THE GEOGRAPHICAL CONSTRUCTION OF NATIONAL IDENTITY AND STATE INTERESTS BY A WEAK NATION-STATE: THE DYNAMIC GEOPOLITICAL CODES AND STABLE GEOPOLITICAL VISIONS OF NORTH KOREA, 1948-2010 BY JONGWOO NAM DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Geography in the Graduate College of the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2012 Urbana, Illinois Doctoral Committee: Professor Colin Flint, Chair Professor David Wilson Assistant Professor Ashwini Chhatre Professor Paul F. Diehl ABSTRACT This study is a textual analysis of North Korea ’s geopolitical discourses. Through the analysis of North Korea ’s geopolitical visions and codes, this study provides a theoretical framework to explicate weak nation-states ’ foreign and security policies beyond overly power-centered perspectives. In addition, this study suggests an alternative policy toward North Korea for neighboring states beyond the dichotomy of containment and engagement policy. Using textual data from North Korea regarding the geographical construction of its national identity and state interests, this study proposes a theoretical framework which focuses on a weak nation-state ’s geopolitical agency, the relationship between geopolitical visions and codes, and the construction of territory for geopolitical discourses in a particular geopolitical context. The main findings of this study suggest that this theoretical framework provides a valuable perspective through which to understand how weak nation-states use geography to construct their national identity and state interests, and how the relationship between their geopolitical visions and codes changes over time. In particular, this study emphasizes the role of territorial construction in the way a weak nation-state naturalizes the concept of the state as an autonomous subject through nationalism and security discourse. ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Many people have helped me write this dissertation. Above all, I must thank my family. My parents were always a bottomless of love. My parents-in-law and my uncle were always a robust source of support. My wife, Hyunsoo, has encouraged me to study in the US. My daughters, Jieun and Dayoung, liberated me from the stresses of my study. I could have never accomplished my goal without the support of my family. I have been privileged to work with Colin Flint, David Wilson, Ashwini Chhatre and Paul F. Diehl in writing this dissertation. Foremost, it is difficult to put into words how grateful I am to my advisor, Professor Colin Flint. It is his kind and thoughtful guidance that enabled me to finish this dissertation. I think he is not only one of leading geographers but also one of the best teachers. Professor David Wilson and Professor Ashwini Chhatre gave me precious comments as geographers. Professor Paul F. Diehl gave me insightful comments as a Political Scientist. I also would like to thank my fellow political geographers: Andy Lohman, Steve Radil, Erin Nicely, Richelle Bernazzoli, and Sang-Hyun Chi. Particularly, I thank Sang-Hyun who introduced me to Colin. Even though I come back to my job, I will not be able to forget their friendship. Lastly, I dedicate my dissertation to those who have strived for the restoration of the Korean peninsula as a unit of governance in a peaceful way. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION .............................................................................................. 1 CHAPTER 2: THEORETICAL BACKGROUND ................................................................. 32 CHAPTER 3: THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK .................................................................... 58 CHAPTER 4: THE STABILITY OF NORTH KOREA ’S GEOPOLITICAL VISIONS ....... 89 CHAPTER 5: THE DYNAMISM OF NORTH KOREA ’S GEOPOLITICAL CODES ...... 147 CHAPTER 6: REPRODUCING NORTH KOREA ’S STATEHOOD .................................. 220 CHAPTER 7: CONCLUSION .............................................................................................. 244 REFERENCES ...................................................................................................................... 265 APPENDIX: NORTH KOREAN DATA SOURCES ........................................................... 280 iv CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION 1.1 Motivation and Purpose Just after North Korea completed its first nuclear test in 2006 its state-run news agency (KCNA: Korean Central News Agency) made the following comment: “Our nuclear test is a historic event to give encouragement and delight to our military and people. It will contribute to keeping the peace and stability of the Korean peninsula and Northeast Asia ” [October 9, 2006]. This commentary presupposes that North Korea ’s territory is threatened by other states and that the people and military yearn for the peace and stability of the peninsula and the region. This presupposition is contrary to the image of North Korea as a ‘revisionist state ’1 in the international community. What is evident in these claims to truth is that geopolitical discourse has much to do with North Korea ’s foreign and security policy. In the field of political geography, however, it is not easy to find an appropriate theoretical framework to explicate the geopolitical discourses of weak nation-states such as North Korea. Indeed, political geographers have largely concentrated on major powers in the study of international politics. In spite of their critical perspective, the critical geopolitics literature has also focused on major powers in the deconstruction of geopolitical discourses. 1 Revisionist states are defined as “states that seek to change the distribution of goods such as territory, status, markets, expansion of ideology, and the creation or change of international law and institutions ” (Davidson 2006: 14). 1 According to O ’Tuathail and Agnew (1992), because the study of geopolitics is the study of the spatialization of international politics by major powers, geopolitics should be critically re- conceptualized as a “discursive practice. ” Of course, it is very significant to unravel the geopolitical discourses of major powers and disclose the hidden power relations behind their geopolitical discourses. However, international politics is influenced by not only major powers but also weak states. 2 The worldviews taken by the foreign policy elites of major powers are not sufficient in identifying and interpreting the driving forces behind the changes in international politics, particularly after the end of the Cold War. The geopolitical discourses of major powers are not only constitutive of those of weaker states, but are also in part constituted by these “other ” discourses (Kuus 2010). In order to understand the dynamics of international politics more precisely, political geographers need to examine the discursive practices of not only major powers, but also weaker states. As Kuus (2004) pointed out, there is a need to overcome a one-way conception of geopolitical discourse from major powers to weaker states 2 In accordance with the degree of influence on the international system, states are usually divided into superpowers, great powers, middle powers, weak states and mini-states (Handel 1990). In absolute terms, it is not easy to clearly classify each state in the real world because of the variety in objective criteria such as military capability, GNP, and population. In relative terms, however, it is easier to classify each state. In this study, weak states are identified within a particular geopolitical context relative to other regional actors. Although the term “major powers ” largely indicates superpowers and great powers and the term “weak states ” largely indicates all other states, whether a state is a weak state or not is determined by its relative weakness in comparison with neighboring states in a specific geopolitical context. 2 by focusing on weak nation-states ’ geopolitical discourses. In particular, a weak revisionist nation-state such as North Korea can serve as a case study to illustrate the relational conception of geopolitical discourse between major powers and weaker nation-states. Above all, this study is an effort to provide a theoretical framework for addressing the foreign and security policies of weak nation-states from the viewpoint of geopolitical culture through a specific case study concerning North Korea ’s geopolitical visions and codes. The additional purpose is to provide neighboring states with policy implications for resolving the “North Korea problem ” based on the analysis conducted with the framework. The framework offered in this study suggests an alternative perspective for the explication of weak nation- states ’ foreign and security policies by unraveling the geopolitical discourses of weaker states. In order to evaluate this framework, this study uses a combination of textual analysis and a historical approach. This framework is an attempt to generally explicate weak nation-states ’ geopolitical discourses beyond the distinct geopolitical cultures of individual weak states. My hope is that this case study about a weak nation-state will become a part of the broader theorization of geopolitics by focusing on the following research problems rather than being seen as a unique empirical case. 3 1.2 Research Problem Since O ’Tuathail and Agnew (1992) re-conceptualized the conventional meaning of geopolitics, scholars of critical geopolitics have focused on geopolitical discourses that justify foreign and security policies. The studies regarding