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00.- Primeras Paginas Rha4 RHA, Vol. 6, Núm. 6 (2008), 115-126 ISSN 1697-3305 FROM REGULATED REVOLUTION TO THE HISTORICAL WARS. RECONSIDERING POST-SOCIALIST POLAND José M. Faraldo*, Katarzyna Stoklosa** Recibido: 10 Enero 2008 / Revisado: 17 Marzo 2008 / Aceptado: 21 Abril 2008 The “Revolucion from above” (some - regime has persisted until today. However, there is times called “revolution under the empire another stereotype of Poland as a sort of eternally of the law”) that ended communism was- unsatisfied child, a country always claiming being a n’t a euphoric revolution. It was a des-ori- victim. Especially after the 11S, Poland became for ented and confused one, avoiding to look many Europeans a Trojan horse of American poli- each other in the eyes.1 tics in Europe. This perception is, of course, Jadwiga Staniszkis wrong. There are many historical and political rea- sons for Poland’s alliance with the USA, and indeed the country has been often victim of most power- n 1980 the world watched amazed in TV how ful neighbors since the XVIII century. Ithousands of Polish workers praised the Lord in But the mythos of Solidarno as a point of no the middle of a strike and went to protest marches return in the destruction of state socialism in with images of the Pope and of the Black Madonna Europe is still very much alive abroad. The of Cz stochowa in their hands. Lech Wał sa’s mous- “Regulated Revolution” still fascines people in the taches became a graphic icon of the Polish revolt, world.2 This contrasts with the destruction of the Polish worker’s union Solidarno was celebrated Solidarno ’s legacy in its own country. Twenty as a revolution of freedom. A year after this, people years after the fall of the Berlin wall, Poland is all around the globe watched soldiers and tanks in questioning its own fight for freedom; even Lech the streets of Warsaw, gloomy urban landscapes Wał sa has been accused of being a Communist under grey snow, the figure of a general with black agent.3 However, the “historical wars” between glasses, sinister images of a self-coup de etat. The 2000 and 2007, the use of archives and politics of underground fight of the Polish workers brought memory for fighting the adversary are, now, a part them a wave of deep solidarity from very different of current politics. They might be considered a her- sides. This picture of a renitent and heroic Poland, itage of state-socialism, but Poland is now very far of a Catholic and anti-communist country, fight- away from communism. The transition has taken ing against the foreign imposition of a totalitarian * Profesor de la Universidad Complutense de Madrid. E-mail: [email protected] ** Directora del Sigmund Neumann Institute for Research on Freedom and Democracy. E-mail: Katarzyna.Stoklosa@mail- box.tu-dresden.de 1 Staniszkis, J., Postkomunizm. Próba opisu. Wydawnictwo słowo/obraz terytoria, Gda sk 2001, 5. 2 Dudek, A., Reglamentowana rewolucja. Rozkład dyktatury komunistycznej w Polsce 1988-1990, Cracow, Arcana, 2004. 3 See Cenckiewicz, S., Gontarczyk, P. SB a Lech Wał sa. Przyczynek do biografii, Instytut Pami ci Narodowej, 2007. © 2008 Revista de Historia Actual 115 RHA , Vol. 6, Núm. 6 (2008), 115-125 José M. Faraldo, Katarzyna Stoklosa place, Poland isn’t anymore a post-socialist country, books and newspapers, the Biuletyn informacyjny or but a normal European state. the cultural newspaper Zapis. Its Nowa Publishing company published the works of well-known authors like Tadeusz Konwicki, Kazimierz Brandys, OPPOSITION AND CHANGE Stanisław Baraczak, Adam Zagajewski and Jerzy Polish historiography usually emphasizes the An dre zejew ski, but the works of other authors also fact that there had been opposition movements in appea red, for example Gunter Grass’s Tin Drum . In Poland since October 1956 and that the country, this way the KOR created an oppositional public therefore, was a constant flashpoint within the sphere, a corrective to the official culture scene. 6 The Eastern Bloc. 4 The time between 1956 and 1989 cultural monopoly of the state was broken. Now, can be divided into two periods: There were with support from Krakow Bishop Karol Wojtyła, numerous spontaneous protests between 1956 and Catholic magazines included the thoughts of both 1976, which, however, never led to a long-range reformers within the church and those outside of it. mobilization of the masses. The protest movements New opposition movements arose everywhere that arose between 1976 and 1989, in contrast, which no longer could be suppressed, even though essentially contributed through their mass mobi - the state again and again arrested opposition mem - 5 lization effects to the collapse of the Eastern Bloc. bers for forty-eight hours and thereby sustained a After the unrest in March 1968 and De cem ber credible threat of force. The security service also did 1970 the announcement of radical price increases not hesitate to murder members of the opposition for meat, sugar and other foods in June 1976 led to and make those acts of violence look like accidents. countrywide strikes. The workers of the Ursus trac - The spark that would eventually ignite uncoordinat - tor production company in Warsaw blocked a rail - ed, isolated fires into an inferno was the election of road line and threatened to paralyze transit between Wojtyła to pope in the fall of 1978. An overwhelm - Moscow and Berlin. The militia arrested hundreds ing majority of the Polish state identified with this of the strike’s leaders. They were given lengthy choice and saw him as a symbol and characterization prison sentences in quick trials. However, after only of “another Poland” to which they also belonged. a few weeks Gierek’s government capitulated, John Paul II gave the signal for departure as well as revoked the price increases and granted some of the determined the mood of societal conflict with his imprisoned amnesty. It was from this protest move - first pilgrimage to Poland: revolts were carried out in ment that the first openly operating opposition a peaceful, controlled and restrained manner. organization emerged, which stood up for persecut - Violent strikes virtually mutated into masses. ed workers and their families using legal means. “Workers’ Defense Committee” (KOR) represented many different groups in Polish society –leftists and SOLIDARNO AND THE PROMULGATION conservatives, priests and So cia lists. It unified well- TO A STATE OF WAR known authorities such as Jerzy Andrzejewski, Jan In October 1979 Edward Gierek, first secre - Józef Lipski, Jan Zieja, Jacek Kuro and others. The tary of the PVAP, was forced to concede his help - organization would become an important compo - lessness before the Plenum of the Central Commi - nent of cultural and political life in Poland; it pro - ttee in light of the radical deterioration of the eco - vided not only concrete help but also published nomic situation. 7 The early 1980 replacement of 4 See, as examples, Eisler, J. Polskie miesice czyli kryzysy w PRL, IPN - komisja cigania zbrodni przeciwko narodowi polskiemu , Warsaw, 2008; Andrzej Friszke, Przystosowanie i opór. Studia z dziejów PRL . Biblioteka, Varsovia, Wiezi, 2007; Andrzej Paczkowski, Strajki Bunty Manifest acje jako “polska droga” przez socjalizm, Poznaskie Towarzystwo Przyjaciół Nauk, Pozna 2003. 5 Cf. Sonntag, S., “Poland”, in: Detlef Pollack/Jan Wielgohs (eds.), Dissent and Opposition in Communist Eastern Europe. Origins of Civil Society and Democratic Transition . Aldershot 2004, 3-29, here 3f. 6 Lipski, J. J., KOR: a history of the Workers’ Defense Committee in Poland , 1976-1981 . Berkeley: University of California Press. 1985. 7 Rolicki, J., Gierek, E., Przerwana dekada . Wydawnictwo, Varsovia, Fakt, 1990; Rolicki, J. Edward Gierek . Replika, Warszawa, Polska Oficyna Wydawnicza BGW, 1990. 116 From Regulated Revolution to the Historical Wars, Reconsidering Post-Socialist Poland DOSSIER Premier Piotr Jaroszewicz, who was responsible for rejected any military action against the workers. the desolate economy, and the announcement of The representatives of the Wojewodschaft party reforms came too late. When waves of strikes were committee were ready to negotiate with the leaders unleashed in summer of 1980, they caught the of the strike. Under the advisement of critical intel - administration unaware, even though they had lectuals like Tadeusz Mazowiecki and Bronisław been announced by various omens for a long time. 8 Geremek, the strike demands went even further a Makeshift independent unions had long since few days later: they demanded the founding of free developed among workers on the coast; the hec - unions, the abolition of censorship and the release tographed Robotnik newspaper reached a circula - of all political prisoners. The shipyard became a tion of 20,000 copies. In August 1979, a “Charter virtual Polish metropolis. Within a few weeks, an of Workers’ Rights” was already in circulation that entire subculture arose in the area –a combination included many of the demands that formed the of political demonstrations, religious masses, par - basis of the negotiations that occurred at the ties, and fortification. The regime –ambitious tech - Gdansk shipyard one year later. All of this was only nocrats, not ideological spitfires– conceded to the possible through the close cooperation of intellec - pressure from the streets. Communist functionaries tuals and workers. The strikes at the shipyards were also did not want to return to the early 1950s. On flanked by attacks on the “façade culture” of those August 28 th , the central committee broke away in power. Authors, journalists, and filmmakers from its hardliners and three days later, Lech Wałsa depicted the complete unhappiness of Polish socie - signed the Gdansk Agreement. This laid the ty; emotion and reflection converged. They groundwork for independent and self-administered brought an entire people onto the streets. unions. 9 As was so often the case in the People’s According to the consensus that exists among Republic of Poland, price increases served as the most Polish historians, August 1980 did not end cause for the revolt.
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