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Nationalism in Japan's Contemporary Foreign Policy
The London School of Economics and Political Science Nationalism in Japan’s Contemporary Foreign Policy: A Consideration of the Cases of China, North Korea, and India Maiko Kuroki A thesis submitted to the Department of International Relations of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, February 2013 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of <88,7630> words. Statement of use of third party for editorial help I can confirm that my thesis was copy edited for conventions of language, spelling and grammar by Josh Collins and Greg Demmons. 2 of 3 Abstract Under the Koizumi and Abe administrations, the deterioration of the Japan-China relationship and growing tension between Japan and North Korea were often interpreted as being caused by the rise of nationalism. This thesis aims to explore this question by looking at Japan’s foreign policy in the region and uncovering how political actors manipulated the concept of nationalism in foreign policy discourse. -
The United States and Japan in Global Context: 2015
THE EDWIN O. REISCHAUER CENTER FOR EAST ASIAN STUDIES THE UNITED STATES AND JAPAN IN GLOBAL CONTEXT: 2015 THE PAUL H. NITZE SCHOOL OF ADVANCED INTERNATIONAL STUDIES THE JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY Washington, D.C. Edwin O. Reischauer October 15, 1910 – September 1, 1990 Yearbook Class of 2015 From Left to Right: Sung Hui “Sophie” Yang, Jeffrey Bond, Ju Hyung Kim, Luoxi Dao, Ji Won Kwon, Malcolm Whitehead, Michael Wakcher, Professor William Brooks, Evan Sankey, Benjamin Garton, Ian Hamilton, Michael Kotler, Waichiro Katsuda, Yiwei “Jenny” Pan TABLE OF CONTENTS The Year at the Reischauer Center 1 Reischauer Center Events, 2014-2015 7 Introduction 10 William L. Brooks For U.S.-Japan Relations, the JET Program Is a Hidden National Treasure 46 Malcolm Whitehead U.S.-Japan Cultural Exchange in a New Era of Public Diplomacy 73 Michael Wakcher New U.S.-Japan Partnership in Disaster Management and Japan’s Role 95 Waichiro Katsuda India and the US-Japan Alliance 113 Evan Sankey Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s Central Asia Strategy: Is it Effective? 129 Ian Hamilton Trilateral security cooperation in Northeast Asia 157 Ju Hyong Kim Japan’s Trade Agreement Strategies: Three Case Studies 172 Ji Won Kwon Changing Trade Patterns among the U.S., Japan and China: Does Politics Trump Market Forces? 205 Jenny Iwei Pan Impact of “Abenomics” on Mergers and Acquisition Trends in Japan 222 Luoxi Dao Japan’s Long Road to Corporate Governance Reform 240 Ben Garton Building Japan’s Entrepreneurial Ecosystem 258 Jeff Bond Class Research Trip to Tokyo, March 2014: Photo Album 281 1 THE YEAR AT THE REISCHAUER CENTER The 2014-2015 academic year, during which the Reischauer Center celebrated its thirtieth anniversary, was a historic one--for the Center, SAIS, and for trans-Pacific relations. -
Phenomenon: a Case Study of the "Iron Triangle" in the Postal Industry and Postal Reforms in Japan
The changing nature of the "Iron Triangle" phenomenon: a case study of the "Iron Triangle" in the postal industry and postal reforms in Japan Rakhmanko, Alena 2015 Link to publication Citation for published version (APA): Rakhmanko, A. (2015). The changing nature of the "Iron Triangle" phenomenon: a case study of the "Iron Triangle" in the postal industry and postal reforms in Japan. (Working papers in contemporary Asian studies; No. 44). Centre for East and South-East Asian Studies, Lund University. Total number of authors: 1 General rights Unless other specific re-use rights are stated the following general rights apply: Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the public portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. • Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the public portal for the purpose of private study or research. • You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain • You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the public portal Read more about Creative commons licenses: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/ Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. LUND UNIVERSITY PO Box 117 221 00 Lund +46 46-222 00 00 The Changing Nature of the "Iron Triangle" Phenomenon: A Case Study of the "Iron Triangle" in the Postal Industry and Postal Reforms in Japan Alena Rakhmanko* Working Paper No 44 2015 Centre for East and South-East Asian Studies Lund University, Sweden www.ace.lu.se * Alena Rakhmanko was a student on the Masters Programme in Asian Studies, Centre for East and South-East Asian Studies, Lund University between 2009-2011. -
Do Socio-Economic Conditions Influence Dynastic Politics? Initial Evidence from the 16Th Lok Sabha of India
WORKING PAPER Do Socio-Economic Conditions Influence Dynastic Politics? Initial Evidence from the 16th Lok Sabha of India Ronald U. Mendoza AIM Rizalino S. Navarro Policy Center for Competitiveness Jan Fredrick P. Cruz AIM Rizalino S. Navarro Policy Center for Competitiveness Unnikrishnan Alungal MDM Batch 2014 AIM Stephen Zuellig Graduate School of Development Management RSN-PCC WORKING PAPER 15-011 ASIAN INSTITUTE OF MANAGEMENT RIZALINO S. NAVARRO POLICY CENTER FOR COMPETITIVENESS WORKING PAPER Do Socio-Economic Conditions Influence Dynastic Politics? Initial Evidence from the 16th Lok Sabha of India Ronald U. Mendoza AIM Rizalino S. Navarro Policy Center for Competitiveness Jan Fredrick P. Cruz AIM Rizalino S. Navarro Policy Center for Competitiveness Unnikrishna Alungal MDM Batch 2014 AIM Stephen Zuellig Graduate School of Development Management AUGUST 2015 The authors would like to thank Dr. Sounil Choudhary of the University of Delhi; Dr. Kripa Ananthpur of the Madras Institute of Development Studies; Ms. Chandrika Bahadur of the Sustainable Development Solutions Network; Mr. Appu Lenin of the Jawaharlal Nehru University; and Mr. Siddharth Singh of the Centre for Research on Energy Security for helpful comments on an earlier draft. This working paper is a discussion draft in progress that is posted to stimulate discussion and critical comment. The views expressed herein are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of Asian Institute of Management. Corresponding authors: Ronald U. Mendoza, AIM Rizalino S. Navarro Policy Center for Competitiveness Tel: +632-892-4011. Fax: +632-465-2863. E-mail: [email protected] Jan Fredrick P. Cruz, AIM Rizalino S. Navarro Policy Center for Competitiveness Tel: +632-892-4011. -
1. the Politics of Legacy
UC San Diego UC San Diego Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title Succeeding in politics : dynasties in democracies Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/1dv7f7bb Authors Smith, Daniel Markham Smith, Daniel Markham Publication Date 2012 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, SAN DIEGO Succeeding in Politics: Dynasties in Democracies A Dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science by Daniel Markham Smith Committee in charge: Professor Kaare Strøm, Chair Professor Gary W. Cox Professor Gary C. Jacobson Professor Ellis S. Krauss Professor Krislert Samphantharak Professor Matthew S. Shugart 2012 ! Daniel Markham Smith, 2012 All rights reserved. The Dissertation of Daniel Markham Smith is approved, and it is acceptable in quality and form for publication on microfilm and electronically: Chair University of California, San Diego 2012 iii DEDICATION To my mother and father, from whom I have inherited so much. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS Signature page……………………………………………………………………………iii Dedication………………………………………………………………………………...iv Table of Contents………………………………………………………………………….v List of Abbreviations………………………….………………………………………....vii List of Figures……………………………...……………………………………………viii List of Tables……………………………………………………………………………...x Acknowledgments……………………………………………………………………….xii Vita………………………………………………………………………………………xv Abstract………………………………………………………………………………….xvi 1. The -
Japan Under Construction: Corruption, Politics, and Public Works
Preferred Citation: Woodall, Brian. Japan under Construction: Corruption, Politics, and Public Works. Berkeley, Calif: University of California Press, c1996 1996. http://ark.cdlib.org/ark:/13030/ft5489n9zf/ Japan Under Construction Corruption, Politics, and Public Works Brian Woodall UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS Berkeley · Los Angeles · Oxford © 1996 The Regents of the University of California To Joyce, Leslie, and Melissa Preferred Citation: Woodall, Brian. Japan under Construction: Corruption, Politics, and Public Works. Berkeley, Calif: University of California Press, c1996 1996. http://ark.cdlib.org/ark:/13030/ft5489n9zf/ To Joyce, Leslie, and Melissa ― ix ― Acknowledgments In researching this book, I have drawn extensively on Japanese-language materials: newspaper reports, periodicals, industry association publications, and government documents. In addition, I conducted over one hundred open-ended interviews, primarily in 1987–1988 and in 1993–1994. Almost all of these interviews were conducted in Japanese, each lasting about an hour. I spoke with construction contractors, industry association officials, elected politicians and their aides, political party officials, government bureaucrats, newspaper reporters, and academics. Because of the highly sensitive, and sometimes sub rosa, nature of the subject matter, I cannot identify these individuals by name. For their willingness to answer sometimes naive questions and to assist in other ways, however, I owe a deep debt of gratitude. At the time I undertook this study, sensible people warned me about the quagmire that lay ahead. They alerted me to the difficulties of handling the shadowy actors engaged in the complex and secretive process of rigging bids on public works projects. Others warned me about dealings with the government bureaucrats and legislators who also animate the policymaking stage in this heretofore strictly "domestic" domain. -
Roster of Winners in Single-Seat Constituencies No
Tuesday, October 24, 2017 | The Japan Times | 3 lower house ele ion ⑳ NAGANO ㉘ OSAKA 38KOCHI No. 1 Takashi Shinohara (I) No. 1 Hiroyuki Onishi (L) No. 1 Gen Nakatani (L) Roster of winners in single-seat constituencies No. 2 Mitsu Shimojo (KI) No. 2 Akira Sato (L) No. 2 Hajime Hirota (I) No. 3 Yosei Ide (KI) No. 3 Shigeki Sato (K) No. 4 Shigeyuki Goto (L) No. 4 Yasuhide Nakayama (L) 39EHIME No. 4 Masaaki Taira (L) ⑮ NIIGATA No. 5 Ichiro Miyashita (L) No. 5 Toru Kunishige (K) No. 1 Yasuhisa Shiozaki (L) ( L ) Liberal Democratic Party; ( KI ) Kibo no To; ( K ) Komeito; No. 5 Kenji Wakamiya (L) No. 6 Shinichi Isa (K) No. 1 Chinami Nishimura (CD) No. 2 Seiichiro Murakami (L) ( JC ) Japanese Communist Party; ( CD ) Constitutional Democratic Party; No. 6 Takayuki Ochiai (CD) No. 7 Naomi Tokashiki (L) No. 2 Eiichiro Washio (I) ㉑ GIFU No. 3 Yoichi Shiraishi (KI) ( NI ) Nippon Ishin no Kai; ( SD ) Social Democratic Party; ( I ) Independent No. 7 Akira Nagatsuma (CD) No. 8 Takashi Otsuka (L) No. 3 Takahiro Kuroiwa (I) No. 1 Seiko Noda (L) No. 4 Koichi Yamamoto (L) No. 8 Nobuteru Ishihara (L) No. 9 Kenji Harada (L) No. 4 Makiko Kikuta (I) No. 2 Yasufumi Tanahashi (L) No. 9 Isshu Sugawara (L) No. 10 Kiyomi Tsujimoto (CD) No. 4 Hiroshi Kajiyama (L) No. 3 Yoji Muto (L) 40FUKUOKA ① HOKKAIDO No. 10 Hayato Suzuki (L) No. 11 Hirofumi Hirano (I) No. 5 Akimasa Ishikawa (L) No. 4 Shunpei Kaneko (L) No. 1 Daiki Michishita (CD) No. 11 Hakubun Shimomura (L) No. -
How Will the DPJ Change Japan? Tobias Harris
Naval War College Review Volume 63 Article 6 Number 1 Winter 2010 How Will the DPJ Change Japan? Tobias Harris Follow this and additional works at: https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/nwc-review Recommended Citation Harris, Tobias (2010) "How Will the DPJ Change Japan?," Naval War College Review: Vol. 63 : No. 1 , Article 6. Available at: https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/nwc-review/vol63/iss1/6 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at U.S. Naval War College Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Naval War College Review by an authorized editor of U.S. Naval War College Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Harris: How Will the DPJ Change Japan? 77 HOW WILL THE DPJ CHANGE JAPAN? Tobias Harris y any measure, the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) won the 2009 general Belection in a historic landslide. The Liberal Democratic Party’s (LDP’s) seat to- tals fell from 219 single-member districts to sixty-four, and seventy-seven propor- tional-representation seats to fifty-five. Komeito, the LDP’s coalition partner, lost 1 ten seats, including all eight of the single-member districts it had won in 2005. The DPJ’s likely coalition partners, the Social Democratic Party of Japan and Peo- ple’s New Party, basically stayed put: the former returned with the same number of seats, while the latter fell one seat, to three. Tobias Harris is an analyst of Japanese politics and for- THE 2009 GENERAL ELECTION eign policy. -
Parties and Interest Associations Report Intra-Party Democracy, Association Competence (Business), Association Competence (Others) M O C
Parties and Interest Associations Report Intra-party Democracy, Association Competence (Business), Association Competence (Others) m o c . e b o d a . k c Sustainable Governance o t s - e g Indicators 2018 e v © Sustainable Governance SGI Indicators SGI 2018 | 1 Parties and Interest Associations Indicator Intra-party Democracy Question How inclusive and open are the major parties in their internal decision-making processes? 41 OECD and EU countries are sorted according to their performance on a scale from 10 (best) to 1 (lowest). This scale is tied to four qualitative evaluation levels. 10-9 = The party allows all party members and supporters to participate in its decisions on the most important personnel and issues. Lists of candidates and agendas of issues are open. 8-6 = The party restricts decision-making to party members. In most cases, all party members have the opportunity to participate in decisions on the most important personnel and issues. Lists of candidates and agendas of issues are rather open. 5-3 = The party restricts decision-making to party members. In most cases, a number of elected delegates participate in decisions on the most important personnel and issues. Lists of candidates and agendas of issues are largely controlled by the party leadership. 2-1 = A number of party leaders participate in decisions on the most important personnel and issues. Lists of candidates and agendas of issues are fully controlled and drafted by the party leadership. United States Score 9 There are two major parties, the Democratic and Republican parties, operating at the local, state and federal levels in nearly all areas of the country. -
Parachuters Vs. Climbers: Economic Consequences of Barriers to Political Entry in a Democracy
PLEASE DO NOT CIRCULATE WITHOUT PERMISSION FROM THE AUTHOR Parachuters vs. Climbers: Economic Consequences of Barriers to Political Entry in a Democracy Aaditya Dar∗ Please click here for the latest version Abstract How does political selection impact local economic growth? I study the role of a legisla- tor’s background prior to joining politics and conduct primary research to compile an original dataset of politicians’ biographies. Observing the entry route of politicians allows me to clas- sify them as ‘parachuters’ — those who are hereditary/dynastic or are part of the local socio- economic/cultural elite — and ‘climbers’, those who have made their way by rising up the ranks. I document three key results: one, barriers to political entry and post-colonial elite persistence have perverse economic consequences. Findings from a close election regression discontinuity design indicate that electing parachuters leads to 0.2 percentage point lower GDP growth per year compared to constituencies where climbers are elected. Two, a leader’s entry route is a sig- nicant feature of political selection, even after controlling for conventional ascriptive identities such as sex, religion and ethnicity. Three, there is suggestive evidence that the impact is driven by misallocation of bureaucratic resources and neither regulation of technology adoption nor factor price manipulation are the underlying mechanisms. Keywords: Political Economy, Political selection, Dynastic politics, Economic Development. JEL codes: D72, O12, N45 ∗George Washington University. Address: Department of Economics, 2115 G St., NW, Monroe 340, Washington, DC 20052; Email: [email protected]. I am indebted to Ashwani Kumar, Sanjay Kabir, Sanjay Paswan, Shaibal Gupta, Srikant and all anonymous respondents for their time and support in completing the data collection for this study. -
Overnment Activities for the 2020 Tokyo Olympic & Paralympic Games
COVER STORY • The Tokyo Olympics & Paralympics in 2020 • 1 overnment Activities for the 2020 Tokyo Olympic & Paralympic Games GBy Takeo Hirata Author Takeo Hirata A year has passed since the 2020 Olympic and Paralympic Games were awarded to Tokyo at the 125th Session of the International Olympic Committee in Buenos Aires. In order to make the Tokyo Games a success, it is absolutely necessary for all of Japan — the Tokyo Organizing Committee of the Olympic and Paralympic Games (Tokyo 2020), the Metropolitan Tokyo Government, the national government, the sports community, the business community, and the regions — to come together as one for this undertaking. The Cabinet Secretariat’s Office for the Promotion of the 2020 Tokyo Olympic and Paralympic Games, or Cabinet Tokyo Games Office for short, for its part is working hard to make it happen. This is a report from the government’s perspective on what has been done in the year since Tokyo became the 2020 host. Sept. 13, 2013: Hakubun Shimomura, minister of Special ministers had also been appointed for the 1964 Tokyo Games education, culture, sports, science and technology, is and the 1972 Sapporo Games, but only after a couple of years or so appointed minister in charge of the Tokyo Olympic had gone by since the award; the swift decision for the 2020 Tokyo and Paralympic Games Games was highly exceptional. Preparations began in Japan for the 2020 Tokyo Games after the Oct. 4, 2013: Establishment of the Office for the award. On Sept. 13, 2013, Hakubun Shimomura, minister of Promotion of the 2020 Tokyo Olympic and education, culture, sports, science and technology, was appointed Paralympic Games, and the first meeting of the Inter- minister in charge of the Tokyo Olympic and Paralympic Games. -
1 GR JAPAN Update on the Appointment of Prime Minister Suga
GR JAPAN Update on the appointment of Prime Minister Suga and the Suga Cabinet 17 September 2020 Executive Summary • As expected, Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshihide Suga easily won the election for leadership of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) on 14 September, taking over 70% of the vote. His premiership was cemented by the formal votes in the Diet on 16 September, where Suga received 314 of 465 votes in the House of Representatives and 142 of 245 in the House of Councillors. • After serving as Prime Minister Abe’s right hand as Chief Cabinet Secretary for nearly eight years, Suga is expected to be a “continuity” Prime Minister who will carry forward very similar policies, but he is seen as less of an ideologue and more focused on practical reforms. • The decisiveness of his victory gives Suga a solid platform within the party, helping him to push ahead with his own agenda and limiting internal dissent. • Suga’s Cabinet appointments reflect his commitment to continuity on the whole, with strategic appointments to further his plans for reform. • Policy priorities will focus on domestic issues, primarily economic recovery and Covid-19 pandemic mitigation, but the new Cabinet will also face tough diplomatic challenges. • Suga has indicated that he will continue Abe’s efforts to place a strengthened US- Japan alliance at the centre of Japan’s foreign policy, but also that he wants to achieve “balanced” relations with China. Yoshihide Suga as party leader As the new prime minister, Suga is stressing political continuity, but also talking about his commitment to administrative and regulatory reform as key priorities for his government.