Contemporary Political Dynamics of Japanese Nationalism

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Contemporary Political Dynamics of Japanese Nationalism Volume 14 | Issue 20 | Number 6 | Article ID 4965 | Oct 15, 2016 The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus Contemporary Political Dynamics of Japanese Nationalism Nakano Koichi This essay examines why nationalism seems to deteriorated following President Lee Myung- be on the rise in Asia and beyond at a time bak’s visit to Takeshima/Dokdo islets also when globalization is also becoming more subject to competing claims of sovereignty salient, by focusing on the political dynamics similar to the standoff with China, allegedly out that propelled both changes in Japan in the of frustration with the lack of progress in post-Cold War era. The more open and liberal dealing with the “comfort women” (the women type of nationalism that appeared in Japan in who were subjected to sexual slavery in the 1980s to the mid-1990s was followed by an wartime military brothels at the behest of abrupt revisionist backlash beginning in the Japanese military authorities) issue. The same late 1990s. This illiberal, authoritarian turn in 2014 Cabinet Office survey indicates that 66.4 contemporary nationalism was confirmed and per cent of Japanese harbor negative accelerated during the premiership of Koizumi sentiments towards South Korea. Jun’ichiro (2001-06), when further neoliberal reforms were simultaneously implemented. I Considering the fact that negative sentiments argue that the New Right transformation of against China were consistently around 20 per th Japanese politics –the combined ascendancy of cent until the June 4 Incident in 1989, while economic liberalism and politicalthose against South Korea less than 40 per cent illiberalism—is the driving force ofuntil as recently as 2011, these are worrisome contemporary nationalism in Japan. developments that raise concerns about the future of Northeast Asia. Jingoism and Revisionism Moreover, a study of influential conservative According to annual surveys conducted by the monthly magazines, Shokun! and Seiron, also Cabinet Office, in recent years negativeconfirms similar trends of growing antipathy in sentiments vis-à-vis China and South Korea the media. Articles with titles that include such have risen sharply in Japan. The 2014 survey words as han-nichi (anti-Japan), invariably in revealed that 93% per cent of the Japanese relation to China and Korea, dramatically respondents have negative sentiments towards increased in the late 1990s, and continued to China, as it appears to be a growing threat to rise sharply through the 2000s (Jomaru, 2011, Japan. The rise took place in two stages, first in 390-392). The popular Manga Ken Kanryu the mid-2000s, during the government of (Hating the Korean Wave Manga) published in Koizumi, when he made annual pilgrimages to 2005 broke the hate-mongering taboo, and Yasukuni Shrine that derailed bilateralspawned a countless number of similar relations, and then further in the early 2010s as publications, whose principal message was tensions rose over the Senkaku/Diaoyuhatred of Korea and China. Today, territorial dispute in the East China Sea. sensationalist books and magazines that fan anti-China and/or anti-Korea sentiments have Regarding Japanese sentiments vis-à-vis South become an alarmingly ubiquitous feature of Korea, there was a sharp drop in positive Japanese bookstores, and indeed, commuter feelings in 2012 as bilateral relationstrains, where the adverts of populist weeklies 1 14 | 20 | 6 APJ | JF persistently exhibit hate messages targeting of historical revisionism in mainstream politics these two nations. and media. The sharp rise in hate-mongering articles in conservative media mentioned above was directly triggered by reports in 1996 that all Ministry of Education approved history textbooks for use in junior high schools from 1997 included references to “comfort women.” In a virulent reaction to this development, revisionist nationalists in politics and in the media launched an organized revisionist counterattack. Revisionists champion an exculpatory and valorizing narrative of Japan’s wartime actions and seek to revise the prevailing mainstream consensus that they condemn as ‘masochistic’ for being too critical of Japan’s conduct. Zaitokukai Demonstrations Target ethnic Thus, in January 1997, Tsukurukai (short hand Koreans in Japan name for Atarashii Rekishi Kyōkasho o Tsukurukai, Japan Society for History Textbook While there has been no violence or riots Reform) was launched by rightwing media against the Chinese or the Koreans in Japan in figures and academics, while in February, the recent years, hate demonstrations against the late Nakagawa Shoichi and Abe Shinzo led a Zainichi Korean population have become a group of junior revisionist politicians to launch prominent social issue, particularly since the the Young Parliamentarians Association that establishment of Zaitokukai (short hand for Consider Japan’s Future and History Education, Zainichi Tokken o Yurusanai Shimin no Kai, and in May, Japan Conference (Nippon Kaigi) Citizens’ Group Against Special Rights for was established as a powerful lobby group that Koreans in Japan in 2007. “Ordinary” Japanese, brought together neonationalist intellectuals who previously were content to consume hate- and business leaders with the religious right mongering publications and spread jingoistic (Shintoist groups as well as new religions). messages on the Internet against the Zainichi Nippon Kaigi also has a parliamentary arm with population subsequently took to the streets and members mostly hailing from the Liberal spewed invective while terrorizing ethnic Democratic Party (LDP), the party that has Korean permanent residents of Japan (Noma dominated Japanese politics since it was 2013; Sakamoto 2011). Zainichi are targeted established in 1955. This flowering of the based on groundless beliefs that they are revisionist movement on multiple fronts came accorded special privileges and because they to a head in 1997. From the very beginning, are the collateral damage of worseningsuch rightwing/conservative media relations with South Korea over unresolved conglomerates as Fuji-Sankei group (that historical grievances and clashing territorial publishes Seiron as well as Sankei newspaper) claims, anger over North Korea’s abduction of and Bungei Shunju (that used to publish Japanese nationals, and anxieties generated by Shokun! among others) provided a media Pyongyang’s missile and nuclear weapons platform for these concerted efforts (Tawara program. 1997; Sasagase et al 2015; McNeill 2015). Secondly, there has been a spectacular ascent Although serious scholars in the late 1990s 2 14 | 20 | 6 APJ | JF dismissed revisionist claims as baseless, and in conflict with available evidence, by the time Abe succeeded Koizumi as Prime Minister in 2006, all reference to the “comfort women” disappeared from the main texts of the government-approved textbooks. One key point that needs to be made at this juncture is that these two phenomena—jingoism and revisionism—are essentially elite-driven processes rather than reflecting grassroots sentiments or public opinion. Political and media elites took the lead in fanning negative sentiments against Japan’s neighbors, often, of course, in response to what they considered to be provocations by their Chinese and Korean counterparts. However, when we look at the chronology of these developments, it is evident that xenophobia among the Japanese people was instigated by Revisionists seek to rehabilitate the the political and media elites inglorious wartime past While it is entirely appropriate to ask in what Neo/liberal Path to Nationalism sense the “top-down” xenophobia (anti-China and anti-Korea sentiments in particular) and The rise of contemporary nationalism since the historical revisionism discussed here constitute late 1990s is all the more curious once we “nationalism,” these are clearly worrisome consider how it all came about in the first trends that stoke risings tension between Japan place. After all, Japan was seemingly set on a and its East Asian neighbors, where anti- steady path to neoliberal internationalism since Japanese sentiments are a touchstone of the 1980s. “nationalism.” When the Basic Treaty with South Korea was signed in 1965, the Joint Communiqué noted the “regrets” (ikan) and “deep remorse” (fukaku hansei) expressed by the Japanese side and similarly, when diplomatic ties between the People’s Republic of China and Japan were established in 1972, the Joint Communiqué stated that, “The Japanese side is keenly conscious of the responsibility for the serious damage that Japan caused in the past to the Chinese people through war, and deeply reproaches itself” (sekinin wo tsukanshi, fukaku hansei suru) (Hattori 2015, 9-10; Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan 1972). While leaders of the countries at the time 3 14 | 20 | 6 APJ | JF considered these expressions sufficient and subsequently admonished Prime Minister appropriate, the issue of war memory gained in Koizumi not to visit, arguing that doing so salience and became a diplomatic issue in the undermines national interests. shape of the history textbook controversy that erupted in 1982 over alleged changes in the What is crucial to understand here is that wording of Japanese descriptions of its invasion Northeast Asia, and indeed, the whole world, of China (that turned out to be incorrect). In was going through a period of liberal opening response, Japan issued the 1982 Miyazawa in the 1980s as the Cold War was nearing its Statement on History Textbooks by Chief end. China embarked on its extensive
Recommended publications
  • The Making of China's Peace with Japan
    The Making of China’s Peace with Japan Mayumi Itoh The Making of China’s Peace with Japan What Xi Jinping Should Learn from Zhou Enlai Mayumi Itoh Princeton New Jersey, USA ISBN 978-981-10-4007-8 ISBN 978-981-10-4008-5 (eBook) DOI 10.1007/978-981-10-4008-5 Library of Congress Control Number: 2017939730 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2017 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institu- tional affiliations.
    [Show full text]
  • REVOLUTION GOES EAST Studies of the Weatherhead East Asian Institute, Columbia University
    REVOLUTION GOES EAST Studies of the Weatherhead East Asian Institute, Columbia University The Studies of the Weatherhead East Asian Institute of Columbia University were inaugu rated in 1962 to bring to a wider public the results of significant new research on modern and contemporary East Asia. REVOLUTION GOES EAST Imperial Japan and Soviet Communism Tatiana Linkhoeva CORNELL UNIVERSITY PRESS ITHACA AND LONDON This book is freely available in an open access edition thanks to TOME (Toward an Open Monograph Ecosystem)—a collaboration of the Association of American Universities, the Association of University Presses, and the Association of Research Libraries—and the generous support of New York University. Learn more at the TOME website, which can be found at the following web address: openmono graphs.org. The text of this book is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International: https://creativecommons.org/ licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0. To use this book, or parts of this book, in any way not covered by the license, please contact Cornell University Press, Sage House, 512 East State Street, Ithaca, New York 14850. Visit our website at cornellpress. cornell.edu. Copyright © 2020 by Cornell University First published 2020 by Cornell University Press Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Linkhoeva, Tatiana, 1979– author. Title: Revolution goes east : imperial Japan and Soviet communism / Tatiana Linkhoeva. Description: Ithaca [New York] : Cornell University Press, 2020. | Series: Studies of the Weatherhead East Asian Institute, Columbia University | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2019020874 (print) | LCCN 2019980700 (ebook) | ISBN 9781501748080 (pbk) | ISBN 9781501748097 (epub) | ISBN 9781501748103 (pdf) Subjects: LCSH: Communism—Japan—History—20th century.
    [Show full text]
  • Nationalism in Japan's Contemporary Foreign Policy
    The London School of Economics and Political Science Nationalism in Japan’s Contemporary Foreign Policy: A Consideration of the Cases of China, North Korea, and India Maiko Kuroki A thesis submitted to the Department of International Relations of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, February 2013 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of <88,7630> words. Statement of use of third party for editorial help I can confirm that my thesis was copy edited for conventions of language, spelling and grammar by Josh Collins and Greg Demmons. 2 of 3 Abstract Under the Koizumi and Abe administrations, the deterioration of the Japan-China relationship and growing tension between Japan and North Korea were often interpreted as being caused by the rise of nationalism. This thesis aims to explore this question by looking at Japan’s foreign policy in the region and uncovering how political actors manipulated the concept of nationalism in foreign policy discourse.
    [Show full text]
  • I Know It's Not Racism, but What Is It?
    Cleveland State University EngagedScholarship@CSU Law Faculty Articles and Essays Faculty Scholarship 1-1986 I Know It's Not Racism, But What Is It? Michael H. Davis Cleveland-Marshall College of Law, Cleveland State University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://engagedscholarship.csuohio.edu/fac_articles Part of the Religion Law Commons How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! Repository Citation Davis, Michael H., "I Know It's Not Racism, But What Is It?" (1986). Law Faculty Articles and Essays. 758. https://engagedscholarship.csuohio.edu/fac_articles/758 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at EngagedScholarship@CSU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Law Faculty Articles and Essays by an authorized administrator of EngagedScholarship@CSU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. I Know It's Not Racism, But. What Is It? by MICHAEL H. DAVIS y memories are so dim, I don't know whether as she stared at his face "we're n ot moving. Why M what I remember is the event itself or the fre­ would we move? We've o~ly been here a short time." quent amused retelling of it by my mother. But on "But, Mrs. Davis," he asked my mother, "haven't May 14, 1948, when I was two years old, the mailman you heard the news?" came to my family's door in our small Massachusetts Wordless, .her frown only grew. town in which we were the only Jews. "The Jews," he announced.
    [Show full text]
  • Beyond Electoralism: Reflections on Anarchy, Populism, and the Crisis of Electoral Politics
    This is a repository copy of Beyond electoralism: reflections on anarchy, populism, and the crisis of electoral politics. White Rose Research Online URL for this paper: http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/124741/ Version: Published Version Article: Araujo, E., Ferretti, F., Ince, A. et al. (5 more authors) (2017) Beyond electoralism: reflections on anarchy, populism, and the crisis of electoral politics. ACME: An International E-Journal for Critical Geographies, 16 (4). pp. 607-642. ISSN 1492-9732 Reuse This article is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs (CC BY-NC-ND) licence. This licence only allows you to download this work and share it with others as long as you credit the authors, but you can’t change the article in any way or use it commercially. More information and the full terms of the licence here: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/ Takedown If you consider content in White Rose Research Online to be in breach of UK law, please notify us by emailing [email protected] including the URL of the record and the reason for the withdrawal request. [email protected] https://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/ Beyond Electoralism: Reflections on anarchy, populism, and the crisis of electoral politics A Collective of Anarchist Geographers Erin Araujo, Memorial University of Newfoundland Federico Ferretti, University College Dublin Anthony Ince, Cardiff University Kelvin Mason, para-academic Joshua Mullenite, Florida International University Jenny Pickerill, University of Leicester Toby Rollo, University of British Columbia Richard J White, Sheffield Hallam University [email protected] Abstract This paper is comprised of a series of short, conversational or polemical interventions reflecting on the political ‘moment’ that has emerged in the wake of the rise of right-populist politics, particularly in the Global North.
    [Show full text]
  • The History Problem: the Politics of War
    History / Sociology SAITO … CONTINUED FROM FRONT FLAP … HIRO SAITO “Hiro Saito offers a timely and well-researched analysis of East Asia’s never-ending cycle of blame and denial, distortion and obfuscation concerning the region’s shared history of violence and destruction during the first half of the twentieth SEVENTY YEARS is practiced as a collective endeavor by both century. In The History Problem Saito smartly introduces the have passed since the end perpetrators and victims, Saito argues, a res- central ‘us-versus-them’ issues and confronts readers with the of the Asia-Pacific War, yet Japan remains olution of the history problem—and eventual multiple layers that bind the East Asian countries involved embroiled in controversy with its neighbors reconciliation—will finally become possible. to show how these problems are mutually constituted across over the war’s commemoration. Among the THE HISTORY PROBLEM THE HISTORY The History Problem examines a vast borders and generations. He argues that the inextricable many points of contention between Japan, knots that constrain these problems could be less like a hang- corpus of historical material in both English China, and South Korea are interpretations man’s noose and more of a supportive web if there were the and Japanese, offering provocative findings political will to determine the virtues of peaceful coexistence. of the Tokyo War Crimes Trial, apologies and that challenge orthodox explanations. Written Anything less, he explains, follows an increasingly perilous compensation for foreign victims of Japanese in clear and accessible prose, this uniquely path forward on which nationalist impulses are encouraged aggression, prime ministerial visits to the interdisciplinary book will appeal to sociol- to derail cosmopolitan efforts at engagement.
    [Show full text]
  • Assesing the People's Diplomacy and Its Impacts
    HAOL, Núm. 7 (Primavera, 2005), 67-81 ISSN 1696-2060 ASSESING THE PEOPLE’S DIPLOMACY AND ITS IMPACTS ON THE US-JAPAN SECURITY ALLIANCE Tao Peng Minnesota State University, United States. E-mail: [email protected] Recibido: 10 Marzo 2005 / Revisado: 15 Abril 2005 / Aceptado: 07 Mayo 2005 / Publicado: 15 Junio 2005 Resumen: For years, in regard to the East Asia However, within three years, the changing cold war and the Chinese foreign policy, international situation in East Asia forced the scholars have focused more on the Sino- PRC to abandon such a radical policy. American confrontation or tough Sino-Soviet Following the conclusion of the PRC-Soviet relations but ignored China’s policy toward alliance treaty in early 1950 and PRC's Japan. Actually, different from its tough policy intervention in the Korean War later this year, toward the United Status, the Chinese Japan Sino-American confrontation had become the policy during the Cold War was largely flexible major theme of the East Asian cold war. and soft, which was typically shown in its Besides economic embargo and military People’s Diplomacy with emphasis on non- confrontation in Korea, the United States also governmental contacts. This paper not only signed the peace and security treaties with discusses the origins and development of this Japan and forced Japan to conclude a separate new diplomatic approach but also explores its peace treaty with the defeated Chinese impacts on Japan and the US-Japan security Nationalist government in Taiwan rather than alliance. Based on Chinese, American, and the Communist government in the mainland.
    [Show full text]
  • History and the State in Postwar Japan
    Volume 16 | Issue 9 | Number 1 | Article ID 5140 | May 01, 2018 The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus History and the State in Postwar Japan Hatano Sumio, translated by Christopher W. A. Szpilman and with an introduction by Sven Saaler and Christopher W. A. Szpilman Introduction The Handbook is divided into four sections, “Nation, Empire and Borders,” “Ideologies and The Routledge Handbook of Modern Japanese the Political System,” “Economy and Society,” 1 History, a concise introduction to Japanese and “Historical Legacies and Memory.” The history between the middle of the nineteenth first three address the history of the political century and the end of the twentieth, was system, international relations, society, published in late 2017. In preparing the work, economy, environment, race and gender. The the editors were fortunate to obtain the final section consists of three chapters that cooperation of 30 historians from Japan, address the important and, given the current Europe, Australia and the U.S., who provided situation in East Asia, highly relevant issues of succinct yet comprehensive overviews of their historical memory, war responsibility, historical field of expertise. revisionism and Japan’s not always successful efforts to come to terms with its own past. This article is by Hatano Sumio, professor emeritus at the University of Tsukuba. Professor Hatano is Director-General of the Japan Center for Asian Historical Records (JACAR); he chaired the Editorial Committee of the Nihon gaikō bunsho (Diplomatic Documents of Japan) series published by the Japanese The Routledge Handbook of Modern Japanese History Ministry of Foreign Affairs; and between 2008 and 2011 he was a member of the Japan-China Joint History Research Committee.
    [Show full text]
  • Phenomenon: a Case Study of the "Iron Triangle" in the Postal Industry and Postal Reforms in Japan
    The changing nature of the "Iron Triangle" phenomenon: a case study of the "Iron Triangle" in the postal industry and postal reforms in Japan Rakhmanko, Alena 2015 Link to publication Citation for published version (APA): Rakhmanko, A. (2015). The changing nature of the "Iron Triangle" phenomenon: a case study of the "Iron Triangle" in the postal industry and postal reforms in Japan. (Working papers in contemporary Asian studies; No. 44). Centre for East and South-East Asian Studies, Lund University. Total number of authors: 1 General rights Unless other specific re-use rights are stated the following general rights apply: Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the public portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. • Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the public portal for the purpose of private study or research. • You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain • You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the public portal Read more about Creative commons licenses: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/ Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. LUND UNIVERSITY PO Box 117 221 00 Lund +46 46-222 00 00 The Changing Nature of the "Iron Triangle" Phenomenon: A Case Study of the "Iron Triangle" in the Postal Industry and Postal Reforms in Japan Alena Rakhmanko* Working Paper No 44 2015 Centre for East and South-East Asian Studies Lund University, Sweden www.ace.lu.se * Alena Rakhmanko was a student on the Masters Programme in Asian Studies, Centre for East and South-East Asian Studies, Lund University between 2009-2011.
    [Show full text]
  • Research on American Nationalism: Review of the Literature, Annotated Bibliography, and Directory of Publicly Available Data Sets
    Research on American Nationalism: Review of the Literature, Annotated Bibliography, and Directory of Publicly Available Data Sets Bart Bonikowski Princeton University May 1, 2008 With a Preface by Paul DiMaggio Financial support from the Russell Sage Foundation, and helpful advice in identifying the relevant scholarly literature from Rogers Brubaker, Andrew Perrin, Wendy Rahn, Paul Starr, and Bob Wuthnow, are gratefully acknowledged. Preface Bart Bonikowski has produced an invaluable resource for scholars and students interested in American nationalism. His essay reviewing the literature in the field, the annotated bibliography that follows, and the inventory of data sets useful for the study of American nationalism constitute a sort of starter kit for anyone interested in exploring this field. As Mr. Bonikowski points out, relatively few scholars have addressed “American nationalism” explicitly. Much research on nationalism takes as its object movements based on a fiction of consanguinity, and even work that focuses on “civic” or “creedal” nationalism has often treated the United States as a marginal case. Indeed, part of the U.S.’s civic nationalist creed is to deny that there is such a thing as “American national- ism.” Americans, so the story goes, are patriotic; nationalism is foreign and exotic, something for Europe or the global South. The reality, of course, is not so simple. Both historical and social-scientific re- search demonstrates a strong tradition of ethnocultural nationalism in the U.S., providing evidence that Americans of other than European descent have often been perceived as less fully “American” than white Christians of northern European origin. Moreover, nat- ionalism need not be defined solely in ethnocultural terms.
    [Show full text]
  • Large Companies and Their Unions
    Cneprm 5 The End of Competitive Coexistence: Large Companies and Their Unions Nrwl Is,ro Ir rs wloery believed in Japan that the activities of large companies and their labor unions play a major role in elections, both for political parties and for individual candidates. Corporate political donations are critical for the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), and socialist par- ties have long relied on the votes and funds provided by labor unions. For individual candidates, the support of union members or corpo- rate employees in their districts guarantees a sizable bloc of reliable votes. In a "company town" dominated by a single large firm, the com- pany and its union can sway the voting results for that districr. This chapter focuses on the Aichi Eleventh District, which includes Toyota City, and the Ibaraki Fifth District, which includes Hitachi City, in examining the disrrictJevel electoral activities of major cor- porations and their unions. Toyota Ciry is the Iocation ofthe head- quarters of the Toyota Motor Corporation, and a number ofToyoras business operations and other Toyota Group member companies are also located in Toyota City and its surrounding municipalities. In the Hitachi case, of the ten corporatc facilities that Hitachi, Ltd. operates within Ibaraki Prefecture, five facilities and a research center are lo- cated in Hitachi Ciry A large percentage of the employees ofToyota and Hitachi corporations, and their families, reside in these two cities. In addition, many of the other residenrs have some kind of relation- ship with these corporarions. Tbe End of Competitiue Coexistence In neither case do the company and the union necessarily compete by supporting different candidates in Iocal elections.
    [Show full text]
  • Do Socio-Economic Conditions Influence Dynastic Politics? Initial Evidence from the 16Th Lok Sabha of India
    WORKING PAPER Do Socio-Economic Conditions Influence Dynastic Politics? Initial Evidence from the 16th Lok Sabha of India Ronald U. Mendoza AIM Rizalino S. Navarro Policy Center for Competitiveness Jan Fredrick P. Cruz AIM Rizalino S. Navarro Policy Center for Competitiveness Unnikrishnan Alungal MDM Batch 2014 AIM Stephen Zuellig Graduate School of Development Management RSN-PCC WORKING PAPER 15-011 ASIAN INSTITUTE OF MANAGEMENT RIZALINO S. NAVARRO POLICY CENTER FOR COMPETITIVENESS WORKING PAPER Do Socio-Economic Conditions Influence Dynastic Politics? Initial Evidence from the 16th Lok Sabha of India Ronald U. Mendoza AIM Rizalino S. Navarro Policy Center for Competitiveness Jan Fredrick P. Cruz AIM Rizalino S. Navarro Policy Center for Competitiveness Unnikrishna Alungal MDM Batch 2014 AIM Stephen Zuellig Graduate School of Development Management AUGUST 2015 The authors would like to thank Dr. Sounil Choudhary of the University of Delhi; Dr. Kripa Ananthpur of the Madras Institute of Development Studies; Ms. Chandrika Bahadur of the Sustainable Development Solutions Network; Mr. Appu Lenin of the Jawaharlal Nehru University; and Mr. Siddharth Singh of the Centre for Research on Energy Security for helpful comments on an earlier draft. This working paper is a discussion draft in progress that is posted to stimulate discussion and critical comment. The views expressed herein are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of Asian Institute of Management. Corresponding authors: Ronald U. Mendoza, AIM Rizalino S. Navarro Policy Center for Competitiveness Tel: +632-892-4011. Fax: +632-465-2863. E-mail: [email protected] Jan Fredrick P. Cruz, AIM Rizalino S. Navarro Policy Center for Competitiveness Tel: +632-892-4011.
    [Show full text]