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Charles Case a Radical Republican in the Irrepressible Conflict

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Charles Case a Radical Republican in the Irrepressible Conflict Charles Case A Radical Republican in the Irrepressible Conflict PEGGY SEIGEL over slavery up to the Civil War, conflicts D challengedduring the decade citizens leading in northeast Indiana to examine the most basic principles of their democracy. While most hoped that the compromise measures of 1850 would silence the demands of slave states, they were pulled into an escalating series of crises and finally, into civil war. The Fugitive Slave Law of 1850, meant to appease the South, outraged north- erners as it was enforced on their free soil. Citizens across the political spectrum felt betrayed by the Kansas-Nebraska Act of 1854 which allowed for the possibility of slavery in western territories that the 1820 Missouri Compromise had promised to keep free forever. Hoping for peace with the South, a majority of Hoosiers voted for James Buchanan as president in 1856, based upon the Democratic Party's pledge to sup- port free territorial elections to decide the territorial quagmire. Buchanan's role as a compromiser was short-lived, however, for he soon sided with southern politicians intent on bringing Kansas into the Union as a slave state. The conflict over Kansas rapidly deepened into irreversible political crisis. Violent clashes raged from the floor of the Congress to Kansas territory, deepening sectional allegiances. Fort Peggy Seigel is the author of "A Passionate Missionary to the West: Charles Beecher in Fort Wayne, Indiana, 1844-1850," which appeared in the December 2010 issue of the IMH. INDIANA MAGAZINE OF HISTORY, 107 (December 2011) C 2011, Trustees of Indiana University. 328 INDIANA MAGAZINE OF HISTORY Wayne residents, divided in their support for Abraham Lincoln in the November 1860 election, were largely united in their passion to preserve the national union. During the secession months of the 36th Congress in December 1860 and the first months of 1861, ordinary citizens, like their elected officials, passed through stages of panic, denial, and finally, resolve. Among the leaders in this transformation was Hoosier lawyer, political organizer, Republican congressman, and future Civil War offi- cer Charles Case. Reflecting the position generally described as "radical Republican," Case believed that the Declaration of Independence ensured freedom and basic rights for all Americans, including African Americans. As Indiana's Tenth District representative in the 35th and 36th Congresses, he stood firm against the extension of slavery into western territories and steadfastly exposed the corruption of the Buchanan administration. During the secession winter of 1860-1861, Case teamed with the radical faction of the Republican Party in Congress, strongly arguing against concessions that he believed would betray the nation's principles and weaken the national government. Amidst bitter factionalism and disorder, Case defended the Republican Party, the preservation of the Constitution, and president-elect Abraham Lincoln.' Charles Case's uncompromising principles may have cost him renomination to Congress in 1860. In the place of politics, at age 44, he began over three years of service with Union forces that included the battle of Fort Donelson and Sherman's campaign through Georgia. After the war, he resumed law practice-first in Fort Wayne, then in New Orleans, and finally, during his last eight years, in Washington, D.C. Following his death at age 66 in 1883, he was buried in the Congressional Cemetery. 'Eric Foner defines the radical Republicans of the 1850s as those who exhibited "a persistent refusal to compromise with the South on any question including slavery." Eric Foner, Free Soil, Free Labor; Free Men: The Ideology of the Republican Party before the Civil War (1970; New York, 1995), 103-148. Among those frequently associated with the radical element of the party in the 35th and 36th Congresses were Charles Sumner (Mass.), Preston King (N.Y.), and Benjamin Wade (Ohio) in the Senate; Joshua Giddings (Ohio), Owen P. Lovejoy (Ill.), Thaddeus Stevens (Penn.), John Gurley (Ohio), and George Washington Julian (Ind.) in the House. Julian of Centerville, Wayne County, served in Congress before and after Charles Case. Patrick W. Riddleberger, George WashingtonJulian, Radical Republican (Indianapolis, Ind., 1966); David M. Potter, Lincoln and His Party in the Secession Crisis (New Haven, Conn., 1942), 176-77. CHARLES CASE 329 Congressman Charles Case. This 1859 photograph depicts Case during his first of two terms in the U.S. House of Representatives, where he consistently spoke and voted against attempts to allow the spread of slavery into new western territories. Courtesy, Prints and Photographs Division, Library of Congress 330 INDIANA MAGAZINE OF HISTORY Despite his leadership in a time of national crisis, Case was largely forgotten, both in his own time by a town that by 1864 had turned against Lincoln in favor of his Democratic opponent George McClellan, and by historians, who seldom include Case in the small group of radi- cal Republicans identified with Indiana. A study of Case brings overdue awareness of a less-known side of Indiana's antebellum political history. More importantly, Case's career adds to our understanding of the Republican antislavery movement in the Old Northwest preceding Lincoln's inauguration. Finally, such a study draws attention to an exceptional individual who exemplified the ideals of a more just society.2 Born in 1817 in Ashtabula County, part of Ohio's Western Reserve, Charles Case was well-placed to grow into a man with a deep sense of social justice. More than most other areas of Ohio-and any part of Indiana-the Reserve was settled by New Englanders, and, as early as 1832, it welcomed Yankee missionaries who came to the West to spread their moral revolt against American slavery. Foreshadowing his future political interests, Case delivered his first public speech, in 1837, on the necessity of ending slavery in the District of Columbia. In the audience was Joshua Giddings, a formidable attorney and outspoken antislavery leader who was about to begin twenty years in the House of Representatives. The next year, Case began his formal study of law under two of the Reserve's other leading attorneys, Benjamin Wade and R. P. Ranney. At the beginning of a long political career that would take him to the United States Senate, Wade was then leading a fight in the Ohio legislature to repeal the state's black laws and to defeat attempts to tighten state laws governing fugitive slaves. 3 2 According to Mark Neely, Allen County Democrats' racial fears accounted for Lincoln's unpop- ularity. Neely is quoted in the Fort Wayne News-Sentinel, November 13, 1982. John D. Beatty argues that Fort Wayne Democrats strongly opposed Lincoln's 1864 draft and feared the admin- istration's use of government powers. "Fort Wayne in the Civil War Era 1855 - 1870," in John D. Beatty, ed., History of Fort Wayne and Allen County (Evansville, Ind., 2006). See also Beatty, "'The Douglas' Has Come!': Stephen A. Douglas and the Presidential Campaign of 1860 in Fort Wayne, Indiana," Old Fort News 72 no. 2 (2009); and Kerry Hubartt, "City Sent Thousands to Civil War Front Lines," Fort Wayne News-Sentinel, April 11, 2011. 3 W. W. Williams, History of Ashtabula County, Ohio (Philadelphia, 1878), 34; G. W. Julian, The Life offJoshua R. Giddings (Chicago, 1892), 45; A. G. Riddle, "Rise of Anti-Slavery Sentiment in the Western Reserve," roll 8, box 51, Wilbur H. Siebert Collection Microfilm Edition, MIC 192, Ohio Historical Society Archives/Library, Columbus, Ohio (hereafter Siebert Collection); G. L. Dumaree, "The 'Underground Railroad' in the Western Reserve of Ohio," roll 12, box 60, Siebert Collection; "Death of Colonel Case," Fort Wayne Daily Gazette, July 2, 1883; "Hon. Charles Case, Reminiscences of One of the Original Abolitionists," Fort Wayne Gazette, CHARLES CASE 331 In his first years in legal practice, Case already evinced the anti- slavery philosophy of Giddings and Wade. As Congressman Case later recalled of his early antislavery position: When it was comparatively unpopular to be called an anti-slav- ery man, my sentiments were never concealed; and, sir, as to the inherent right or wrong of these questions, I have not changed my opinions from that day to this. His reputation grew as a result of his successful defense of a fugitive slave named Clarke in 1842. By the end of the decade, Case had fol- lowed his mentors into politics. Acquisition of territories as a result of the Mexican War had created new fears that slavery would expand west. Convinced that the existing political parties were bowing to southern demands, in 1848 Case joined Giddings and other defecting Ohio Whigs in organizing the Free Soil Party, whose platform emphasized that pros- perity was only available in the free social system of the North. That summer, he served as a delegate to the national convention in Buffalo that nominated Martin Van Buren for president. At about the same time, Case moved to Bryan in the northwest corner of Ohio, where he edited a Free Soil newspaper and campaigned against the spread of slavery.4 Case's decision to move to Fort Wayne in 1850 was likely made for both personal and professional reasons. Benjamin S. Woodworth, a friend from student days, had started a medical practice in the northern Indiana town four years earlier. The promise of economic growth would also have appealed to the thirty-three-year-old attorney with a wife and three young children to support. After the first railroad came through in 1852, the town of some 5,000 citizens began to transition from a signifi- cant hub on the Wabash & Erie Canal to a major midwestern rail center. Newcomers from eastern states and from Germany were arriving daily. February 27, 1873; Jane H. Pease and William H. Pease, Bound with Them in Chains: A Biographical History of the Antislavery Movement (Westport, Conn., 1972), 257; Douglas A.
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