Party Leadership in Poland in Comparative Perspective
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Democratic Government in Poland
Democratic Government in Poland Also by George Sanford POLISH COMMUNISM IN CRISIS MILITARY RULE IN POLAND: The Rebuilding of Communist Power 1981–1983 THE SOLIDARITY CONGRESS, 1981 DEMOCRATIZATION IN POLAND, 1988–90: Polish Voices POLAND: World Bibliographical Series (with A. Gozdecka-Sanford) HISTORICAL DICTIONARY OF POLAND (with A. Gozdecka-Sanford) BUILDING DEMOCRACY: The International Dimension of Democratization in Eastern Europe (with G. Pridham and E. Herring) POLAND: The Conquest of History Democratic Government in Poland Constitutional Politics since 1989 George Sanford Reader in Politics University of Bristol © George Sanford 2002 Softcover reprint of the hardcover 1st edition 2002 978-0-333-77475-5 All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of this publication may be made without written permission. No paragraph of this publication may be reproduced, copied or transmitted save with written permission or in accordance with the provisions of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, or under the terms of any licence permitting limited copying issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency, 90 Tottenham Court Road, London W1T 4LP. Any person who does any unauthorised act in relation to this publication may be liable to criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages. The author has asserted his right to be identified as the author of this work in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. First published 2002 by PALGRAVE MACMILLAN Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS and 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y. 10010 Companies and representatives throughout the world PALGRAVE MACMILLAN is the new global academic imprint of the Palgrave Macmillan division of St. -
Być Premierem
Być premierem Materiał składa się z sekcji: "Premierzy III RP", "Tadeusz Mazowiecki", "Premierzy II Rzeczpospolitej". Materiał zawiera: - 19 ilustracji (fotografii, obrazów, rysunków), 3 ćwiczenia; - wirtualny spacer po kancelarii Prezesa Rady Ministrów wraz z opisem jej historii; - opis informacji i opinii o Tadeuszu Mazowieckim wraz ćwiczeniem do wykonania na ich podstawie; - zdjęcie, na którym przedstawiono premiera Tadeusza Mazowieckiego w 1989 r.; - galerię zdjęć premierów III RP (Tadeusz Mazowiecki, Jan Krzysztof Bielecki, Jan Olszewski, Waldemar Pawlak, Hanna Suchocka, Józef Oleksy, Włodzimierz Cimoszewicz, Jerzy Buzek, Leszek Miller, Marek Belka, Kazimierz Marcinkiewicz, Jarosław Kaczyński, Donald Tusk, Ewa Kopacz, Beata Szydło); - opis działalności politycznej premierów II RP (Wincenty Witos, Walery Sławek, Felicjan Sławoj Składkowski); - zdjęcie, na którym przedstawiono Wincentego Witosa przemawiającego do tłumu; - zdjęcie, na którym przedstawiono Walerego Sławka; - zdjęcie, na którym przedstawiono Felicjana Sławoj Składkowskiego przemawiającego do urzędników Prezydium Rady Ministrów; - ćwiczenie, które polega na poszukaniu i przedstawieniu różnych ciekawostek o życiu znanych polityków z okresu II i III Rzeczypospolitej; - propozycje pytań do dyskusji na tematy polityczne; - ćwiczenie, które polega na opracowaniu galerii premierów II RP. Być premierem Kancelaria Prezesa Rady Ministrów Laleczki, licencja: CC BY-SA 4.0 Zobacz, jak wygląda kancelaria Prezesa Rady Ministrów, miejsce pracy premiera. Źródło: PANORAMIX, licencja: CC BY 3.0. Premierzy III RP Sprawowanie urzędu premiera to wielki zaszczyt, ale i ogromna odpowiedzialność. Prezes Rady Ministrów jest zgodnie z Konstytucją RP dopiero czwartą osobą w państwie (po prezydencie, marszałakch Sejmu i Senatu), ale w praktyce skupia w swoich rękach niemal całą władzę wykonawczą. Od decyzji, które podejmuje szef rządu, zależy jakość życia wielu milionów ludzi. Znane są dzieje narodów, które pod mądrym przewodnictwem rozkwitały, a pod złym popadały w biedę i chaos. -
Eui Working Papers
Repository. Research Institute University UR P 20 European Institute. Cadmus, % European University Institute, Florence on University Access European EUI Working Paper SPS No. 94/16 Open Another Revolution The PDS inItaly’s Transition SOCIALSCIENCES WORKING IN POLITICALIN AND PAPERS EUI Author(s). Available M artin 1989-1994 The 2020. © in J. B ull Manqué Library EUI ? ? the by produced version Digitised Repository. Research Institute University European Institute. Cadmus, on University Access European Open Author(s). Available The 2020. © in Library EUI the by produced version Digitised Repository. Research Institute University European Institute. EUROPEAN UNIVERSITY INSTITUTE, FLORENCE Cadmus, DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL AND AND DEPARTMENTSOCIAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCES on BADIA FIESOLANA, SAN DOMENICO (FI) University Access EUI EUI Working Paper SPS No. 94/16 The PDS in Italy’s Transition Departmentof Politics A Contemporary History Another Revolution European Open Department ofPolitical and Social Sciences European University Institute (1992-93) rodEuropean Studies Research Institute M Universityof Salford Author(s). Available artin 1989-1994 The and 2020. © J. J. in bull M anquil Library EUI the by produced version Digitised Repository. Research Institute University European Institute. Cadmus, on University Access No part of this paper may be reproduced in any form European Open Printed in Italy in December 1994 without permission of the author. I I - 50016 San Domenico (FI) European University Institute Author(s). Available The All rights reserved. 2020. © © Martin J. Bull Badia Fiesolana in Italy Library EUI the by produced version Digitised Repository. Research Institute University European paper will appear in a book edited by Stephen Gundle and Simon Parker, published by Routledge, and which will focus on the changes which Italianpolitics underwent in the period during the author’s period as a Visiting Fellow in the Department of Political and Social Sciences at the European University Institute, Florence. -
Management Challenges at the Centre of Government: Coalition Situations and Government Transitions
SIGMA Papers No. 22 Management Challenges at the Centre of Government: OECD Coalition Situations and Government Transitions https://dx.doi.org/10.1787/5kml614vl4wh-en Unclassified CCET/SIGMA/PUMA(98)1 Organisation de Coopération et de Développement Economiques OLIS : 10-Feb-1998 Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development Dist. : 11-Feb-1998 __________________________________________________________________________________________ Or. Eng. SUPPORT FOR IMPROVEMENT IN GOVERNANCE AND MANAGEMENT IN CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPEAN COUNTRIES (SIGMA) A JOINT INITIATIVE OF THE OECD/CCET AND EC/PHARE Unclassified CCET/SIGMA/PUMA Cancels & replaces the same document: distributed 26-Jan-1998 ( 98 ) 1 MANAGEMENT CHALLENGES AT THE CENTRE OF GOVERNMENT: COALITION SITUATIONS AND GOVERNMENT TRANSITIONS SIGMA PAPERS: No. 22 Or. En 61747 g . Document complet disponible sur OLIS dans son format d'origine Complete document available on OLIS in its original format CCET/SIGMA/PUMA(98)1 THE SIGMA PROGRAMME SIGMA — Support for Improvement in Governance and Management in Central and Eastern European Countries — is a joint initiative of the OECD Centre for Co-operation with the Economies in Transition and the European Union’s Phare Programme. The initiative supports public administration reform efforts in thirteen countries in transition, and is financed mostly by Phare. The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development is an intergovernmental organisation of 29 democracies with advanced market economies. The Centre channels the Organisation’s advice and assistance over a wide range of economic issues to reforming countries in Central and Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union. Phare provides grant financing to support its partner countries in Central and Eastern Europe to the stage where they are ready to assume the obligations of membership of the European Union. -
Centrum Badania Opinii Społecznej
CENTRUM BADANIA OPINII SPOŁECZNEJ SEKRETARIAT 629 - 35 - 69, 628 - 37 - 04 UL. ŻURAWIA 4A, SKR. PT.24 OŚRODEK INFORMACJI 693 - 46 - 92, 625 - 76 - 23 00 - 503 W A R S Z A W A TELEFAX 629 - 40 - 89 INTERNET http://www.cbos.pl E-mail: [email protected] BS/185/2004 ZAUFANIE DO POLITYKÓW W LISTOPADZIE KOMUNIKAT Z BADAŃ WARSZAWA, LISTOPAD 2004 PRZEDRUK MATERIAŁÓW CBOS W CAŁOŚCI LUB W CZĘŚCI ORAZ WYKORZYSTANIE DANYCH EMPIRYCZNYCH JEST DOZWOLONE WYŁĄCZNIE Z PODANIEM ŹRÓDŁA ZAUFANIE DO POLITYKÓW W LISTOPADZIE ¾ Pierwsze miejsce wśród polityków najbardziej powszechnie darzonych zaufaniem zajmują w tym miesiącu ex aequo Aleksander Kwaśniewski oraz Zbigniew Religa (po 63% deklaracji). Na kolejnych pozycjach tego rankingu - ze znacznie słabszymi już notowaniami - znaleźli się: Lech Kaczyński (48%), Jan Rokita (47%) oraz Jarosław Kaczyński (45%). Zaufaniem około dwóch piątych pytanych cieszą się: Donald Tusk (42%), Marek Borowski (41%), Danuta Hübner, Zbigniew Ziobro (po 40% deklaracji) oraz Włodzimierz Cimoszewicz (38%). ¾ Spośród polityków uwzględnionych w listopadowym sondażu największą nieufność badanych budzi Leszek Miller (67% deklaracji). Znacznie mniej osób, aczkolwiek również bardzo dużo (50%), deklaruje nieufność do Andrzeja Leppera. Do ścisłej czołówki polityków najczęściej budzących nieufność badanych niezmiennie należą także Leszek Balcerowicz (44%) i wicepremier Jerzy Hausner (43%). Blisko dwie piąte respondentów (38%) nie ma zaufania do premiera Marka Belki. ¾ Listopad przyniósł głównie niekorzystne zmiany w dotychczaso- wych notowaniach polityków. Stosunkowo najbardziej pogorszyły się oceny Józefa Oleksego (spadek zaufania o 8 punktów i wzrost nieufności o 6 punktów procentowych), a nieco mniej - Jerzego Hausnera (spadek zaufania o 6 punktów i wzrost nieufności o 5 punktów procentowych). Pogorszyły się również notowania Zbigniewa Ziobry (spadek zaufania o 6 punktów i wzrost nieufności o 3 punkty) oraz Marka Balickiego (spadek zaufania o 5 punktów i wzrost nieufności o 3 punkty). -
Interview with Waldemar Pawlak Polish Brands Cities and Regions
■ Interview with Waldemar Pawlak ■ Polish brands ■ Cities and regions ■ Euro 2012 ■ Polish hospitality ■ Special Economic Zones ■ Polish export and design L’Arc ~ Varsovie French restaurant in the heart of Warsaw. The cuisine is led by our Chef Marcin Legat who delight in serving you delicious contemporary and French cuisine. We serve daily breakfast, lunch and dinner which are prepared by our talented Chef reklama Larcand his team using only the best and freshest ingredients. Our trademark is our Aquarium from where we serve delicious fresh lobsters and different kind of oysters on a daily basis. Live piano on wednesday and saturdays between 19:00 ‒ 22:00. We serve Champagne Moet per glass and bottle with the best price in Poland! Restauracja L’ARC Varsovie ul. Puławska 16, 02-512 Warszawa tel.: +48 602 822 007 (French/English/Polish) +48 519 000 050 +48 22 465 13 58 fax: 22 465 13 58 e-mail: [email protected] 5 Contents ■ POLISH ECONOMY 6 ▪ Interview with Mr. Waldemar Pawlak, Vice Prime Minister 6 ▪ Polish economy: still catching the wave 8 ▪ Interview with Mr. H.E. Lee Feinstein 16 ▪ Interview with Mr. H.E. Robin Barnett 18 ▪ Interview with Mr. H.E. Rüdiger Freiherr von Fritsch 19 ▪ Interview with Prof. Witold Orłowski 20 ▪ Interview with Mr. Maxime Gourgouillat 24 ■ EURO 2012 26 ▪ Euro 2012 - football and economics 27 ▪ Cooperation Poland & Ukraine 30 ■ CITIES AND REGIONS 34 Publisher & Editor-in-chief ▪ Cities and Regions 35 Milena Golda ▪ Interview with Mr. Adam Jarubas 40 Executive Editor ▪ Interview with Mr. Leszek Wojtasiak 42 Grzegorz Morawski ▪ Interview with Mr. -
Tobacco Industry Interference with Tobacco Control Policies in Poland
TC Online First, published on September 28, 2015 as 10.1136/tobaccocontrol-2015-052582 Tob Control: first published as 10.1136/tobaccocontrol-2015-052582 on 28 September 2015. Downloaded from Research paper Tobacco industry interference with tobacco control policies in Poland: legal aspects and industry practices Łukasz Balwicki,1 Michał Stokłosa,2 Małgorzata Balwicka-Szczyrba,3 Wioleta Tomczak4 ▸ Additional material is ABSTRACT has had only moderate success in implementing its published online only. To view Background Since 2006, when Poland ratified the WHO provisions. Poland’s tobacco control law underwent please visit the journal online Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC), there revision in 2010 and 2011 to extend smoke-free (http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/ 5 tobaccocontrol-2015-052582). have been efforts to improve tobacco control regulation in areas and improve point-of-purchase regulation; the country. At the same time, at the European Union however, the scope of the revision has been greatly 1Department of Public Health and Social Medicine, Medical level, Poland took part in discussions over revision of the reduced during the legislative process. Despite rati- University of Gdansk, Gdańsk, Tobacco Tax Directive and the Tobacco Products Directive. fying the WHO FCTC, many tobacco control regu- Poland This study aims to explore the tobacco industry’s tactics to lations still do not meet its requirements. For 2 Economic and Health Policy interfere with the creation of those policies. example, Poland still has partial smoke-free laws6 Research, American Cancer Methods Analysis of 257 documents obtained through and incomplete advertisement, promotion7 and Society, Atlanta, Georgia, USA 8 3Department of Civil Law, freedom of information request. -
Wybory Prezydenta Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej W Toruniu W 1990 R
Piotr Witwicki Wybory prezydenta Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej w Toruniu w 1990 r. Rocznik Toruński 35, 95-116 2008 ROCZNIK TORUŃSKI TOM 35 ROK 2008 Wybory prezydenta Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej w Toruniu w 1990 r. Piotr Witwicki Rozpisanie wyborów i kształtowanie się sceny politycznej Wybory parlamentarne 4 VI 1989 r. uruchomiły lawinę przemian politycznych w Polsce. Ogromne poparcie, jakie w „częściowo demo kratycznych” wyborach uzyskała strona opozycyjna1, pozwoliło na wprowadzanie reform, o których dotąd nikt nie śmiał nawet pomyśleć. W sierpniu 1989 r. Polska miała już pierwszego niekomunistycznego premiera. W skład rządu Tadeusza Mazowieckiego wchodzili nie tylko przedstawiciele Obywatelskiego Klubu Parlamentarnego (OKP), Zjed noczonego Stronnictwa Ludowego (ZSL) czy Stronnictwa Demokra tycznego (SD), ale również pięciu ministrów z Polskiej Zjednoczonej Partii Robotniczej (PZPR). Ta ostatnia partia zachowała wpływy w nie których resortach, zwłaszcza zaś w Ministerstwie Spraw Wewnętrznych i Ministerstwie Obrony Narodowej, na czele których stanęli generało wie Czesław Kiszczak i Florian Siwicki. Mimo to, jeszcze w grudniu 1989 r., Sejm dokonał zmian w konsty tucji, które formalnie zakończyły istnienie PRL. Przywrócono dawną nazwę państwa - Rzeczpospolita Polska oraz godło - orła w koronie. 1 Z województwa toruńskiego w Senacie znaleźli się Alicja Grześkowiak i Stani sław Dembiński. Do Sejmu weszli: Krzysztof Żabiński, Jan Wyrowiński i Wiktor K ulerski. 95 Z ustawy zasadniczej usunięto zapis o „przewodniej roli” PZPR i soju szach z ZSRR. W Sejmie, zwanym kontraktowym, tylko 35% miejsc było obsa dzonych w wolnych wyborach. Mimo jednak tego, że rząd pochodził z „nieprawego łoża”, wprowadzał on istotne zmiany, jak np. reformu jący gospodarkę pakiet Balcerowicza czy ustawa o samorządzie teryto rialnym. Jednocześnie także w otoczeniu międzynarodowym Polski następowały znaczące wydarzenia. -
Maciej Hartliński the SELECTION of PARTY LEADERS IN
Polish Political Science Review. Polski Przegląd Politologiczny 2(2)/2014 Maciej Hartliński THE SELECTION OF PARTY LEADERS IN POLAND: DEMOCRATISATION OF RULES AND PREDICTABILITY OF RESULTS DOI: 10.1515/ppsr-2015-0018 Abstract The objective of this analysis is to examine political party leadership with reference to the rules and results of its selection process in post-communist Poland. The exploration of these matters is based on qualitative and quantitative data concerning 16 different political parties and 80 selections they conducted in the years 1990-2013. The comprehensive research methods employed for this study ranged from in-depth analysis of particular election results to analysis of constitutional and structural party variations. This extensive investigation enables the reader to draw conclusions about Polish intra-party politics and to understand the vetting processes that Polish politicians must undergo. The findings indicate that political parties tend to address wider selectorates; and that the rules of selection are transparent, democratic, and empirically predictable. Keywords: party leader, leadership selection, political parties, Central and Eastern Europe, Poland Introduction To explore the interesting phenomenon of politics and party systems in post-communist countries, one must first attempt to understand the procedures and identify the stages of the processes that determine the selection of political party leaders. Only then can one’s knowledge increase and is one able to explore various paths chosen to attain the most important positions in a party and consequently in the country. Party leaders become crucial actors in a parliamentary democracy, especially in post-communist countries, in many cases becoming prime ministers and presidents. -
Special Report
SPECIAL REPORT Key points for the 8th term of the European Parliament (2014-2019) Madrid, November 2014 BARCELONA BOGOTÁ BUENOS AIRES LIMA LISBOA MADRID MÉXICO PANAMÁ QUITO RIO J SÃO PAULO SANTIAGO STO DOMINGO KEY POINTS FOR THE 8TH TERM OF THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT (2014-2019) 1. THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT 1. THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT 2. THE LATEST ELECTION The European Parliament has, since its creation in 1962 in the 3. MAIN ISSUES IN THE context of the evolution of European integration, become the LEGISLATIVE AGENDA European Union (EU) Institution to have gained more power and 4. SPANISH DELEGATION relevance in the decision-making process of the Union. Indeed, over the years, it has gained increasingly important powers, legitimized 5. CONCLUSIONS and differentiated by the fact that it is the only EU Institution to be 6. APPENDIX 1: COMPETENCES elected by universal suffrage. 7. APPENDIX 2: CURRENT COMPOSITION OF THE It has evolved from being a mere advisory body to having the COMMITTEES power to co-legislate, together with the Council, in more than 85 legislative areas, exercising legislative powers as well as powers 8. APPENDIX 3: THE CURRENT of budgetary and political control. It also wields a considerable BUREAU OF THE EUROPEAN amount of political influence, and its competences include those PARLIAMENT of electing the President of the European Commission, vetoing the 9. APPENDIX 4: EUROPEAN appointment of the College, and even forcing the resignation of the PARLIAMENT DELEGATIONS entire Commission after a motion of no confidence. AUTHORS The official headquarters of the Parliament are in Strasbourg, where the main plenary sessions are held. -
Challenger Party List
Appendix List of Challenger Parties Operationalization of Challenger Parties A party is considered a challenger party if in any given year it has not been a member of a central government after 1930. A party is considered a dominant party if in any given year it has been part of a central government after 1930. Only parties with ministers in cabinet are considered to be members of a central government. A party ceases to be a challenger party once it enters central government (in the election immediately preceding entry into office, it is classified as a challenger party). Participation in a national war/crisis cabinets and national unity governments (e.g., Communists in France’s provisional government) does not in itself qualify a party as a dominant party. A dominant party will continue to be considered a dominant party after merging with a challenger party, but a party will be considered a challenger party if it splits from a dominant party. Using this definition, the following parties were challenger parties in Western Europe in the period under investigation (1950–2017). The parties that became dominant parties during the period are indicated with an asterisk. Last election in dataset Country Party Party name (as abbreviation challenger party) Austria ALÖ Alternative List Austria 1983 DU The Independents—Lugner’s List 1999 FPÖ Freedom Party of Austria 1983 * Fritz The Citizens’ Forum Austria 2008 Grüne The Greens—The Green Alternative 2017 LiF Liberal Forum 2008 Martin Hans-Peter Martin’s List 2006 Nein No—Citizens’ Initiative against -
The Question of Kosovo Independence in Polish Political Debate
POLISH POLITICAL SCIENCE VOL XXXVII 2008 PL ISSN 0208-7375 THE QUESTION OF KOSOVO INDEPENDENCE IN POLISH POLITICAL DEBATE by Renata Podgórzańska ! e proclamation of independence of Kosovo, although expected, had a destabi- lizing impact on the international situation. International community had various opinions on the decision of Kosovo authorities. 1 Numerous conditions in" uenced the positions of individual countries. Countries acknowledging independence of Kosovo, that is some EU countries and the United States, recognized the proclama- tion of independence of Kosovo as a # nal stage of the Yugoslavia’s break-up with the basis for peaceful cooperation on the Balkans. Whereas, countries opposing the secession of Kosovo found it against the international law. ! ey perceived this act as an example of western countries’ dominance and feared that it would form a danger- ous precedent threatening international stability and security. 2 1 Kosovo authorities paid no heed to the suggestions of Brussels encouraging to postpone the decision on independence until Serbia and Kosovo were admitted to the European Union. ! eir position, to a large extent was in" uenced by a failure in the attempts of the interna- tional community concerning the Kosovo status. See A. Balcer, W. Górecki, M. Kaczmarski, R. Sadowski, W. Stanisławski, Kosowo Proclaims Independence , “Best – Weekly OSW”, No. 41, 20.02.2008, http://osw.waw.pl/pub/BiuletynOSW/2008/0802/080220/best01.htm 2 On 17 February 2008 the Parliament of Kosovo passed a 12 point-declaration of inde- pendence during a special session (boycotted by 11 Serbian representatives). See: Kosova Declaration of Indipendance , http://www.assembly-kosova.org/common/docs/declaration_in- dipendence.pdf 128 Renata PODGÓRZAŃSKA Considering the reasons of the Kosovo’s secession, irrespective of political, legal and moral aspects of this decision, its potential outcomes shall be emphasized 3.