The Interplay Between Policy and Politics in Combatting Terrorism the Case of Lebanon (2011-2015)
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2014 Vol. 5, No. 1
PRISM VOL. 5, NO. 1 2014 A JOURNAL OF THE CENTER FOR COMPLEX OPERATIONS PRISM About VOL. 5, NO. 1 2014 PRISM is published by the Center for Complex Operations. PRISM is a security studies journal chartered to inform members of U.S. Federal agencies, allies, and other partners on complex EDITOR and integrated national security operations; reconstruction and state-building; relevant policy Michael Miklaucic and strategy; lessons learned; and developments in training and education to transform America’s security and development EDITORIAL ASSISTANTS Ross Clark Ben Graves Caliegh Hernandez Communications Daniel Moore Constructive comments and contributions are important to us. Direct communications to: COPY EDITORS Dale Erickson Editor, PRISM Rebecca Harper 260 Fifth Avenue (Building 64, Room 3605) Christoff Luehrs Fort Lesley J. McNair Sara Thannhauser Washington, DC 20319 Nathan White Telephone: (202) 685-3442 DESIGN DIRecTOR FAX: Carib Mendez (202) 685-3581 Email: [email protected] ADVISORY BOARD Dr. Gordon Adams Dr. Pauline H. Baker Ambassador Rick Barton Contributions Professor Alain Bauer PRISM welcomes submission of scholarly, independent research from security policymakers Dr. Joseph J. Collins (ex officio) and shapers, security analysts, academic specialists, and civilians from the United States and Ambassador James F. Dobbins abroad. Submit articles for consideration to the address above or by email to [email protected] Ambassador John E. Herbst (ex officio) with “Attention Submissions Editor” in the subject line. Dr. David Kilcullen Ambassador Jacques Paul Klein Dr. Roger B. Myerson This is the authoritative, official U.S. Department of Defense edition of PRISM. Dr. Moisés Naím Any copyrighted portions of this journal may not be reproduced or extracted MG William L. -
Fiscal Year 2009
Statement by the Chairperson of the METAC Steering Committee t was a pleasure for me to chair the Steering Committee of the IMF Middle East Regional Technical Assistance Center (METAC) for the first time this year. The meeting, which was held in Beirut on May 6, I 2009, provided a good opportunity for member countries and donors to gauge the important results and progress achieved in Fiscal Year (FY) 2009, widely recognized by beneficiary member governments, to review the priorities and work plan for FY 2010, and to look forward to the next medium-term phase. The present Annual Report for FY 2009 reviews and addresses these subjects in some detail. As Chairperson, I seized the opportunity to highlight the important role of the Steering Committee in promoting and guiding the work of METAC, and to review ways and means to enhance the role of the Committee with a view to make it more dynamic and effective, including through increased networking and monitoring. I emphasized the important role of METAC in the cross-border fertilization of knowledge and stressed the need for increasing knowledge-sharing and learning as an integral part of METAC’s work. Being located in Beirut, close to the countries it serves, METAC provides several important benefits, including decentralized delivery of technical assistance, which allows for greater flexibility in responding to changing or emerging needs, close coordination with regional technical assistance providers, enhanced country ownership and accountability, and more focused and subject-specific training for local officials. The location of this important center reaffirms the traditional role of Beirut as a regional center of excellence and reflects recognition of Lebanon’s wealth in qualified human resources. -
Lebanon and the United Nations Special Tribunal: Between (Un)Accountability and (In)Stability?
Lebanon and the United Nations Special Tribunal: Between (Un)Accountability and (In)Stability? Benedetta Berti and David Lee In January 2014, nearly nine years after the February 14, 2005 assassination of twice Lebanese Prime Minister Rafiq Hariri, the United Nations Special Tribunal for Lebanon (STL) – the ad hoc hybrid criminal court established to investigate and prosecute the assassination – formally began the trial. The timing is particularly interesting, as Lebanon currently finds itself in an especially difficult predicament, with a new and fragile government emerging after a long period of political paralysis and with a general state of internal instability due to the domestic impact of the Syrian civil war. Since its creation in 2009, the STL has always been a very controversial and divisive issue within Lebanon, with pro- and anti-STL camps reflecting larger and deeper internal political cleavages. Because of the tribunal’s disputed status and due to its long and troubled history, the current trial represents both a long-awaited opportunity for advancing justice as well as a potential threat to an already fragile internal equilibrium. This article examines the STL’s current role and future potential by addressing its disputed beginnings and contested history, and then analyzing the current developments in the Hariri investigation and the domestic reactions to the trial within Lebanon. A Brief History of the STL: Obstacles, Shortcomings, and Achievements The opening of the Hariri trial takes on particular significance given the STL’s tortuous history, as well as the numerous obstacles faced by the Hariri investigation over the past nine years. Dr. -
Lebanon's Arab Spring: the Cedar Revolution Nine Years On
Part_III.qxp_CTR 6x9 5/4/14 3:50 PM Page 97 Chapter Eight Lebanon’s Arab Spring: The Cedar Revolution Nine Years On Rupert Sutton With the anniversaries of many of the major events seen during the Arab Spring passing in early 2014, much of the optimism of the time has long since faded. Increased economic volatility, political instability, and street violence have been features of the upheaval, while in Syria an ongoing civil war has killed over 120,000 people and is driving sec- tarian violence in Iraq and Lebanon.1 Despite this pessimistic outlook, though, it is still too early to predict the failures of the revolutions in the Arab Spring countries. The economic, political and security devel- opments of an earlier uprising in the region instead suggest that, given time, instability can be overcome and a country can begin to recover. This uprising, the Intifadat al-Istiqlal, or Cedar Revolution, in Lebanon bears many similarities to those that took place across the region in 2010–2011. Demonstrations following the February 14, 2005 assassination of the former Prime Minister, Rafic Hariri, brought hundreds of thousands onto the streets and resulted in the resignation of Prime Minister Omar Karami; the formation of a new government, following free elections; and the withdrawal of Syrian troops from Lebanon. Despite being followed by economic decline, political polarisation, and increased violence— as currently experienced by those countries that saw Arab Spring revolutions— Lebanon’s economy was able to recover, while an agreement reached in Doha in May 2008 ended open street fighting between political factions and enabled a deeply divided political system to function again with relative stability. -
Fuses Set but Hezbollah Not Lighting the Match: the Dominant Political Actor in Lebanon Limiting the Risk of Large-Scale Political War
Fuses Set but Hezbollah Not Lighting the Match: The Dominant Political Actor in Lebanon Limiting the Risk of Large-Scale Political War The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Aoun, Elias. 2019. Fuses Set but Hezbollah Not Lighting the Match: The Dominant Political Actor in Lebanon Limiting the Risk of Large- Scale Political War. Master's thesis, Harvard Extension School. Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:42004225 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA Hezbollah: The Dominant Political Actor in Lebanon Limiting the Risk of Large-Scale Conflict Elias Aoun A Thesis in the Field of International Relations for the Degree of Master of Liberal Arts in Extension Studies Harvard University May 2019 Copyright 2019 Elias Aoun Abstract Amidst the Syrian civil war and Arab Spring wave in the Middle East, Lebanon somehow avoided large-scale political conflict. Lebanon’s violent past would have pointed otherwise, considering political conflict is a somewhat of a customary procedure for domestic and regional political actors. However, post-2011, why has Lebanon not erupted in violence and conflict, despite regional instability and enormous socioeconomic and political tensions? Lebanon was a fragile state unable to monopolize the legitimate use of force within their territory. This left a gap for other non-state political actors to step forward as the dominant actor. -
Lebanon's Second Republic Copyright 2002 by Kail C. Ellis. This
Lebanon’s Second Republic Copyright 2002 by Kail C. Ellis. This work is licensed under a modified Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 Unported License. To view a copy of this license, visit http:// creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/. You are free to electroni- cally copy, distribute, and transmit this work if you attribute author- ship. However, all printing rights are reserved by the University Press of Florida (http://www.upf.com). Please contact UPF for information about how to obtain copies of the work for print distribution. You must attribute the work in the manner specified by the author or licensor (but not in any way that suggests that they endorse you or your use of the work). For any reuse or distribution, you must make clear to others the license terms of this work. Any of the above conditions can be waived if you get permission from the University Press of Florida. Nothing in this license impairs or restricts the author’s moral rights. Florida A&M University, Tallahassee Florida Atlantic University, Boca Raton Florida Gulf Coast University, Ft. Myers Florida International University, Miami Florida State University, Tallahassee University of Central Florida, Orlando University of Florida, Gainesville University of North Florida, Jacksonville University of South Florida, Tampa University of West Florida, Pensacola Lebanon’s Second Republic Prospects for the Twenty-first Century Edited by Kail C. Ellis University Press of Florida Gainesville · Tallahassee · Tampa · Boca Raton Pensacola · Orlando · Miami · Jacksonville · Ft. Myers Copyright 2002 by Kail C. Ellis Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper All rights reserved 07 06 05 04 03 02 6 5 4 3 2 1 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Lebanon’s second republic: prospects for the twenty-first century / edited by Kail C. -
Extremism and Terrorism
Lebanon: Extremism and Terrorism On August 19, 2021, Hezbollah announced it would begin importing fuel from Iran to distribute in Lebanon to alleviate the country’s fuel crisis. Nasrallah warned the United States and Israel against interfering with the shipments. The first of three Iranian ships carrying fuel departed Iran on August 19. U.S. officials and Lebanese former Prime Minister Saad Hariri both warned the Iranian fuel risked triggering further sanctions on Lebanon and deepening the country’s economic crisis. The caretaker Lebanese government reported it had received no requests for Iran to export fuel to Lebanon. (Sources: Reuters, Bloomberg News, Jerusalem Post, Associated Press, Reuters) On September 10, 2021, Lebanese leaders agreed on a new government led by Prime Minister-Najib Mikati. Hezbollah nominated two ministers in the new 24-member government—Agriculture Minister Abbas Al Hajj Hassan and Public Works and Transport Minister Ali Hamieh. The Hezbollah-aligned Amal movement nominated Hezbollah member Moustafa Bayram as Labor minister. Lebanon’s government had remained paralyzed for more than a year as Hezbollah helped block the formation of a new government. On December 19, 2019, Lebanese President Michel Aoun—a Hezbollah ally—appointed Hassan Diab as the country’s new prime minister following extensive parliamentary negotiations to replace former Prime Minister Saad Hariri, who resigned on October 29 following two weeks of countrywide anti-government protests. On January 22, 2020, Diab convened his new government, which included two Hezbollah ministers and members of Hezbollah-allied parties. On August 10, 2020, Diab dissolved the government after widespread anti-government protests. -
Doar and Krauss
THE INSTITUTE FOR MIDDLE EAST STUDIES IMES CAPSTONE PAPER SERIES RETURN TO FATAHLAND? SYRIA’S REFUGEES IN LEBANON’S CONFLICT KIRA DOAR JOSEPH KRAUSS APRIL 2013 THE INSTITUTE FOR MIDDLE EAST STUDIES THE ELLIOTT SCHOOL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS THE GEORGE WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY © OF AUTHORS, 2013 TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction 2 Towards a Theory of “Refugee-Warriors” 4 The Syrian Refugees in Lebanon 13 A Conflict-Wary Host State 18 International Actors Stand Down 24 Tensions at the Grassroots: Other Sources of Conflict Spillover 26 Conclusion 30 Works Cited 32 1 Introduction The refugee crisis unleashed by Syria’s civil war has raised fears of conflict spillover across the Middle East, perhaps nowhere more so than in Lebanon, which is bitterly divided between supporters and opponents of President Bashar al-Assad’s regime. As of April 2013, Lebanon was hosting more than 428,500 Syrian refugees,1 the largest influx of people since the arrival of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) in 1970, which fueled two decades of instability and civil unrest, the searing memory of which haunts discussions of the current crisis. Refugees are often seen – both in Lebanon and elsewhere – as a destabilizing force. The so-called “refugee- warrior” thesis – developed to explain conflict spillover in the Balkans, the African Great Lakes and South Asia in the late 20th century – has largely shaped the popular view of refugees. Many in Lebanon, particularly allies of the Assad regime, fear the refugees could one day carve out a new “Fatahland,” as the Palestinian para-state of the 1970s was known, and sow the seeds of a new civil war. -
Hezbollah's Influence in Lebanon
Hezbollah’s Influence in Lebanon April 2018 Hezbollah’s Influence in Lebanon (Source: Wikimedia Commons) Executive Summary Hezbollah has evolved significantly from its origins as a guerilla group in the early 1980s into a major political and military force. In defiance of U.N. resolutions and international agreements demanding its disarmament, Hezbollah has used its military strength, political power, and grassroots popularity to integrate itself into Lebanese society. Hezbollah has also created its own educational and social institutions that run parallel to the Lebanese state. As a result of these efforts, Hezbollah today wields significant influence across Lebanon’s various sectors. As head of Lebanon’s pro-Syrian parliamentary bloc, Hezbollah wields tremendous sway over the direction and stability of the government. The Hezbollah-led parliamentary coalition— referred to as March 8—has held 57 of Lebanon’s 128 parliamentary seats since the 2009 elections. After Lebanon elected Hezbollah ally Michel Aoun to the presidency in October 2016, March 8 received 17 of 30 cabinet positions, thus cementing Hezbollah’s continued influence in the country. Meanwhile, Hezbollah’s military entanglements in Syria and with Israel risk drawing all of Lebanon into regional conflicts. Although the United Nations has tasked Lebanon’s military with supervising Hezbollah’s disarmament, Hezbollah has managed to build up its military capabilities and presence in Lebanon under the watchful gaze of the Lebanese army. Hezbollah and the Lebanese military have also coordinated against Syrian rebel groups. Hezbollah has also created its own parallel institutions within Lebanon’s educational, social, and economic sectors. Hezbollah-run schools indoctrinate Shiite youth while its network of social 1 services provide Shiite citizens with health care, utilities, groceries, and construction services. -
Lebanon's Politics: the Sunni Community and Hariri's Future
LEBANON’S POLITICS: THE SUNNI COMMUNITY AND HARIRI’S FUTURE CURRENT Middle East Report N°96 – 26 May 2010 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ...................................................................................................... i I. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................. 1 II. THE SUNNI COMMUNITY IN THE AGE OF THE FUTURE CURRENT ............. 2 A. RAFIC HARIRI: THE GENESIS OF A CURRENT AND A PROJECT ....................................................... 2 B. SAAD HARIRI AND THE SUNNI COMMUNITY’S REPOSITIONING..................................................... 5 1. Breaking with Syria ..................................................................................................................... 5 2. Turning inward............................................................................................................................. 7 3. Turning toward the West ............................................................................................................. 7 4. Joining the “moderate” axis ......................................................................................................... 9 5. Sectarian divisions ..................................................................................................................... 10 C. A PARADOXICAL NEW BALANCE OF POWER .............................................................................. 13 D. THE FUTURE CURRENT’S POLITICAL AND INSTITUTIONAL WEAKNESSES -
In the Arab World
December 2014 Year in the arab World introduction was good news from North Africa, where Tunisia’s democratic transition BAlAncing Act progressed with free parliamentary and presidential elections and Morocco By Roula Khalaf, Foreign editor pushed ahead with plans to turn itself into a finance hub for sub-Saharan Africa. The past year will be remembered United Arab Emirates against Qatar for On the following pages, the Financial as one of the Middle East’s most much of the year. Times reprints edited highlights of tumultuous, a time of political Across the region, Arab governments our political, security and economic decadence and shattered illusions. have been forced to contend with reporting over the past year, giving Rarely a peaceful region, the Arab the diminishing role of the US and readers a gripping and concise picture world was convulsed in 2014 by continuing anxiety over the influence of of the challenges facing the region. existential crises, in which borders of Iran. But, as ever, they continued to be As this magazine shows, the Islamic nation states created by colonial powers thwarted by inter-Arab bickering and State of Iraq and the Levant, known as after the end of the first world war the lack of a common vision. Isis, has posed the most dramatic test for were challenged and the dreams of a The main pocket of relative stability the Arab world since the Sunni extremist young population for more democratic was in the oil-rich economies of the group took over Mosul, Iraq’s second city, political systems were smashed. -
BUILDING a BETTER SYRIAN OPPOSITION ARMY the How and the Why
ANALYSIS PAPER Number 35, October 2014 BUILDING A BETTER SYRIAN OPPOSITION ARMY The How and the Why Kenneth M. Pollack The Brookings Institution is a private non-profit organization. Its mission is to conduct high-quality, independent research and, based on that research, to provide innovative, practical recommendations for policymakers and the public. The conclusions and recommendations of any Brookings publication are solely those of its author(s), and do not reflect the views of the Institution, its management, or its other scholars. Brookings recognizes that the value it provides to any supporter is in its absolute commitment to quality, independence and impact. Activities supported by its donors reflect this commitment and the analysis and recommendations are not determined by any donation. Copyright © 2014 1775 Massachusetts Avenue, N.W., Washington, D.C. 20036 www.brookings.edu Table of Contents Acknowledgments ............................................................ii About the Author ............................................................iii Building a Better Syrian Opposition Army .........................................1 Why Get More Involved?...................................................1 A High Bar for Greater Involvement ..........................................4 Other Options for Intervention Fall Short ......................................5 Lessons from the Balkans...................................................7 Building a New Syrian Army ................................................8 Plan of Battle...........................................................11