History and the State in Postwar Japan

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

History and the State in Postwar Japan Volume 16 | Issue 9 | Number 1 | Article ID 5140 | May 01, 2018 The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus History and the State in Postwar Japan Hatano Sumio, translated by Christopher W. A. Szpilman and with an introduction by Sven Saaler and Christopher W. A. Szpilman Introduction The Handbook is divided into four sections, “Nation, Empire and Borders,” “Ideologies and The Routledge Handbook of Modern Japanese the Political System,” “Economy and Society,” 1 History, a concise introduction to Japanese and “Historical Legacies and Memory.” The history between the middle of the nineteenth first three address the history of the political century and the end of the twentieth, was system, international relations, society, published in late 2017. In preparing the work, economy, environment, race and gender. The the editors were fortunate to obtain the final section consists of three chapters that cooperation of 30 historians from Japan, address the important and, given the current Europe, Australia and the U.S., who provided situation in East Asia, highly relevant issues of succinct yet comprehensive overviews of their historical memory, war responsibility, historical field of expertise. revisionism and Japan’s not always successful efforts to come to terms with its own past. This article is by Hatano Sumio, professor emeritus at the University of Tsukuba. Professor Hatano is Director-General of the Japan Center for Asian Historical Records (JACAR); he chaired the Editorial Committee of the Nihon gaikō bunsho (Diplomatic Documents of Japan) series published by the Japanese The Routledge Handbook of Modern Japanese History Ministry of Foreign Affairs; and between 2008 and 2011 he was a member of the Japan-China Joint History Research Committee. Hatano is the author of numerous books including Taiheiyō sensō to Ajia gaikō (The Pacific War and Asian Diplomacy, 1996, winner of the Yoshida Shigeru Prize) and Kokka to rekishi (The State and History, 2011) and co-edited the four-volume Jijūchō bukan Nara Takeji nikki, kaikoroku (The Diaries and Reminiscences of Aide-de-Camp Nara Takeji, 2000). In the chapter, Hatano addresses the legacy of the Asia-Pacific War and its effects on Japan’s relations with its neighboring countries. The Routledge Handbook of Modern Although many themes the article discusses Japanese History such as war reparations, territorial disputes, 1 16 | 9 | 1 APJ | JF and comfort women have been discussed in The (Hatano Sumio) Asia-Pacific Journal/Japan Focus before, Hatano’s article is of great value not only The history problem (rekishi mondai) has been because it provides a wealth of historical detail plaguing Japanese foreign relations in the but also because it reflects the views of postwar period. Japan is often criticized as Japanese mainstream historians. For it must being unable to come to terms with its past, not be forgotten that, in spite of the efforts of and doubts are cast on the historical awareness historical revisionists, a consensus prevails of the Japanese government and the Japanese among academic historians both on what people. Neighbouring countries have pointed happened in the past and on the ways in which out that the coverage of war-related issues in Japan has addressed – or failed to address – its Japanese history textbooks is inadequate. In the past. We should add that Hatano’s article is an background of such criticisms there are strong updated distillation of the themes he discusses fears, based on the experience of Japanese in great detail in Kokka to rekishi, a book that colonialism and aggression toward Asia prior to draws heavily on his personal experience in the end of the Second World War, that Japan exploring these controversial and sensitive might once again become a ‘military issues relating to modern Japan’s historical superpower’. In addition, it is frequently legacy. pointed out that reparations, indemnities, expressions of remorse and apologies It is also a matter of record that Hatano, concerning damages caused by Japanese though serving on a number of governmental colonialism and aggression to Asian countries bodies, joined 73 other scholars, in signing a and peoples of Asia have been insufficient and petition in protest against the Abe Shinzō that many issues remain unresolved. Many in government’s support for revisionism and its Japan share this view. Of course, these efforts to politicize history and historical questions could have been settled all at once by education. The main purpose of this petition means of a peace treaty between the victorious was to counter the official statementsand defeated powers, as had been done in the questioning the assessment that the Asia- Versailles Peace Treaty after the end of the Pacific War was a war of aggression made First World War. However, that did not happen repeatedly by Prime Minister Abe in blatant in East Asia after 1945. disregard of the views of the overwhelming majority of Japanese historians. Although in the end Abe felt constrained to phrase his Statement on the Occasion of the 70th Anniversary of the End of the War inoffensively, he refused to make a clean breast and continued to obfuscate, which earned him the criticism of the signatories of the above- mentioned statement. All sources included in this article are listed in the Handbook’s bibliography which is freely accessible online as is the Introduction which will provide the reader with more detailed 3 information about the Handbook. History and the state in postwar Japan 2 16 | 9 | 1 APJ | JF Figure 1: Japanese Prime Minister Yoshida quite a number of people in the neighbouring Shigeru signs the San Francisco Peace countries, in the former Allied Powers, and Treaty (1951). even in Japan who think that Japan has not properly come to terms with its past and that reparations to the victims, apologies and remorse about the war have been inadequate. Especially with regard to Korea and China, one It is true that Japan signed the San Francisco must conclude that the attempt to establish Peace Treaty in 1951 (in effect from 1952) with sufficient trust has failed as a result of 48 countries including the United States, problems with history, and that this failure Britain, France and Australia. But not all allied constitutes an obstacle to an improvement in nations that had been at war with Japan signed Japan’s relations with these two countries. this treaty.4 As expressed in the phrase ‘a What is the root of this problem? How has separate peace’, the United States was keen to Japan reacted to it? What is necessary to go ahead with granting Japan independence, achieve ‘historical reconciliation’? I will try to and in the climate of the intensifying Cold War address these questions by focusing on how the gave priority to peace treaties with countries in position of the Japanese government has the Western bloc, while the Soviet Union, the evolved over time (see Hatano 2011 for People’s Republic of China (PRC) and other details). socialist countries stayed away from the peace conference. As a result, Japan had to negotiate separate agreements with the countries absent from San Francisco to normalize relations. The ‘History Problem’ prior to 1970 Such separate agreements included the 1952 Sino-Japanese Peace Treaty (the Treaty of War reparations and war responsibility Taipei between Japan and the Republic of China, i.e. Taiwan), the 1956 Soviet-Japan Joint The 1919 Versailles Peace Treaty made a Declaration (between the Soviet Union and provision concerning war responsibility and Japan), the 1965 Treaty on Basic Relations imposed reparations on Germany. However, the between Japan and the Republic of South 1952 San Francisco Peace Treaty in principle Korea, and the 1972 Japan-China Jointwaived any claims to reparations. In the peace Communiqué (between Japan and the PRC). In treaty, also known as a ‘generous’ peace, the addition, the Philippines, Indonesia, Burma chief allied powers, that is, the United States, (Myanmar), and Vietnam had refused to sign or Britain and France, waived their right to claim ratify the San Francisco Peace Treaty on the reparations from Japan. However, countries grounds that reparations were insufficient. that objected to this waiver, such as the With those four Southeast Asian countries, the Philippines, obtained the right to conduct Japanese government later signed bilateral separate negotiations with Japan. This led later ‘reconciliation’ agreements that conformed to to the conclusion of reparation agreements and the model of the San Francisco Peace Treaty. peace treaties between Japan and a number of As a result, Japan at present takes the position Southeast Asian countries. Japan paid that problems caused by the war and colonial reparations to four Southeast Asian countries, rule were settled through these ‘public acts of namely, the Philippines, Indonesia, Burma reconciliation’ (i.e., the San Francisco Treaty (Myanmar), and Vietnam. The payment of these System) and that it thus made a contribution to reparations, totalling one trillion yen, was the stability of the international order in the completed by the end of the 1960s. However, Asia-Pacific area. However, even now there are this huge amount was not paid to compensate for direct damage to the countries. The 3 16 | 9 | 1 APJ | JF settlements gave priority to ‘economicthe reasons for the sentence as given by the cooperation’ (economic aid) that brought tribunal. Moreover, in Japan this has led to benefit to both parties. As such theyclaims that the War Crimes Tribunal contributed both to the revival of Japan and to represented ‘victors’ justice’ by the Allies and the economic development of Southeast Asia. thereby to doubts being cast on the legitimacy But it is also a fact that they weakened the of the tribunal. original goal of reparations that was to bring a sense of responsibility and remorse to Japan.
Recommended publications
  • The Significance of Anime As a Novel Animation Form, Referencing Selected Works by Hayao Miyazaki, Satoshi Kon and Mamoru Oshii
    The significance of anime as a novel animation form, referencing selected works by Hayao Miyazaki, Satoshi Kon and Mamoru Oshii Ywain Tomos submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Aberystwyth University Department of Theatre, Film and Television Studies, September 2013 DECLARATION This work has not previously been accepted in substance for any degree and is not being concurrently submitted in candidature for any degree. Signed………………………………………………………(candidate) Date …………………………………………………. STATEMENT 1 This dissertation is the result of my own independent work/investigation, except where otherwise stated. Other sources are acknowledged explicit references. A bibliography is appended. Signed………………………………………………………(candidate) Date …………………………………………………. STATEMENT 2 I hereby give consent for my dissertation, if accepted, to be available for photocopying and for inter-library loan, and for the title and summary to be made available to outside organisations. Signed………………………………………………………(candidate) Date …………………………………………………. 2 Acknowledgements I would to take this opportunity to sincerely thank my supervisors, Elin Haf Gruffydd Jones and Dr Dafydd Sills-Jones for all their help and support during this research study. Thanks are also due to my colleagues in the Department of Theatre, Film and Television Studies, Aberystwyth University for their friendship during my time at Aberystwyth. I would also like to thank Prof Josephine Berndt and Dr Sheuo Gan, Kyoto Seiko University, Kyoto for their valuable insights during my visit in 2011. In addition, I would like to express my thanks to the Coleg Cenedlaethol for the scholarship and the opportunity to develop research skills in the Welsh language. Finally I would like to thank my wife Tomoko for her support, patience and tolerance over the last four years – diolch o’r galon Tomoko, ありがとう 智子.
    [Show full text]
  • Japan's Lost Decade: Origins, Consequences, and Prospects For
    RESEARCH SEMINAR IN INTERNATIONAL ECONOMICS School of Public Policy The University of Michigan Ann Arbor, Michigan 48109-1220 Discussion Paper No. 485 Japan’s Lost Decade: Origins, Consequences, and Prospects For Recovery -- Chapter Abstracts Gary R. Saxonhouse and Robert M. Stern, eds. University of Michigan August 22, 2002 Recent RSIE Discussion Papers are available on the World Wide Web at: http://www.spp.umich.edu/rsie/workingpapers/wp.html 2 The Bubble and the Lost Decade Gary R. Saxonhouse and Robert M. Stern ABSTRACT In this overview of the Symposium papers, we note that the bubble that occurred in Japan’s asset markets in the late 1980s came at a time when the conventional indicators of Japan’s economic performance were relatively stable. Following the collapse of the bubble, neither the Bank of Japan (BOJ) nor the Ministry of Finance (MOF) took timely and effective measures to deal with the recession that followed. While the evidence suggests that looser fiscal policy would have been ineffective, monetary policy measures might have worked. However, the BOJ followed a relatively tight monetary policy in 1991-93. In the face of the liquidity trap that ensued in the last of the 1990s, the conventional tools of stabilization policy appeared to be of limited use. To help the Japanese economy to recover from the “lost decade,” we thus discuss a number of unconventional and bold measures that the BOJ and MOF could pursue. It appears, however, that the political will is absent to undertake such measures. So long as this is the case, the effects of the lost decade will continue to act as a drag on the economy.
    [Show full text]
  • The History Problem: the Politics of War
    History / Sociology SAITO … CONTINUED FROM FRONT FLAP … HIRO SAITO “Hiro Saito offers a timely and well-researched analysis of East Asia’s never-ending cycle of blame and denial, distortion and obfuscation concerning the region’s shared history of violence and destruction during the first half of the twentieth SEVENTY YEARS is practiced as a collective endeavor by both century. In The History Problem Saito smartly introduces the have passed since the end perpetrators and victims, Saito argues, a res- central ‘us-versus-them’ issues and confronts readers with the of the Asia-Pacific War, yet Japan remains olution of the history problem—and eventual multiple layers that bind the East Asian countries involved embroiled in controversy with its neighbors reconciliation—will finally become possible. to show how these problems are mutually constituted across over the war’s commemoration. Among the THE HISTORY PROBLEM THE HISTORY The History Problem examines a vast borders and generations. He argues that the inextricable many points of contention between Japan, knots that constrain these problems could be less like a hang- corpus of historical material in both English China, and South Korea are interpretations man’s noose and more of a supportive web if there were the and Japanese, offering provocative findings political will to determine the virtues of peaceful coexistence. of the Tokyo War Crimes Trial, apologies and that challenge orthodox explanations. Written Anything less, he explains, follows an increasingly perilous compensation for foreign victims of Japanese in clear and accessible prose, this uniquely path forward on which nationalist impulses are encouraged aggression, prime ministerial visits to the interdisciplinary book will appeal to sociol- to derail cosmopolitan efforts at engagement.
    [Show full text]
  • Germany and Japan As Regional Actors in the Post-Cold War Era: a Role Theoretical Comparison
    Alexandra Sakaki Germany and Japan as Regional Actors in the Post-Cold War Era: A Role Theoretical Comparison Trier 2011 GERMANY AND JAPAN AS REGIONAL ACTORS IN THE POST-COLD WAR ERA: A ROLE THEORETICAL COMPARISON A dissertation submitted by Alexandra Sakaki to the Political Science Deparment of the University of Trier in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Submission of dissertation: August 6, 2010 First examiner: Prof. Dr. Hanns W. Maull (Universität Trier) Second examiner: Prof. Dr. Christopher W. Hughes (University of Warwick) Date of viva: April 11, 2011 ABSTRACT Germany and Japan as Regional Actors in the Post-Cold War Era: A Role Theoretical Comparison Recent non-comparative studies diverge in their assessments of the extent to which German and Japanese post-Cold War foreign policies are characterized by continuity or change. While the majority of analyses on Germany find overall continuity in policies and guiding principles, prominent works on Japan see the country undergoing drastic and fundamental change. Using an explicitly comparative framework for analysis based on a role theoretical approach, this study reevaluates the question of change and continuity in the two countries‘ regional foreign policies, focusing on the time period from 1990 to 2010. Through a qualitative content analysis of key foreign policy speeches, this dissertation traces and compares German and Japanese national role conceptions (NRCs) by identifying policymakers‘ perceived duties and responsibilities of their country in international politics. Furthermore, it investigates actual foreign policy behavior in two case studies about German and Japanese policies on missile defense and on textbook disputes.
    [Show full text]
  • IRI-2020-01 Japan's Foreign Policymaking Process and Power Shift
    IRI Joint Research Series IRI-2020-01 Japan's Foreign Policymaking Process and Power Shift Tomohito Shinoda International University of Japan March 2020 IUJ Research Institute International University of Japan These working papers are preliminary research documents published by the IUJ research institute. To facilitate prompt distribution, they have not been formally reviewed and edited. They are circulated in order to stimulate discussion and critical comment and may be revised. The views and interpretations expressed in these papers are those of the author(s). It is expected that the working papers will be published in some other form. Japan’s Foreign Policymaking Process and Power Shift Tomohito Shinoda Introduction Since the end of the Cold War era, Japan has experienced four political regime shifts between different parties. The Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) first ceased its 38-year long reign in August 1993 with the establishment of the non-LDP coalition government led by Morihiro Hosokawa. This coalition lasted only ten months until June 1994 when the LDP regained power with the partnership with the Socialist Party and Sakigake. In September 2009, as a result of the landslide victory in the general election, the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) took over the government. Another landslide election victory, however, brought the LDP back in power in December 2012. Political regime changes between different parties in a variety of nations often provoke foreign and national security policy restructurings, as challenging parties run election campaigns usually by criticizing the incumbent’s policies. For example, changes at the time of regime shift have been dominant feature of United States foreign policy.
    [Show full text]
  • Japanese Political Parties
    JAPANESE POLITICAL PARTIES Lecturer: Masayo Goto, PhD 1 Ruling and opposition RULING COALITION z Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) – largest ruling party z New Komeito (Clean Party) OPPOSITION z Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) – largest opposition party z Social Democratic Party of Japan (SDP) z Japanese Communist Party (JCP) 2 Strength of Political Groups in both houses Before election After election HOR HOC HOR HOC Liberal Democratic Party 212 114 296 112 New Komeito 34 24 31 24 (Ruling coalition in total) (246) (138) (327) People’s New Party (LDP rebels) (Kokumin shinto) 4 - 4 3 New Party Japan (LDP rebels) (Nippon) 3 - 1 Independent rebels 30 - 13 Democratic Party of Japan and Club of Independents 175 84 113 82 Japanese Communist Party 9 9 9 9 Social Democratic Party 6 6 7 6 Independents 4 5 6 5 Vacancy 1 3 MEMBERSHIP 480 242 480 242 Liberal Democratic Party z Established in November 1955 through the merger of the Liberal Party and the Japan Democratic Party z The LDP held uninterrupted power in Japan from 1955 until 1993, when it briefly lost government to an eight-party coalition z The LDP returned to power in June 1994 as the major partner in a coalition with the Social Democratic Party of Japan (SDP) z Since 1998 it has strengthened its position in the Diet by forming a coalition with New Komeito z The current party president is Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi. He was elected as party president in 2001. z The party will celebrate the 50th anniversary of its founding in November 2005 5 New Komeito Komeito originally formed in 1964 the political wing of Soka Gakkai Komeito merged with other parties in 1994 to form the New Frontier Party, but split off again and eventually joined with the New Peace Party in 1998 to become New Komeito.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Pursuing Historical Reconciliation in East Asia Shin'ichi Arai the Theme
    Pursuing Historical Reconciliation in East Asia Shin’ichi Arai The theme of my presentation is historical reconciliation. The traumas of large-scale war, especially World War II, the Holocaust, and other horrors, have inflicted deep physical and psychological wounds on human history. One of the primary goals of historical reconciliation is to heal the wounds of the victims and to reunite the world peacefully. The globalization of the world’s economies and the potential threat of nuclear weapons around the world have made the process of historical reconciliation increasingly imperative. East Asia has seen the gradual development of a regional community through increasing economic interdependence and international cooperation to promote denuclearization. In order to further the creation of a peaceful East Asian community, historical reconciliation is essential, and it is vital that the various countries of East Asia strive to come to common understandings of the past. Usually, reconciliation among belligerents is carried out through peace treaties. The peace treaty concluded between Italy and the Allies in 1947, just before the beginning of the Cold War, acknowledged Italy’s responsibility for the war and demanded in Article 74 that the government pay reparations to various countries including the Soviet Union, Ethiopia, Greece, and Albania. Through this, Italy made a major first step to reconciliation with the Allies. In the case of Japan, a lasting peace treaty was not concluded until 1951. Nevertheless, China and the Koreas – the countries most devastated by Japanese aggression – were not invited to the peace conference in San Francisco. Instead, the peoples of Asia and the Pacific were not allowed to represent themselves at the conference but were typically represented by their former colonial masters.
    [Show full text]
  • Japanese Reflections on World War II and the American Occupation Japanese Reflections on World War II and the American Occupation Asian History
    3 ASIAN HISTORY Porter & Porter and the American Occupation II War World on Reflections Japanese Edgar A. Porter and Ran Ying Porter Japanese Reflections on World War II and the American Occupation Japanese Reflections on World War II and the American Occupation Asian History The aim of the series is to offer a forum for writers of monographs and occasionally anthologies on Asian history. The Asian History series focuses on cultural and historical studies of politics and intellectual ideas and crosscuts the disciplines of history, political science, sociology and cultural studies. Series Editor Hans Hägerdal, Linnaeus University, Sweden Editorial Board Members Roger Greatrex, Lund University Angela Schottenhammer, University of Salzburg Deborah Sutton, Lancaster University David Henley, Leiden University Japanese Reflections on World War II and the American Occupation Edgar A. Porter and Ran Ying Porter Amsterdam University Press Cover illustration: 1938 Propaganda poster “Good Friends in Three Countries” celebrating the Anti-Comintern Pact Cover design: Coördesign, Leiden Lay-out: Crius Group, Hulshout Amsterdam University Press English-language titles are distributed in the US and Canada by the University of Chicago Press. isbn 978 94 6298 259 8 e-isbn 978 90 4853 263 6 doi 10.5117/9789462982598 nur 692 © Edgar A. Porter & Ran Ying Porter / Amsterdam University Press B.V., Amsterdam 2017 All rights reserved. Without limiting the rights under copyright reserved above, no part of this book may be reproduced, stored in or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means (electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise) without the written permission of both the copyright owner and the author of the book.
    [Show full text]
  • Documento De Apoyo
    DOCUMENTO DE APOYO CON MOTIVO DEL PROCESO DE RATIFICACIÓN DEL H. SENADO DE LA REPÚBLICA, AL NOMBRAMIENTO DE LA C. MELBA MARÍA PRÍA OLAVARRIETA COMO EMBAJADORA EXTRAORDINARIA Y PLENIPOTENCIARIA DE MÉXICO EN JAPÓN Abril de 2019 Japón Abril de 2019 1 Japón Abril de 2019 Contenido I. Introducción ......................................................................................................... 3 II. Características de la adscripción ..................................................................4 a. Datos básicos......................................................................................................................... 4 b. Panorama político y social ........................................................................................... 4 c. Panorama económico.................................................................................................... 13 III. Relación bilateral ...............................................................................................16 a. Relación con México en la actualidad.................................................................16 b. Comercio.................................................................................................................................27 c. Inversiones.............................................................................................................................30 d. Oportunidades de negocios ...................................................................................... 31 e. Cooperación ........................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Anti-Japanese Sentiment Among Graduates of South Korean Public Schools Jamal Barbari SIT Graduate Institute
    SIT Graduate Institute/SIT Study Abroad SIT Digital Collections Capstone Collection SIT Graduate Institute Winter 12-15-2017 Anti-Japanese Sentiment among Graduates of South Korean Public Schools Jamal Barbari SIT Graduate Institute Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcollections.sit.edu/capstones Part of the Curriculum and Instruction Commons, Curriculum and Social Inquiry Commons, Early Childhood Education Commons, Educational Methods Commons, Elementary Education Commons, International and Comparative Education Commons, Japanese Studies Commons, Korean Studies Commons, and the Secondary Education Commons Recommended Citation Barbari, Jamal, "Anti-Japanese Sentiment among Graduates of South Korean Public Schools" (2017). Capstone Collection. 3064. https://digitalcollections.sit.edu/capstones/3064 This Thesis (Open Access) is brought to you for free and open access by the SIT Graduate Institute at SIT Digital Collections. It has been accepted for inclusion in Capstone Collection by an authorized administrator of SIT Digital Collections. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 1 Anti-Japanese Sentiment among Graduates of South Korean Public Schools Jamal Esteven Barbari PIM 75 A capstone paper submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for a Master of Arts in International Education at SIT Graduate Institute in Brattleboro, Vermont, USA December 11, 2017 Adviser: Karla Giuliano Sarr 2 I hereby grant permission for World Learning to publish my capstone on its websites and in any of its digital/electronic collections, and to reproduce and transmit my CAPSTONE ELECTRONICALLY. I understand that World Learning’s websites and digital collections are publicly available via the Internet. I agree that World Learning is NOT responsible for any unauthorized use of my capstone by any third party who might access it on the Internet or otherwise.
    [Show full text]
  • Civil Society and the State in Democratic East Asia
    PROTEST AND SOCIAL MOVEMENTS Chiavacci, (eds) Grano & Obinger Civil Society and the State in Democratic East Asia East Democratic in State the and Society Civil Edited by David Chiavacci, Simona Grano, and Julia Obinger Civil Society and the State in Democratic East Asia Between Entanglement and Contention in Post High Growth Civil Society and the State in Democratic East Asia Protest and Social Movements Recent years have seen an explosion of protest movements around the world, and academic theories are racing to catch up with them. This series aims to further our understanding of the origins, dealings, decisions, and outcomes of social movements by fostering dialogue among many traditions of thought, across European nations and across continents. All theoretical perspectives are welcome. Books in the series typically combine theory with empirical research, dealing with various types of mobilization, from neighborhood groups to revolutions. We especially welcome work that synthesizes or compares different approaches to social movements, such as cultural and structural traditions, micro- and macro-social, economic and ideal, or qualitative and quantitative. Books in the series will be published in English. One goal is to encourage non- native speakers to introduce their work to Anglophone audiences. Another is to maximize accessibility: all books will be available in open access within a year after printed publication. Series Editors Jan Willem Duyvendak is professor of Sociology at the University of Amsterdam. James M. Jasper teaches at the Graduate Center of the City University of New York. Civil Society and the State in Democratic East Asia Between Entanglement and Contention in Post High Growth Edited by David Chiavacci, Simona Grano, and Julia Obinger Amsterdam University Press Published with the support of the Swiss National Science Foundation.
    [Show full text]
  • Printmgr File
    FAIRFAX FINANCIAL HOLDINGS LIMITED To Our Shareholders: We marked time in 2011 as our book value per share was essentially flat (including the $101 per common share dividend paid in 2011), mainly because of a record level of catastrophe claims. Book value ended the year at $365 per share, down from $376 per share at the end of 2010. Common shareholders’ equity was $7.4 billion, down from $7.7 billion. We ended the year with approximately $1 billion in cash and marketable securities at the hold- ing company level. Our results have always been lumpy but our long term results, measured by the increase in our book value per share, have been excellent, as shown in the table below: As of December 31, 2011 From 5 years 10 years 15 years 20 years Inception Compound Annual Growth in Book Value 19.4% 12.0% 12.4% 16.1% 23.5% In 2011, our operating companies coped with losses from unprecedented natural disasters and continuing soft market conditions. Catastrophe claims for the industry exceeded $105 billion, the most ever with the exception of 2005 when Hurricanes Katrina, Rita and Wilma struck the United States. The year began with floods in Australia ($2.3 billion) and a devastating earthquake in Christchurch, New Zealand ($12 billion). It continued in March with the Tohoku earthquake and tsunami in Japan ($35 billion), followed in the spring with a series of deadly tornadoes in the south and midwest regions of the United States ($14 billion). Hurricane Irene ($5 billion) hit the eastern seaboard at the end of the summer, and finally, near year-end, unprecedented flooding ravaged Thailand ($15 billion).
    [Show full text]