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Allahabad Session, 1888/National Mohamedan Association ALLAHABAD SESSION, 1888 (President: George Yule) (FROM OFFICIAL REPORT OF THE CONGRESS SESSION.) [EARLY OFFICIAL OBSTRUCTION TO THE CONGRESS AND INCITEMENT TO MUSLIMS The Congress reports show how in 1888 the Congress had to face a very hostile and also obstructive attitude of high officials. Lord Dufferin himself had expressed strongly against the organisation. The wordy duel between Hume and the Lieut. Governor of the United Province Sir Auckland Colvin is famous. Hume had become impatient after his experience of two or three years. To him " The platonic expressions of sympathy by authorities were a mockery ". He was " obsessed by the misery of the masses " (A. O. Hume by Wedderburn, p. 61-62). According to Hume the case was "one of extreme urgency; for the deaths by famine and pestilence were counted, not by tens of thousands or by hundreds of thousands but by millions; and to constrain the Government to move, the Indian leaders must adopt measures of exceptional vigour " (Ibid, page 62). That is how and why Hume had chalked out his plan of 'aggressive' propoganda. He toured all over the country, visiting even smaller villages. He issued thousands of pamphlets and booklets, in twelve languages, and got them distributed. This method of agitation annoyed the officials. And the shabby game of " divide et impera" was employed by them. The following extracts will show how Sir Syed Ahmed and his satellites were encouraged and employed for undermining the newly born representative organisation of the Congress. But all this was boldly counteracted by youth ful Hindu and Muslim workers. That brave story which is not fully known is unfolded in the following extracts taken from the reports of the Congress and from personal correspondence of Hume and Badruddin Tyabji. In fact some of the top ranking Congress leaders were taken aback by the government's volte face. After seeing the hostility exibited by the Muslims, Badruddin Tyabji, the president of the third session had told his friends that he had come to the distinct con-clusion after careful consideration that it was time to cease holding the Congress every year. (Life of Badruddin Tyabaji by Husain B. Tyabji, page 224). But Hume was firm in his convictions and also confident about his correctness. The report of the Allahabad session (1888) shows that the success of the session was beyond expectation. Both the civil and military officials jointly had attempted to defeat the 51 Allahabad session; but they themselves were defeated. Nationalist Muslims had courageously challenged Sir Sayad Ahmed in his home province. Hume had moved heaven and earth for this purpose]. MISUNDERSTOOD, misrepresented and maligned—but ever growing in strength and determination amid the vivifying storms of opposition and abuse—that vast body of her Majesty's subjects in India, who now support the Congress movement, might well accept the *words quoted below as a synthesis of their settled policy. In the British nation's love of freedom and justice their faith is firm and abiding. They will press their claims by fair and loyal means only, relying solely for success on moral force. Those claims will always be, not only moderate, but far within the limits of what justice would endorse ; no opposition and no persecution will daunt them, but they will go on and on, insisting and insisting, with a ever- growing volume of voice that will and must, some day, prevail. The Fourth Indian National Congress was heralded by a tumultuous outbreak of opposition. Ill-informed or prejudiced writers stormed, reviled, and, alike in Indian and English Journals and other publications, distorted every fact and speech. The secret enemies of British rule (too acute not to perceive that the success of the movement means the perpetuation of this rule), and large sections of the official community (too blinded by class bias to catch the faintest glimpse of this cardinal fact), together with their entire train of obsequious followers, laboured ceaselessly to strangle the movement. A Lieutenant-Governor came forward to denounce its methods and ridicule its measures, while a Viceroy— misled, let us hope, by the misrepresentations of adversaries— stood up to condemn its AIMS AND. OBJECTS in a public speech, characterised by misconception of facts, unparalleled in any public utterance, of any similarly exalted representative of India's beloved Sovereign. * " Not by violence or noise have the great things of the earth been achieved ; not by ambition or self-seeking can a nation's life be regenerated ; but calm indomitable reliance on that moral force which is the supreme reason. and by implanting in all with whom you may come in contact the conviction that you look for eventual triumph to these means and these only ; and that the moral power which has made the English nation glorious throughout an Empire, on which it has been well and truly said that the sun never sets. is the power to which you trust for the triumph of those great principles of justice and freedom which you are all here assembled to vindicate and uphold ". (Cheers) (Mr. Howard's speech on the Separation of the Executive and Judicial functions—vide p. 40 of detailed report). 52 Yet, despite—or shall we say in consequence*—of all this frantic opposition, the development of the Congress movement during the year 1888 was simply marvellous, and the Congress which closed the year was not only in every respect greater and grander than any previous one, but was so thoroughly representative of every part of the Empire, and of every class, caste, creed, community and interest indigenous in that Empire, that further advance in this direction seems, now to be almost impossible. ELECTORAL DIVISIONS During the year the greater part of the country was regularly divided into electoral divisions, and the **minimum number of delegates to be elected by each was settled. These divisions, for The double purpose of the education of the people and the convenience of voters, were re-divided into sub-divisions, and divisional and sub-divisional committees were created in all these, composed either of the delegates to previous Congresses with others whom they co-opted, or, as in Berar for instance, of men specially elected, ad hoc, by the people. Hundreds of thousands of tracts, pamphlets, speeches and leaflets were put into circulation in all the languages of India. Thousands of public and semipublic meetings and gatherings were held, not in one province, but in almost every district in the Empire. Hundreds of missionaries of the cause travelled from town to town and village to village expounding the good tidings of the Congress, and the fiercer the opposition raged and the more persistent the efforts of the adversaries of the movement, the more strenuous became the efforts of its supporters. It resulted that, whereas at the close of 1887 we were unable to assert that more than ten per cent. of the population knew anything of the Congress movement, we can, at the present moment, safely affirm that fully one-third of the * It is a fact that in many parts of the country elderly men, who had almost withdrawn from worldly affairs, and who had never before taken any share in politics, roused by the malignant slanders of the opposition on those whom they knew to be labouring heart and soul, for the good of the country, for the first time in their lives became politicians and came forward to support, openly and energetically, the Congress. ** The education in political work, that a personal participation in these Congresses affords, is so valuable that it was considered inexpedient in 1888 to limit the number of delegates that each division might elect. But some 1,500 (of whom 1,248 at least, actually took their seats at the Congress) were elected in 1888, and there is little doubt that in 1889, if no limits be fixed 3,000 will be elected. It is felt that these huge numbers are unsuited to a deliberative assembly, and hence it is in contemplation to limit the number to 1,000, which, allowing for death, sickness and other unavoidable causes of absence, would reduce the number of actual sitting members, in future Congresses, to between 800 and 900. 53 population know more or less about, and are distinctly favourable to, the movement. When we say population we refer of course to the adult males thereof, for, except in specially advanced localities,* the women know, as yet, practically, little of the matter, or, if they do, we have no means of ascertaining this. But of the 50 millions of adult males inhabiting British territory, at least one-third are now more or less earnestly on the side of the Congress ; and if we exclude from the 50 millions the 10 or 12 millions of adult males, who, utterly poverty-stricken and absolutely without education, can care for nothing beyond their daily food which they so often fail to compass, not very far short of half the remaining 30 millions, the real population of the Empire, are this day cognizant of the Congress movement, and, so far as they understand it. its supporters and well-wishers. There are still millions on millions who know nothing about it, but in the entire Empire, including even the Anglo-Indians, there is not even half a million of people in any way opposed to it. N. W. PROVINCES AND OUDH Thus, whilst all the divisions of the country were represented, the North-West Provinces and Oudh were, so to speak over represented. This was, to a certain extent, due to the fact that the Congress was held at Allahabad.
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