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Host By: Queen's University Belfast 29-31 May Lanyon Building
Anti-Communism in the Twentieth Century: An International Historical Perspective Host by: Queen’s University Belfast 29-31 May Lanyon Building University Rd, Belfast BT7 1NN Welcome to Anticomm2019! We are pleased and honoured for your attendance to Anti-Communism in the Twentieth Century: An International Perspective (@Anticomm2019). This conference is an unpreceded opportunity for academics to share their research on a topic that is still ill-defined and controversial - namely anti- communism’s impact on shaping contemporary history. From the Russian Revolution until the fall of the Berlin Wall, anti- communism was a global phenomenon that loomed heavy over the events in the last century. The legacy of this ideology, and the political practices employed by those promoting it’s cause, is an enduring one. For good and ill, the fight against Marxism forged our modern world. It is a winding tale that is worthy of revisiting and expanding. Through Anticomm2019 we hope that you join us on taking steps forward in contextualizing the efforts by an array of historical actors, governments, and organisations combating a mutual enemy. Though their methods, motivations, and measures often differed radically, they all sought to fight communism. More often than not, these individuals and institutions imagined themselves as the noble Roman manning the ramparts against the invading Goths. In essence, this event seeks, with your help, to understand why and how a substantial segment of the global population reacted as they did when the proverbial ‘Red Goths’ were at the city gates. Finally we like to thank everyone who helped turn Anticomm2019 into a reality. -
Title of Thesis: ABSTRACT CLASSIFYING BIAS
ABSTRACT Title of Thesis: CLASSIFYING BIAS IN LARGE MULTILINGUAL CORPORA VIA CROWDSOURCING AND TOPIC MODELING Team BIASES: Brianna Caljean, Katherine Calvert, Ashley Chang, Elliot Frank, Rosana Garay Jáuregui, Geoffrey Palo, Ryan Rinker, Gareth Weakly, Nicolette Wolfrey, William Zhang Thesis Directed By: Dr. David Zajic, Ph.D. Our project extends previous algorithmic approaches to finding bias in large text corpora. We used multilingual topic modeling to examine language-specific bias in the English, Spanish, and Russian versions of Wikipedia. In particular, we placed Spanish articles discussing the Cold War on a Russian-English viewpoint spectrum based on similarity in topic distribution. We then crowdsourced human annotations of Spanish Wikipedia articles for comparison to the topic model. Our hypothesis was that human annotators and topic modeling algorithms would provide correlated results for bias. However, that was not the case. Our annotators indicated that humans were more perceptive of sentiment in article text than topic distribution, which suggests that our classifier provides a different perspective on a text’s bias. CLASSIFYING BIAS IN LARGE MULTILINGUAL CORPORA VIA CROWDSOURCING AND TOPIC MODELING by Team BIASES: Brianna Caljean, Katherine Calvert, Ashley Chang, Elliot Frank, Rosana Garay Jáuregui, Geoffrey Palo, Ryan Rinker, Gareth Weakly, Nicolette Wolfrey, William Zhang Thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the Gemstone Honors Program, University of Maryland, 2018 Advisory Committee: Dr. David Zajic, Chair Dr. Brian Butler Dr. Marine Carpuat Dr. Melanie Kill Dr. Philip Resnik Mr. Ed Summers © Copyright by Team BIASES: Brianna Caljean, Katherine Calvert, Ashley Chang, Elliot Frank, Rosana Garay Jáuregui, Geoffrey Palo, Ryan Rinker, Gareth Weakly, Nicolette Wolfrey, William Zhang 2018 Acknowledgements We would like to express our sincerest gratitude to our mentor, Dr. -
Stanislaw Brzozowski and the Migration of Ideas
Jens Herlth, Edward M. Świderski (eds.) Stanisław Brzozowski and the Migration of Ideas Lettre Jens Herlth, Edward M. Świderski (eds.) with assistance by Dorota Kozicka Stanisław Brzozowski and the Migration of Ideas Transnational Perspectives on the Intellectual Field in Twentieth-Century Poland and Beyond This volume is one of the outcomes of the research project »Standing in the Light of His Thought: Stanisław Brzozowski and Polish Intellectual Life in the 20th and 21st Centuries« funded by the Swiss National Science Foundation (project no. 146687). The publication of this book was made possible thanks to the generous support of the »Institut Littéraire Kultura«. Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Na- tionalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available in the Internet at http://dnb.d-nb.de This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommer- cial-NoDerivatives 4.0 (BY-NC-ND) which means that the text may be used for non-commercial purposes, provided credit is given to the author. For details go to http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ To create an adaptation, translation, or derivative of the original work and for com- mercial use, further permission is required and can be obtained by contacting [email protected] Creative Commons license terms for re-use do not apply to any content (such as graphs, figures, photos, excerpts, etc.) not original to the Open Access publication and further permission may be required from the rights holder. The obligation to research and clear permission lies solely with the party re-using the material. -
Protegowani Jakuba Bermana Jako Przykład Klientelizmu I Nepotyzmu W Elicie Władzy PRL
VARIAIII MIROSŁAW SZUMIŁO Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej w Lublinie Biuro Badań Historycznych Instytutu Pamięci Narodowej Protegowani Jakuba Bermana jako przykład klientelizmu i nepotyzmu w elicie władzy PRL Zjawisko klientelizmu w perspektywie historycznej było już przedmiotem wielu prac naukowych. W Polsce zajmował się nim przede wszystkim Antoni Mączak1. Wzbudzało ono również zainteresowanie zachodnich sowietologów, którzy zauważyli, że niemal od początku rządów bolszewickich w Związku Sowieckim następowało grupowanie kadr wokół wpływowych towarzyszy2. Analizie poddawano m.in. układy klientelistyczne w ekipie Leonida Breżniewa3. Według Johna Willertona klientelizm oznacza wzajemne popieranie własnych interesów w zakresie uczestnictwa w elicie władzy, interesów frak- cyjnych i sektorowych oraz wspieranie się w trakcie kariery w związku ze wspólnym pochodzeniem etnicznym, pokoleniowym itp.4 Tworzenie się sieci klientelistycznych oraz nepotyzm w elicie władzy PRL nie były do tej pory przedmiotem odrębnych badań. W ujęciu socjologicznym poru- szał to zagadnienie Krzysztof Dąbek, ale tylko w kontekście funkcjonowania ukła- dów patron–klient w aparacie partyjnym w latach 1956–19805. W odniesieniu do kadry kierowniczej Służby Bezpieczeństwa tego typu dysfunkcje analizował Daniel 1 A. Mączak, Nierówna przyjaźń. Układy klientalne w perspektywie historycznej, Wrocław 2003. 2 T.H. Rigby, Early Provincial Cliques and the Rise of Stalin, „Soviet Studies” 1981, nr 33, s. 25. 3 J.P. Willerton, Clientelism in the Soviet Union: An Initial Examination, „Studies in Comparative Commu- nism” 1979, nr 12, s. 159–211. 4 Ibidem, s. 162. 5 K. Dąbek, PZPR. Retrospektywny portret własny, Warszawa 2006, s. 201–216. 456 2 (34) 2019 pamięć i sprawiedliwość Protegowani Jakuba Bermana jako przykład klientelizmu i nepotyzmu w elicie władzy PRL Wicenty6. -
Czechoslovak-Polish Relations 1918-1968: the Prospects for Mutual Support in the Case of Revolt
University of Montana ScholarWorks at University of Montana Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers Graduate School 1977 Czechoslovak-Polish relations 1918-1968: The prospects for mutual support in the case of revolt Stephen Edward Medvec The University of Montana Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umt.edu/etd Let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation Medvec, Stephen Edward, "Czechoslovak-Polish relations 1918-1968: The prospects for mutual support in the case of revolt" (1977). Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers. 5197. https://scholarworks.umt.edu/etd/5197 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at ScholarWorks at University of Montana. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at University of Montana. For more information, please contact [email protected]. CZECHOSLOVAK-POLISH RELATIONS, 191(3-1968: THE PROSPECTS FOR MUTUAL SUPPORT IN THE CASE OF REVOLT By Stephen E. Medvec B. A. , University of Montana,. 1972. Presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts UNIVERSITY OF MONTANA 1977 Approved by: ^ .'■\4 i Chairman, Board of Examiners raduat'e School Date UMI Number: EP40661 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. -
The Infirmity of Social Democracy in Postcommunist Poland a Cultural History of the Socialist Discourse, 1970-1991
The Infirmity of Social Democracy in Postcommunist Poland A cultural history of the socialist discourse, 1970-1991 by Jan Kubik Assistant Professor of Political Science, Rutgers University American Society of Learned Societies Fellow, 1990-91 Program on Central and Eastem Europe Working Paper Series #20 January 1992 2 The relative weakness of social democracy in postcommunist Eastern Europe and the poor showing of social democratic parties in the 1990-91 Polish and Hungarian elections are intriguing phenom ena. In countries where economic reforms have resulted in increasing poverty, job loss, and nagging insecurity, it could be expected that social democrats would have a considerable follOwing. Also, the presence of relatively large working class populations and a tradition of left-inclined intellec tual opposition movements would suggest that the social democratic option should be popular. Yet, in the March-April 1990 Hungarian parliamentary elections, "the political forces ready to use the 'socialist' or the 'social democratic' label in the elections received less than 16 percent of the popular vote, although the class-analytic approach predicted that at least 20-30 percent of the working population ... could have voted for them" (Szelenyi and Szelenyi 1992:120). Simi larly, in the October 1991 Polish parliamentary elections, the Democratic Left Alliance (an elec toral coalition of reformed communists) received almost 12% of the vote. Social democratic parties (explicitly using this label) that emerged from Solidarity won less than 3% of the popular vote. The Szelenyis concluded in their study of social democracy in postcommunist Hungary that, "the major opposition parties all posited themselves on the political Right (in the Western sense of the term), but public opinion was overwhelmingly in favor of social democratic measures" (1992:125). -
Introduction
© Copyright, Princeton University Press. No part of this book may be distributed, posted, or reproduced in any form by digital or mechanical means without prior written permission of the publisher. INTRODUCTION “We were taught as children”—I was told by a seventy- year-old Pole—“that we Poles never harmed anyone. A partial abandonment of this morally comfortable position is very, very difficult for me.” —Helga Hirsch, a German journalist, in Polityka, 24 February 2001 HE COMPLEX and often acrimonious debate about the charac- ter and significance of the massacre of the Jewish population of T the small Polish town of Jedwabne in the summer of 1941—a debate provoked by the publication of Jan Gross’s Sa˛siedzi: Historia za- głady z˙ydowskiego miasteczka (Sejny, 2000) and its English translation Neighbors: The Destruction of the Jewish Community in Jedwabne, Poland (Princeton, 2001)—is part of a much wider argument about the totali- tarian experience of Europe in the twentieth century. This controversy reflects the growing preoccupation with the issue of collective memory, which Henri Rousso has characterized as a central “value” reflecting the spirit of our time.1 One key element in the understanding of collec- tive memory is the “dark past” of nations—those aspects of the na- tional past that provoke shame, guilt, and regret; this past needs to be integrated into the national collective identity, which itself is continu- ally being reformulated.2 In this sense, memory has to be understood as a public discourse that helps to build group identity and is inevita- bly entangled in a relationship of mutual dependence with other iden- tity-building processes. -
Implementing Communism, Negociating Modernism Picasso and His Art in the Eastern Block
Implementing Communism, Negociating Modernism Picasso and his Art in the Eastern Block Piotr Bernatowicz • colloque Revoir Picasso • 26 mars 2015 On October the fifth, L’Humanité, the press organ of the number of artists were left-wing or involved in the commu- French communists announced Pablo Picasso’s entering the nist movement before the war (especially in Cechoslovakia). communist party of France.1 Their anxiety and fears was caused by Socialist Realism as Three days before, in Nazi occupied Poland, the Warsaw the “compulsory” trend in the USSR. In Poland artists knew uprising–the last desperate strain of the Polish underground Socialist Realism from the shows of Russian art which took state –had capitulated after two months of fighting. After the place before 1939. During the time of first Soviet occupa- defeat of the uprising, there was no power to compete against tion in Lvov and Białystok in 1939, some artists could expe- the marionette communist committee (PKWN), which was rience Socialist Realism.8 It was perceived by the Mid-Eastern later transformed into the temporary government. The troops modernists as the contradiction of freedom and progress that remained from the underground army were consistently in art. and violently pacified by the Red Army, the NKWD and its Polish younger brother, KBW (Korpus Bezpieczeństwa Exposing Picasso’s political engagement by communist pro- Wewnętrznego–The Interial Security Corps).2 paganda created an impression that there was no obstacle for Jerzy Borejszapreviously name Benjamin Goldberg), was artists to support communism and stay modernist. For this the former Red Army officer and member of the communist reason, the modernists could feel comfortable in the new committee that was responsible for the propaganda and that, regime, especially as Picasso was the guarantee of freedom. -
Brr, Bereza. Polish Literature Towards the Confinement Centre in Bereza Kartuska
ACTA UNIVERSITATIS LODZIENSIS Folia Litteraria Polonica 4(55) 2019 http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1505-9057.55.13 Arkadiusz Morawiec* https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6424-1194 Brr, Bereza. Polish literature towards the Confinement Centre in Bereza Kartuska. 1934–1939 … the camp has a beautiful traditional Polish name: “Seclusion spot” (almost like: “Temple of Meditation”).1 M.O., i.e. miejsce odosobnienia (confinement centre), generally termed by people as the slaughter house of citizens2. Emulating the one in Dachau, Poles built their own, in Bereza3. The Confinement Centre in Bereza Kartuska On 18 June 1934 Maria Dąbrowska wrote in her diary: “Brr – Now we have isola- tion camps – Soon, you won’t be able to speak, write, or live!”4 That was her reac- tion to a Resolution by Ignacy Mościcki, President of the Republic of Poland, of 17 June 1934 on persons threatening the security, peace, and public order. The first of six articles of the document, which was enforced as an act of law, stated: * Associate Professor; University of Lodz, Chair of Polish Literature of the 20th and 21st Century, ul. Pomorska 171 /173, 90–236 Łódź, [email protected]. 1 M. Niedziałkowski, “‘Kurs na lewo’ i obozy izolacyjne”, Robotnik 1934, issue 251, p. 1. [Transla- tor’s note: the term “miejsce odosobnienia” is ambiguous in Polish literally meaning “a place of seclusion”. However, in English such places are referred to as “confinement centres”, I decided to use this, still somewhat euphemistic, term as a translation of “miejsce odosbnienia”] [Unless specified otherwise, English versions translated from Polish] 2 M. -
From Stalinism to “Heresy”. the Evolution of the Political Thought of Milovan Ðjilas, 1941-19491
Studies into the History of Russia and Central-Eastern Europe ■ XLVII Michał Jerzy Zacharias From stalinism to “heresy”. The evolution of the political thought of Milovan Ðjilas, 1941-19491 Summary: knowledge of communism, so carefully presented in the best and the most famous work of Milovan Ðilas entitled The New Class. An Analysis of the Communist System, New York, 1957, undoubtedly resulted from his previous political practice and theoretical reflections. In the years 1941-1949, Ðilas was both a politician and one of the main ideologists and propagandists of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia. In his later writings, books and speeches, he pointed out that even in time of the war he began to express doubts whether the communistic idea, as he understood at that time, indeed could be fully realized. The above mentioned doubts should be treated hypothetically, we should approach to them with caution. Mostly because they are expressed later after World War II. We do not have a pos- sibility to confirm its veracity on the basis of other sources, documents and messages than those presented in the article. However, the analysis of Ðilas intellectual attitude after the outbreak of the conflict between the Soviet and Yugoslav Communists in 1948, leaves no doubts that slowly and gradually, but irreversibly, Ðilas began to undermine the meaning and the possibility of building „socialism” in line with Stalinist principles. Ðilas propaganda initial admiration of Soviet reality gave way to criticism. Of course, in 1949, so at the end of the period, Ðilas was still a communist. Nevertheless, he inclined to the conviction that Stalinist model becomes a clear deviation from the „true” Marxism. -
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Kawaleryjskie barwy i tradycje współczesnych jednostek wojskowych… #0# DOI: 10.18276/pz.2020.4-02 PRZEGLĄD ZACHODNIOPOMORSKI ROCZNIK XXXV (LXIV) ROK 2020 ZESZYT 4 ARTYKUŁY Katarzyna Rembacka ORCID: 0000-0002-4009-3390 Instytut Pamięci Narodowej e-mail: [email protected] Collective or individual biography? A communist in “Regained Lands” just after the WW2 Key words: Western and Northern Lands in Poland, Polish Government Plenipotentiaries, communists, biography, 1945, human resources policy Słowa kluczowe: Ziemie Zachodnie i Północne w Polsce, Pełnomocnicy Rządu RP, ko- muniści, biografistyka, 1945 rok, polityka kadrowa It would be appropriate to begin by explaining the research perspective outlined in the title. The key to the analysed problem, i.e. the biographies of people taking over and being in power after the end of the Second World War on the Western and Northern Territories, were ideological choices made by them. They deter- mined their fate, and it is through their prism that we can look at the history of regions which, as a result of the post-war transformation of Europe, found them- selves within the borders of Poland. It should be noted, however, that the subject under consideration is only a research “sample” as it is limited to a relatively small collection. It is made up of biographies of people who, in March 1945, were appointed government plenipotentiaries of new administrative districts.1 Of this group, special attention will be paid to one of them – Leonard Borkowicz (until 1944 Berkowicz). It is his personalised history that will allow us to analyse the 1 Archive of New Files (hereinafter: AAN), Ministry of Public Administration, Excerpt from the minutes of the meeting of the Council of Ministers of 14 March 1945, ref. -
Iuliia Kysla
Rethinking the Postwar Era: Soviet Ukrainian Writers Under Late Stalinism, 1945-1949 by Iuliia Kysla A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History Department of History and Classics University of Alberta © Iuliia Kysla, 2018 Abstract This dissertation advances the study of late Stalinism, which has until recently been regarded as a bizarre appendage to Stalin’s rule, and aims to answer the question of whether late Stalinism was a rupture with or continuation of its prewar precursor. I analyze the reintegration of Ukrainian writers into the postwar Soviet polity and their adaptation to the new realities following the dramatic upheavals of war. Focusing on two parallel case studies, Lviv and Kyiv, this study explores how the Soviet regime worked with members of the intelligentsia in these two cities after 1945, at a time when both sides were engaged in “identification games.” This dissertation demonstrates that, despite the regime’s obsession with control, there was some room for independent action on the part of Ukrainian writers and other intellectuals. Authors exploited gaps in Soviet discourse to reclaim agency, which they used as a vehicle to promote their own cultural agendas. Unlike the 1930s, when all official writers had to internalize the tropes of Soviet culture, in the postwar years there was some flexibility in an author’s ability to accept or reject the Soviet system. Moreover, this dissertation suggests that Stalin’s postwar cultural policy—unlike the strategies of the 1930s, which relied predominantly on coercive tactics—was defined mainly by discipline by humiliation, which often involved bullying and threatening members of the creative intelligentsia.