account of Mao and other Chinese Communist leaders at Yenan. She took up permanent residence in the PRC in 1958 and wrote Rise of the Chinese People's Communes in 1959. After the 1959 revolt in Tibet she wrote Tibetan Interviews, the result of interviews with Tibetans in Beijing, which is described as "dealing with the exploitation and misery of the Tibetan people and their aspirations and struggles." Jung Chang, author of Mao: the Unknown Story, describes Strong as a second-rate journalist and as "Mao's lackey." Strong was sent by Mao in 1947 on a world tour to promote him and the revolution in China. Jung Chang says that Mao hoped to repeat with Strong the success he had with Edgar Snow in creating a positive portrayal of himself outside China. She was given documents that Mao told her to pass to the world's communist parties.