STUDIA HUMANISTYCZNO-SPOŁECZNE (HUMANITIES AND SOCIAL STUDIES) 13

Edited by Radosław Kubicki and Wojciech Saletra 2016

Adrian Mitręga Jan Kochanowski University in Kielce,

THE ISSUE OF THE POLISH ENERGY SECURITY IN POLITICAL ACTIVITY OF AT THE BEGINNING OF THE 21st CENTURY

At the beginning of the21st century, on the 15th of April, 1999, the Democratic Left Alliance was established, focusing leftists functioning so far in the Social Democracy of the Republic of Polish. SDPR originated from the Polish United Workers' Party, and it was on the Polish political scene between 1990 and 1999. Currently, the Alliance referring to the socialist tradition belongs to the community of parties united under the Socialist International and the Party of European Socialists.1 At the beginning of the 21st century, the social democratic parties, despite the crisis of the identity politics and in the lack of public support, performs one of the leading roles in European politics2 and attempts to change the political, economic and social reality. After the collapse of the communist system, the social-democratic trendalso found its place in Poland, refer- ring to the tradition of the Polish Socialist Party acting on the Polish territory before World War II.3 The current changes taking place in the contemporary geopolitical arena forced the left-wing parties to go beyond the paradigms of thinking about the economy and so- ciety dominant in the last decade4. Moreover, the issue of the energy security at the beginning of the 21st century has become one of the priorities of the long list of chal- lenges that Poland will have to face in the near future. These challenges require deci-

1 Statut Sojuszu Lewicy Demokratycznej. W brzmieniu uchwalonym na V Kongresie SLD, http://www.sld.org.pl/ckfinder/userfiles/files/Statut_2012.pdf [March 24, 2015]. 2 J. Jaskiernia, Socjaldemokracja w procesie transformacji systemowej Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej, [in:] Ruch socjaldemokratyczny w Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej 1989–2010, eds. K. Leszczyńska, E. Olszewski, Lublin 2011, p. 14. 3 J. Kornaś, Emergencja, konsolidacja i dekompozycja głównego nurtu socjaldemokracji polskiej po 1989 roku, [w:] Lewica w III RP. Instytucjonalizacja i otoczenie, eds. K. Janik, Toruń 2010, p. 34. 4 M. Syska, Wprowadzenie: Jak odzyskać „stracone pokolenie”? [in:] Bez obaw o doro- słość Socjaldemokratyczny program dla młodego pokolenia, eds. M. Syska, Wrocław– Warszawa 2011, p. 13. 174 ADRIAN MITRĘGA

sive measures in order to develop a rational and as efficient as possible program, exploiting the potential of energy resources of our country.5 Energy security of Poland is one of the main areas of political activity of the politi- cians from the Democratic Left Alliance. In the first decade of the twenty-first century, SLD along with the coalition government, shaped the Polish attitude towards the energy independence for almost half of the decade. In the electoral program of the Democratic Left Alliance and the from 2001, we can read the following postulates on how to the establish energy security in Poland:  support measures for the development of renewable energy sources;  expansion of energy infrastructure (energy networks, gas network) in the coun- tryside and in areas with particularly low level of development;  start a nationwide recycling program of industrial and municipal waste by using them in the production of renewable electricity;  creating energy groups (mines, power stations and power plants), and the pri- vatization of the power distribution sector in conjunction with the productive sector;  preservation of the state ownership of the infrastructure companies, including power grids, gas pipelines and oil pipelines.6 In the parliamentary elections in 2001, SLD-UP coalition won with a score of 41.04%, and gained together with the Labour Union 216 mandates and 75 senators.7 In total, the SLD-UP coalition received the support of 5.3 million voters, thanks to which the parliamentary coalition SLD-UP-PSL was formed.8 The period of ruling of the coalition was marked mainly by breaking the contract for the delivery of Norwegian gas, the outbreak of the so-called “Orlengate” or construction of ,,Pieremyczki” by- passing Ukraine. Poland and Norway signed energy agreements as part of a major Norwegian con- tract in September 2001. According to preliminary assumptions, Poland was supposed to receive in the years 2008–2024 approx. 74 billion m3 of natural gas. Two months earlier, Poland signed a contract with the Danish company DanskOlie & Naturgas AS (DONG) for the supply of 16 billion m3 of gas in eight years (2003–2010) as a part of a small Norwegian contract. However, these contracts were rejected by the govern- ment elected by , as the new authorities feared that too much of the im- ported (and more expensive) gas from Scandinavia would lead to a reduction in do- mestic extraction. The most important argument against the finalization of the contract was the price of gas, because the purchase of gas from Scandinavia was much more

5 Uchwała nr 4 IV Kongresu SLD – główne zadania polskiej polityki zagranicznej, http://www.sld.org.pl/strony/100-polityka_zagraniczna_okiem_sld.html [March 24, 2015]. 6Program Wyborczy Koalicji SLD i UP 2001, http://www.sld.org.pl/public/ckfin der/userfiles/files/Program_Wyborczy_SLDiUP_2001.txt [March2, 2015]. 7 K. A. Paszkiewicz, Partie i koalicje polityczne III Rzeczypospolitej, Wrocław 2004, p. 164. 8 P. Szałamacha, IV Rzeczpospolita. Pierwsza odsłona, Poznań 2009, p. 9.

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expensive than buying the Russian one.9 The contemporary opposition accused the government of Leszek Millerof withdrawal from the concept of construction of the Norwegian gas pipeline to help the Russians to withdraw from the plan for construc- tion of the Nord Stream pipeline.10Some critics pointed out also inability of SLD poli- ticians to oppose the interests of Russia . Some arguments took form of accusations of acting deliberately in favor of Russia for business reasons or as its agents. The oppo- nents of the Norwegian contract argued that there was no risk of suspension of supplies of Russian gas to Poland, and that there was a danger that the Norwegians would sell Poland the cheaper gas, bought earlier from the Russians.11 Leszek Miller himself summed up the Polish – Norwegian gas supply agreement: “the contract was cancelled after two years on the initiative of Norwegian companies, because the Norwegians did not find customers for 3 billion cubic meters of gas, which was a condition for the realization of the contract. The Polish side undertook to receive 5 billions of gas, which was also unrealistic due to the excess of contracted gas from Russia. An impor- tant factor in the negative evaluation of this project was the price of gas, which wasabout 30% higher than the Russian fuel. Contrary to the popular belief, the most expensive gas is not just the one we have run out of, but also the one which cannot be used because of its price.12 Poland suffered from the negative effects of the breach of the contract with Norway in the years 2005–2006, when Gazprom decided to tempo- rarily suspend gas supplies to Poland. Moreover, Poland was the victim of an aggres- sive policy of negotiating the prices of the natural gas sent to Poland from Russia. According to Paul Szałamacha Polish restoring credibility to the Scandinavian energy arena took Polish energy company two years, as in 2007, Polish Oil and Gas Company (PGNiG) finalized an agreement to acquire gas fields Skarv and Snadd situated on the North Sea shelf.13 During its parliamentary term, SLD-UP-PSL coalition created two strategic docu- ments directly relating to the conduct of the state's energy policy. These documents

9 Z. Dura, Bezpieczeństwo – polityka energetyczna [in:] Podmiotowość geopolityczna. Studia nad polską polityką zagraniczną, eds. K. Szczerski, Warszawa 2009, p. 179. 10Nord Stream was received by the Polish political reality as a trojan horse, acting in the Rus- sian-German interest and increasing dependence of the Western countries on the Russian energy, and furthermore, strengthening the position of Germany in the economy and the Euro- pean politics. Among the voices opposing this project, one could hear arguments that Russia makes a conscious attempt at the removal of the “united EU” through the use of the energy policy. J. Zimny, R. H. Kozłowski, Gazociąg Bałtycki – niebezpieczeństwo energetyczne dla Europy i Polski. (W odpowiedzi Ministrowi Gospodarki i Pracy Niemiec Wolfgangowi Clemen- towi), Kraków 2005, p. 1. 11 A. Podolski, Europejska współpraca wywiadowcza – brakujące ogniwo europejskiej polityki zagranicznej i bezpieczeństwa?, Centrum Stosunków Międzynarodowych, ,,Raporty i analiz”, no. 10, 2004, p. 5. 12 L. Miller, Panie Marszałku, proszę nie mówić głupstw, http://leszek-miller.blog. onet.pl/2007/11/22/panie-marszalku-prosze-nie-mowic-glupstw/ [March 24, 2015]. 13 P. Szałacha, IV Rzeczpospolita, s.137.

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are: Evaluation of implementation and amendments to the Polish Energy Policy Guidelines until 2020 of April 2002, with Diagnosis of the Energy Sector – Macroeco- nomic Data and Data on the Energy Sector14 and the Polish Energy Policy until 2025 of January 2005. The first document presents a negative assessment of the Polish En- ergy Policy Guidelines until 2020 of 2000, while according to “Polish Energy Policy until 2025”, the primarygoal of the state is the expediency of the continuing energy policy, which aims to:  ensure energy security in the country,  increase the competitiveness of the economy and its energy efficiency,  protect the environment from the negative effects associated with generation of the energy, transmission and distribution of the energy and fuels.15 In 2002, just before the liquidation of the State Protection Office (UOP) and the es- tablishment of two intelligence agencies of the Internal Security Agency (ABW) and the Agency Interview (AW),16 UOP officers arrested Andrzej Modrzejewski, the President of PKN Orlen at that time. The event marked the beginning of the so-called ,,Orlengate”, bringing together politicians, the business and special services. The deci- sion to arrest the President of PKN Orlen was made during the alleged meeting in the office of the Prime Minister, Leszek Miller, with the participation of the Minister of Justice, Barbara Piwnik, UOP chief, Zbigniew Siemiatkowski. Minister Wiesław Kaczmarek and the Head of the Office of the Prime Minister (CPM), Marek Wagner. The former President of Orlen was accused by debating body of preparation of an unfavorable from the point of view of the state, contract with the company J & S for the supply of crude oil to Poland, worth 14 billion dollars. According to the former Prime Minister, Leszek Miller, the arrest of Andrzej Modrzejewski was the only pos- sibility to suspend the contract. The opposition claimed that the arrest of Modrzejewski by UOP was at the request of Leszek Miller, and not at the request of the prosecutor's office.17 In May 2004 The Polish Parliament decided to set up a commission to clarify all doubts regarding this issue. The investigation revealed the notes of the intelligence agency from the meeting of Jan Kulczyk with the Russian spy, Vladimir Alganov, in Vienna in July 2003. According to the report of the intelligence agency, Alganov heard during the meeting with the Polish businessman that Kulczyk had a special influence on the President Aleksander Kwaśniewski, which may have contributed to the privati- zation of the Gdańsk Refinery, which was beneficial to the Russians. In addition to that, ABW revealed secret negotiations of Marek Dochnal with the Minister of Trea- sury in the government of Leszek Miller – Zbigniew Kaniewski. Negotiations con-

14 Ocena realizacji i korekta założeń polityki energetycznej Polski do 2020 roku wraz z za- łącznikami przyjęta przez Radę Ministrów 2 kwietnia 2002 roku, Warszawa 2002. 15 Polityka energetyczna Polski do 2025 roku, Warszawa 2005, p. 4. 16 Ustawa z dnia 24 maja 2002 r. o Agencji Bezpieczeństwa Wewnętrznego oraz Agencji Wywiadu, ,Dz.U. 2002 no. 74 pos. 676. 17 R. Pieja, Policja polityczna, czy profesjonalna służba specjalna? – UOP i ABW w Pol- sce po 1989 r., ,,Historic@”, no. 9, 2012, p. 13.

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cerned the sale of the energy by major Russian companies.18 The findings of the Par- liamentary Commission of Inquiry point to the validity of hold Leszek Miller, Barbara Piwnik and Zbigniew Siemiątkowski criminally responsible and refer them to the Con- stitutional Tribunal forum substantiated use of the law enforcement (UOP and the Prosecutor's Office) against a citizen to achieve political objectives19. In April 2004, the former minister in the government of Leszek Miller, Wieslaw Kaczmarek, said that the true purpose of the arrest of Andrzej Modrzejewski was the desire of his appeal and blocking a contract worth 14 billion dollars on oil supplies to Poland.20 During the term of the government of the Prime Minister Leszek Miller, Russia has offered to build a second line of Yamal in the modified version (Pieremyczka). This line was intended to connect the system of gas pipelines running through Belarus- Slovak system by-passing Ukraine. The Russian proposal threatened the energy secu- rity of Ukraine, and interferred with its sovereignty, however, it was rejected by Polish politicians, both from the ruling camp and the opposition.21 The parliamentary term SLD have not fully explained the matter of the coal mafia. In 2002 the report on the activity of coal mafia in Poland was prepared. Preparation of the report was commissioned by the head of the MSWiA, . The article in the “Wprost” newspaper described corrupt activities in the coal trade and irregulari- ties in the management of the mines. The report pointed to participation of well-known politicians in the illegal practices. Unfortunately, the report disappeared in mysterious circumstances before the public got acquainted with the main thesis of the document. Krzysztof Janik admits he does not remember what happened to the document. Also the former head of the government knows very little about it. “Janik told me that the report had been prepared, but I had never got it”, said the former Prime Minister.22 In 2005, at the end of the rule of SLD, Poland had to face plans to build a gas pipe- line serving Moscow and bypassing the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, in- cluding Poland. In the light of the emerging voices in the international arena about the Russian plans to build the Nord Stream pipeline under the Baltic Sea, the Democratic

18A. Mitręga, Aktywność polskich i rosyjskich służb specjalnych w kształtowaniu bezpie- czeństwa energetycznego, ,,Studia Humanistyczno-Społeczne 2013”, no. 7, 2013, p. 113. 19 Sprawozdanie Komisji Śledczej do spraw zbadania zarzutu nieprawidłowości w nadzo- rze w Ministerstwie Skarbu Państwa nad przedstawicielami Skarbu Państwa w spółce PKN Orlen S.A. oraz zarzutu wykorzystania służb specjalnych (dot. UOP) do nielegalnych naci- sków na organa wymiaru sprawiedliwości w celu uzyskania postanowień służących do wy- wierania presji na członków Zarządu PKN Orlen S. A., Druk nr 4430, Warszawa 2005, p. 45. 20 W. Mościbrodzki, Analiza przyczyn dymisji premiera Leszka Millera, http://www.woj mos.com/texts/politics/Analiza%20przyczyn%20dymisji%20Leszka%20Millera.pl.pdf [March 20, 2015]. 21 Z. Dura, Bezpieczeństwo – polityka energetyczna, s. 179. 22 D. Kania, Za rządów SLD zniknął raport ws. mafii węglowej, http://www.wprost.pl/ar/ 120876/Za-rzadow-SLD-zniknal-dokument-demaskujacy-dzialania-mafii-weglowej/ [March 23, 2015].

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Left Alliance introduced the concepts of the plan of construction of a gas pipeline run- ning from Russia to Germany through the territory of Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Poland. On 31st of August, 2005, the Ministry of Economy reported that “The Ministry supports the construction of the second branch of the Yamal and Amber pipeline, which runs through the Baltic States”.23 It should also be noted that the issue of the Northern Pipeline divided SLD politicians. The new head of the Democratic Left Alli- ance, , who replaced Leszek Miller, was sceptical towards the issue of the Nord Stream pipeline. On the other hand, the former President of RP, Aleksander Kwaśniewski, believed that the Nord Stream Pipeline ,,gives Poland a chance to obtain safe and reliable energy supply”. Polish pipeline would resolve the issue of fear of suspension of gas supplies from Russia.24 The history has shown that Poland did not construct the Nord Stream gas pipeline. As a result of scandals and the internal division among SLD politicians, the Alli- ance received just over 9% of the votes in the following elections. This party remains an opposition since 2005, and its ideas on the Polish energy security policy are evident in the form of political programs or statements of individual politicians.. Among the most important reasons determining the failure of the government of Leszek Miller in the next elections were corruption and participations of politicians in numerous scandals disclosed to the public. Moreover, the social discontentwas a result of the increasing unemployment and the lack of effectiveness in its reduction.25 SLD as an opposition party since 2005, has had its own vision of the Polish energy independence, and has taken a position on the key issues from the point of view of the Polish energy security. Energy policy of the Democratic Left Alliance since 2005 is based on the promo- tion of investments in the green energy technologies. The Leftist political scene widely understood as the Democratic Left Alliance, has proposed the program for the deve- lopment and adoption of this kind of energy. This program would serve to convert surplus of the arable land in agricultural areas, as well as develop the production of energy plants. According to the vision of the representatives of the Polish leftist par- ties, previously undeveloped areas could be used as energy crops, agricultural biogas plants, wind farms or solar farms. These activities would positively affect the situation of the Polish agriculture, as well as improve the country's energy security.26 According to the Democratic Left Alliance, politicians in Poland need a strategy for the development of the green energy and introduction of appropriate procedures to facilitate, and not hinder investments in the wind power, as well as solar and biomass

23 S. Dąbrowski, Polska wobec projektu Gazociągu Północnego, http://www.psz.pl/118- gospodarka/stanislaw-dabrowski-polska-wobec-projektu-gazociagu-polnocnego [March 2, 2015]. 24Kwaśniewski popiera Gazociąg Północny, http://www.newsweek.pl/kwasniewski- popiera-gazociag-polnocny,34218,1,1.html, [March 3, 2015]. 25 A. Cybulska, K. Pankowski, Po zapowiedzi dymisji rządu Leszka Millera – społeczne reakcje oraz opinie o przyszłym rządzie, Warszawa 2004, p. 7. 26 Program energetyka,insilesia.pl/pobierz/16202/multimedia/561 [March 4, 2015]

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power,27 in order to transform the Polish economy into the green one.28 According to the Polish Democratic Left Alliance, the public should receive reliable information on the costs and benefits of environmental policy. According to the Alliance, only renew- able energy sources are able to meet today's needs and fulfil the conditions set out in the “Kyoto Protocol to the United Nations Framework Convention” ratified by Po- land.29 Politicians of the Democratic Left Alliance provide examples of the countries, such as the Scandinavian countries, Germany and the Netherlands. These countries largely developed on the basis of renewable energy sources, and at the same time, they have become the leading exporters of environmental technologies.30 Furthermore, in terms of renewable energy sources, the Alliance supports the activities of the European Union in the process of implementation of the Climate and Energy Package.31 SLD politicians declare that as we approach the year 2020, the Polish society should work together to fulfil the following objectives related to the reduction of carbon dioxide emissions, increase in the use of renewable energy and improvement of the energy efficiency. SLD believes that the development of renewable energy sources would reduce the consumption of natural resources imported from abroad, as well as enable citizens to lower bills for the energy.One could not forget also about the positive im- pact of this technology on the environment.32 According to politicians of the Alliance, development of the renewable energy sources will contribute to the activation of the domestic energy industry, both on the national and local level. According to the SLD politicians:  This would be bemeficial in particular to the thousands of small and medium- sized Polish companies, hundreds of large Polish companies, research centers, farmers, landowners, local governments, municipalities;

27 Propozycje do priorytetów programowych SLD (załącznik nr 1), s. 5, http://www.sld. org.pl/nowastrona/public/ckfinder/userfiles/files/Priorytety%20programowe%20SLD%202 012.pdf [March 3, 2015]. 28B. Kozek, Jutro według SLD, ,,Zielone Wiadomości”, no. 3, 2011, p. 4. 29 Protokół z Kioto do Ramowej Konwencji Narodów Zjednoczonych w sprawie zmian kli- matu, sporządzony w Kioto dnia 11 grudnia 1997 r., Dz.U., 2005, no. 203, pos. 1684. 30Odpowiedzi na pytania zawarte w przyjętych na Krajowej Konwencji SLD w grudniu 2011 r. Tezach do dyskusji wewnątrzpartyjnej przed V Kongresem Sojuszu Lewicy Demokratycz- nej, http://www.sld.org.pl/nowastrona/public/ckfinder/userfiles/files/Odpowiedzi%20Tezy. pdf [March 4, 2015]. 31Introduction Package energy – climate results in decisive actions to carry out the process of decarbonization. Currently Polish energy sector is based on coal and lignite, and also our eco- nomy is particularly sensitive to the decarbonisation, as the Polish industry in the form of metallurgy, cement and glass industry, paper and other areas of industrial production, uses quite a lot of electricity. According to preliminary data, the cost of adapting of the Polish economy to the requirements of Energy Package – the climate is estimated differently, but the amount is oscillating between 130 and 160 billion zł .Pełny zapis przebiegu posiedzenia Ko- misji Gospodarki (nr 141) Komisji Ochrony Środowiska, Zasobów Naturalnych i Leśnictwa (nr 167) z dnia 15 stycznia 2015 r., Biuro Komisji Sejmowych, Warszawa 2015, p. 4. 32 W stronę Nowej Europy – Manifest PES, Rzym 2014, p. 9.

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 Construction of onshore and offshore wind farms will create up to 15 thousand of new jobs in Poland until 2021;  Gdańsk Shipyard currently produces components of wind turbines, and Gdynia Shipyard Crist constructs ships for placing wind farms at sea. Tri-City can be- come a basin of offshore wind energy.33 It is also worth noting that, despite the role played by the SLD politicians on the Polish political scene in terms of the constitutional changes in 1989, their demands in terms of energy policy are ignored by the center-right parties. To make matters worse, in the election of 2011, “Tomorrow without fear, the program for Poland” energy secu- rity issues were not included. In the document containing 228 pages, the Alliance announces together with the Minister of Economy the national programs for the devel- opment of renewable and alternative energy sources, and energy-efficient and low- carbon industry.34 Treatment of energy security issues only in terms of environmental protection, and ignoring its role in the life of every Pole seems inappropriate. In addi- tion to that, such an approach to energy, conforms to the demands of other leftist groups .35 The rest of this article presents position of the leaders of the Democratic Left Alli- ance in relation to the most important investments in the Polish energy sector, such as nuclear power, the development of shale gas decarbonization policy, and the the situation of the Polish mining industry. Politicians of the Democratic Left Alliance openly state that the decision to build a nuclear power plant in Poland should be made by means of a national referendum.36 According to the Art. 125 of the Constitution, in cases of particular importance for the functioning of the state, the nationwide referendum can be carried out.37 SLD politi- cians indicate that the development of the nuclear power plant is economically justi- fied, if the average price of electricity on the market will grow at least 50% in com- parison to the current one. According to SLD, the costs of implementation of the Pol- ish Nuclear Energy Programme (PPEJ) currently appear as the “economic adventur- ism”.38 One of the former leaders of the Alliance, , claims that the ref- erendum could only be answered, “I am in favor” or “I am against”. According to the

33Sojusz dla Odnawialnych Źródeł Energii. Przyszłość sektora energetyki w Polsce, http://www.sld.org.pl/nowastrona/public/ckfinder/userfiles/files/2408%281%29.pdf [March 2, 2015]. 34 Jutro bez obaw. Program dla Polski, http://www.sld.org.pl/strony/39-jutro _bez_obaw_program_sld.html [March 5, 2015]. 35 Ł. Polniak, Bezpieczeństwo energetyczne państwa w programach polskich partii poli- tycznych, ,,Nauki Społeczne – Social Sciences”, no. 2(6), 2012, p. 99A. 36 Jak PO i PiS zapewnią nam bezpieczeństwo energetyczne, http://www.mojeopinie. pl/jak_po_i_pis_zapewnia_nam_bezpieczenstwo_energetyczne,3,1317930723 [March 2, 2015]. 37 Konstytucja Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej z dnia 2 kwietnia 1997 r., Warszawa 1997, p. 26. 38 Nowa strategia dla Polski. Rozwój zamiast stagnacji, Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej, Warszawa 2012, p. 38.

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former policy of SLD, “we want all parties to make a substantive decision on the use of nuclear energy for industrial purposes or supplying people with electricity”. Accord- ing to the Democratic Left Alliance, Polish people lack the basic knowledge about the nuclear energy. Moreover, according to the Alliance, the situation of the Polish energy sector should be carefully analyzed. According to SLD politicians, the Poles should answer the question whether we are supposed to “search today for only one solution, that is, nuclear energy, and spend billions on this one project, which will become effec- tive in the future, or look for other solutions, and spend the money on studies that will modernize the economy”.39 According to the politicians of the Alliance, the implementation of the idea of the use of green energy cannot be completed in a drastic way, because Poland is known for production of coal and a it plays a huge role in the Polish power system. Therefore, the road to the use of green energy should be carried also through the use of coal in as eco-friendly way as it is possible, and through the use of modern technology to reduce emissions of CO2. According to the research of the Institute for Sustainable Develop- ment, the Polish energy sector requires decarbonisation process, reduction in CO2 emissions and technological changes in the extraction and processing of coal. Accord- ing to SLD, thanks to the European funds, Polish coal sector can be optimally adapted to the European standards of clean coal technology40 In 2014–2015 the wave of pro- tests broke out in Poland due to mine closure plans (including Kazimierz – Julius and mines belonging to Kompania Węglowa). SLD politicians stood in defense of the min- ers and their jobs, believing that the closed mines, as well as the unemployed miners would become a social and economic tragedy for their families and the whole Silesia.41 The Alliance presented its own project of restructuring of the Polish mining industry, according to which the government should strive to urgently reduce taxes and excise duties on coal liquidation of the Ministry of Economy and creation of the new Ministry of Energy and Mines. Furthermore, according to SLD politicians, the mines intended for liquidation, are profitable and have deposits of coal sufficient even for decades.42 It is worth mentioning that thanks to the efforts of the Trade Union of Miners, Jacek Piechota, the Minister of Economy during the parliamentary term of SLD, reached the agreement regarding the restructuring plan. In accordance therewith he pushed through the project of the relief of the debt, which arose in the mining sector. The total amount

39 Referendum atomowe w Polsce?, www.ogrzewnictwo.pl/aktualnosci/referendum- atomowe-w-polsce.pdf [March 5, 2015] 40 Poglądy partii politycznych na politykę energetyczną Polski tuż przed wyborami parla- mentarnymi 2011. Podsumowanie wyników ankiet, http://www.ine-isd.org.pl/theme/Upload Files/File/stanowiska_i_opinie/Podsumowanie_wynikow_ankiety_wyborczej.pdf [February 28, 2015]. 41Uchwała Zarządu Krajowego SLD w sprawie sytuacji w górnictwie, http://www.sld.org.pl/ckfinder/userfiles/files/Uchwa%C5%82a%20ZK%20SLD%20w%20s prawie%20sytuacji%20w%20g%C3%B3rnictwie.pdf [March 3, 2015] 42 SLD chce Ministerstwa Energetyki i Górnictwa, http://www.bankier.pl/wiadomosc/ SLD-chce-Ministerstwa-Energetyki-i-Gornictwa-3269410.html [March 3, 2015].

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fluctuated around 18 billion złoty. It was one of few steps to rectify the situation and rescue the sector from the enormous debts.43 Witold Klepacz from SLD believes that traditional energy resources used in the Polish power industry, such as coal, natural gas, as well as new resources, such as shale gas,44 are likely to remain the basis of the energy security of Poland over the next few decades.45 Tadeusz Iwiński has a different opinion on the shale gas, and believes that “we have to deal with another myth or po- litical illusion”.Currently the claim that the shale gas may solve almost all of our prob- lemsappears as naivety. It is worth to recall in this context the brutal thought of Presi- dent John F. Kennedy: “unpleasant truths are better than pleasant illusions!”.46 The environment-friendly energy policy of SLD as a left-wing party falls within political activities of other European parties representing social-democratic views,47 because the social democratic parties in Western Europe identified over the last twenty years with the environmental energy policy.48 For example, the German SPD (Social Democratic Party/Partei Deutschlands Sozialdemokratische), the Greens and Die Linke, similarly to Polish SLD, opposes the development of nuclear power in the country, aiming at the same time at reduction of the number of nuclear power plants in Germany.49 German social policy intends to implement the concept of ecological in- dustrial policycombining the vision of sustainable development of the state with the environmental protection. Moreover, the SPD has formulated ambitious goals in the

43 A. Szobak, W. Balon, Transformacja w dialekcie śląskim, http://www.lewica. pl/index.php?id=12542&druk=1 [March 5, 2015r]. 44 Poland, according to numerous publications in question, is now seen as one of the most promising areas for the production of shale gas. Assuming annual gas consumption in Poland at the current level and comparing them to the estimated value of unconventional gas in Poland can be concluded in the following way: – it is enough for 35–65 years of full Polish market demand for natural gas or, – corresponds to 120–200 years of natural gas production in Poland at the current level with- out changing the level and the proportion of the supply of imported and domestically pro- duced gas. A. Cylwik, K. Piętka-Kosińska, K. Lada, M. Sobolewski, Ekonomiczny potencjał produkcji gazu łupkowego w Polsce w latach 2012–2025. Analiza scenariuszowa, Warszawa 2012, p. 6; Gaz ziemny z łupków. Serwis internetowy, http://www.oddzialywaniagazulupkowego. pl/menu/73,informacje-ogolne, [March 5, 2014]. 45 W. Klepacz, http://www.gornik.info.pl/gornik/gornik_19_2011/Gornik_19_7.pdf [March 5, 2015]. 46 T. Iwiński, Gaz łupkowy w Polsce – iluzja polityczna?, http://zamosc.sld.org.pl/ blog/449-tadeusz_iwinski_gaz_lupkowy_w_polsce__iluzja_polityczna.html [March 4, 2015]. 47 Environment, Energy and Climate Change. A Sourcebook for Political Parties, Cambo- dia 2013, p. 9. 48 R. Ladrech, Social Democratic Parties and the Challenge of Climate Change Policy, http://climatepolitics.eu/wp-content/uploads/2014/10/1d_ladrech.pdf [April 5, 2015]. 49 A. Jarecka, Lewica przeciwko energetyce atomowej, http://www.dw.de/lewica- przeciwko-energetyce-atomowej/a-5504060 [April 5, 2015].

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field of energy policy because, according to SPD politicians, in the middleof the 21st century, the renewable energy should cover the total energy demand in Germany, and carbon dioxide emissions should be reduced by 95% in comparison to 1990.50 According to the right-wing circles, energy policy of SLD has led to weaker posi- tion of Poland and facilitated the agreement between Germany and Russia on the pipe- line under the Baltic Sea, bypassing the territory of our country. It is worth noting that the activities of SLD in the early twenty-first century has not led to an increase in the level of energy security, and the renunciation of the country's supply capacity in favour of the alternate route, put our country at risk of dependence on energy supplies from a single source.51 What is interesting, according to Tadeusz Iwiński, the unfavorable deal regarding the creation of the North European Gas Pipeline involves incorrect de- cisions of the governments of Jerzy Buzek, and the current govern- ment ( – Polish People’s Party).52 Currently conducted energy policy has developed over the last years, in the eyes of SLD and its coalition with the Green Party, in a manner unfavorable for our country. Left-wing politicians accuse the par- ties, which ruled since 2005: Law and Justice, Civic Platform and Polish People’s Platform, of negligence in the modernization of our energy sector. According to the Democratic Left Alliance and the Greens, the activities of the three abovementioned parties led to the import of coal from the neighbours, dependence on raw materials from Russia, crumbling electricity networks, as well as the multi-billion dollar project of construction of nuclear power plants, requiring the import of uranium.53 Summing up the energy policy pursued by the Democratic Left Alliance, despite the error at the beginning of 21st century, this policy is based on Polish energy oppor- tunities. SLD politicians assess the current situation of the Polish energy and highlight the crisis in the Polish energy sector. According to the Alliance, “the lack of real sup- port for renewable energy sources, the delay in the construction of a nuclear power plant, a small number of wells for shale gas exploration is a sad balance of the eight years under the Civic Platform-Polish People’s Party coalition”.54 In addition to that, according to a former minister in the government of Leszek Miller and , Jerzy Hausner, errors in the energy policy implemented in the first decade of the 21st century were: “cartelization of the energy sector, blocking the market mechanism, traditional management mechanisms perpetuating the state, and a large-scale, centra-

50 B. Mikfeld, Ecological Industrial Policy. A Strategic Approach for Social Democracy in Germany, Berlin 2011, p. 2 51Cztery lata rządów koalicji SLD/UP wg Donalda Tuska, http://prawica.net/node/674 [February 20, 2015]. 52 Komisja Spraw Zagranicznych, ,,Biuletyn Biura Komisji Sejmowych”, no. 4329/VI kad., 2010, p. 7. 53 Zielone jutro bez obaw, Program wyborczy Partii Zielonych z 2011 r., http://zieloni 2004.pl/program_wyborczy.pdf [February 20, 2015]. 54 Uchwała Zarządu Krajowego SLD w sprawie sytuacji w górnictwie.

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lized form of energy, as well as the lack of technical and economic conditions for the development of innovations in the distribution of the energy”.55

Summary

THE ISSUE OF THE POLISH ENERGY SECURITY IN POLITICAL ACTIVITY OF DEMOCRATIC LEFT ALLIANCE AT THE BEGINNING OF THE 21st CENTURY

Democratic Left Alliance was established in a result of the transformation of post- communist Polish Social Democracy, and is now one of the major political parties on the Polish political scene. The period of the parliamentary term of SLD with the Labour Union and Polish People’s Party was characterized by dynamism and energy inshowing the darker side of the Polish reality regarding theenergy sector. Political scandals referring among other things to the energy sector, caused political failure of the party in 2005. Since then the Alliance has been in the parliamentary opposition, trying to push through the reforms aimed at the independence of the Polish energy, based on renewable energy sources, including the low-carbon energy resources.

Keywords: energy security, Democratic Left Alliance, energy policy

Streszczenie

PROBLEMATYKA BEZPIECZEŃSTWA ENERGETYCZNEGO POLSKI W DZIAŁALNOŚCI POLITYCZNEJ SOJUSZU LEWICY DEMOKRATYCZNEJ NA POCZĄTKU XXI WIEKU

Sojusz Lewicy Demokratyczniej powstał w wyniku przekształcenia postkomuni- stycznej Socjaldemokracji Polskiej, i jest obecnie jedną z najważniejszych partii na polskiej scenie politycznej. Okres rzędów SLD przy współudziale z Unią Pracy oraz Polskim Stronnictwem Ludowym charakteryzował się dynamizmem w polityce ener- getycznej, ukazując ciemniejszą stronę polskiej rzeczywistości energetycznej. Liczne afery polityczne, mające swoje odniesienie między innymi do sektora energetycznego, spowodowały, że partia w 2005 r. została zdetronizowana ze szczytów władzy, a tym samym Sojusz znalazł się w parlamentarnej opozycji, w której próbuje przeforsować własną drogę ku niezależności polskiej elektroenergetyki, opartej na odnawialnych źródłach energii, z uwzględnieniem niskoemisyjnych surowców energetycznych.

Słowa kluczowe: bezpieczeństwo energetyczne, Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej, polityka energetyczna

55 J. Hausner, Zarządzanie publiczne. Podręcznik akademicki, Warszawa 2008, p. 325.

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The date of submitting the paper to the Editorial Staff: June 2, 2015. The date of initial acceptance of the paper by Editorial Staff: June 16, 2015.