Introduction

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Notes

Introduction

1. I am using the term “race-conscious affirmative action programs” because, in the United States, affirmative action has seemingly transformed itself from being whitee to meaning black. For a good overview of when affirmative action was white, see Ira Katznelson, When Affirmative Action Was White: An Untold History of Racial Inequality in Twentieth Century America, 2005. 2. For Justice Harlan, colorblindness was supposed to transform the unequal social conditions of blacks in relation to whites. Moreover, for him, colorblindness would change the legal and not the economic status of blacks. 3. Martin Luther King’s “I Have a Dream” speech was delivered on August 28, 1963, at the Lincoln Memorial, Washington, DC. 4. Today, there are countless incidents that dehumanize blacks and other nonwhites. In the chapters that follow, I will draw specifically on police violence perpetrated toward black men. 5. Even though “post-racial” is a fairly new term, critical race theorist Der- rick Bell made reference to the term in 1989 in “After We’re Gone: Prudent Speculation of America in a ‘Post-Racial’ Epoch.” Also, Howard Winant, in his 1999 essay “The President’s Race Initiative: Race-Conscious Judo Meets the Stiff-Funky Reality” and his 2002 book The World Is a Ghetto: Race and Democracy since World War III, discusses “post-racialism.” In the former, he writes, “Postracialism in contemporary United States often takes the form of putative ‘color-blindness’” (1999, 71). 6. See Louis Althusser, “Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses,” in Lenin and Philosophy and Other Essays, 1971. 7. Inspired by the work of Michel Foucault, The Order of Discourse, I am using “discourse” in the Foucaultian sense to denote the deeper meanings that lie behind the ideas that we take for granted. 8. The emergence of “whiteness studies” was noted on September 8, 1995, in the Chronicle of Higher Education in an article written by Liz McMillen titled “Lifting the Veil from Whiteness: Growing Body of Scholarship Challenges a ‘Racial’ Norm” and in Lingua Franca in the article, “Uncolored People” written by David Stowe in 1996. Also, see Alastair Bonnett, “‘White Studies’: The Problems and Projects of a New Research Agenda,” 1996. In disciplines as diverse as history, gender studies, political science, film studies, media studies, humor studies, linguistics, art history, rhetoric and communication, 130 NOTES

material culture, and dance, scholars focusing on whiteness as a concept for analysis have been lumped together under the opportune label of “whiteness studies” (Fishkin 1995, 442). 9. Critical race theory is an outgrowth of the critical legal studies movement, which came about in the 1970s to challenge accepted norms and standards in legal theory and practice. 10. What comes to mind is the legal case of Regents of the University of California v. Bakke, in which race famously became a “suspect classification” and was subjected to “strict scrutiny” under the Equal Protection Clause. Partly for this reason, the University of California Board of Regents ruled that race could not be a factor in university admission in 1995. In 1996, in the case Hopwood v. Texas, the court claimed that affirmative action discriminated against whites. And in 2003, in the case Grutter v. Bollinger, Kirk O. Kolbo, the attorney for the plaintiff, argued that to use race as the primary reason to enroll students into law school was unconstitutional. Given the manner in which whiteness functions in the United States, we cannot be surprised about the outcomes of these cases, which deny the saliency of race in the United States. 11.To demonstrate the significance of race, Mervyn M. Dymally, by using ads that did not allow voters in California to identify him as black, was able to win the lieutenant governor’s race in 1975. 12.Mills 1998, xiv. 13. Gilroy 2000b, 11. 14. For more on whiteness invisibility, see Richard Dyer, “White,” 1988; and Jane Gaines, “White Privilege and the Right to Look,” 1988. However, during the Jim Crow era, whiteness was far from invisible. For whites, the lynching of blacks was a social event that was well attended. Postcards were replicated from the pictures that were taken during lynchings to send to relatives and friends. 15. Of course, whites can experience all forms of prejudice. However, I think that it is important not to confuse prejudice stemming, for example, from gender, sexuality, class, abilities, and disabilities with race prejudice. Whites do not, in my sense, experience racism. 16. Ahmed 2004. 17. See Cheryl I. Harris, “Whiteness as Property,” 1993. 18.Frankenberg 1993, 6. 19. Alcoff 1998, 17. 20. Ibid. For more on white privilege, see Peggy McIntosh, “White Privilege: Unpacking the Invisible Knapsack,” 2007. 21. The expression, “the wages of whiteness” was coined by W. E. B. Du Bois in Black Reconstruction in America, 1860–1880, his magnum opus on whiteness. “The wages of whiteness” is more than economic; it includes a “psychological benefit” that all whites receive in spite of their class position. For more on the wages of whiteness, see Charles W. Mills, “Racial Exploitation and the Wages of Whiteness,” 2004, 43–45; and David R. Roediger, The Wages of Whiteness: Race and the Making of American Working Class, 1991. NOTES 131

22. In the 1978 case Regents of the University of California v. Bakke, Allan Bakke, a white man, sued the University of California, Davis, for denying him admit- tance into its medical school. The medical school had set aside 16 out of its 100 spots for applicants from marginalized groups. The California Supreme Court ordered the medical school to accept Bakke and disallowed California universities to take race into account when admissions are being considered. For an overview of the Bakke case, see John C. Jeffries, “Bakke Revisited,” 2003; Bernard Schwartz, Behind Bakke: Affirmative Action and the Supreme Court, 1988; and Ronald Dworkin, A Matter of Principle, 1985, 293–315. 23. Kennedy 1986, 1342. 24. For more on the Reagan administration’s stance on race-based policies, see Nicolas Laham, The Reagan Presidency and the Politics of Race: In Pursuit of Colorblind Justice and Limited Governmentt, 1998; Steven A. Shull, A Kinder, Gentler Racism? The Reagan-Bush Legacy, 1993; and Bernard Boxill, Blacks and Social Justice, 1992. 25. Young 1989, 267. 26. On the problematic of tolerance, see my book, The Politics of Race and Eth- nicity in the United States: Americanization, De-Americanization, and Racial- ized Ethnic Groups: “Tolerance, as a concept, harbors a deep intolerance. One who is tolerant is equally intolerant” (2010, 100–101). 27. See Pierre Bourdieu, Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste, 1986. Also, see Joan Wallach Scott, chapter 1, “The Headscarf Controversies,” 2007. 28. For more on “affirmative racism,” see Charles Murray, “Affirmative Rac- ism,” 1984. 29. The tools of racialization are employed to draw on the intimate relationship between racial difference and the formulation of cultural difference that promotes anxiety among the masses about the dangerous terrorists, the Muslim “others,” and the criminalized Mexican border crossers into the United States. 30. See Paul Gilroy, Against Race: Imagining Political Culture beyond the Color Line, 2000a. An interesting follow-up to Gilroy’s “against race” is that for Joshua Glasgow, “race is an illusion unworthy of our credence” (2009,1) Hence for Glasgow, a change of name from “race” to “race*” is based on “racial reconstructivism” and a shift from biology to social construction is necessary. See Joshua Glasgow, A Theory of Race, 2009. Also, see J. Angelo Corlett, Race, Racism, and Reparation, 2003. 31. See Kwame Anthony Appiah, “The Uncompleted Argument: Du Bois and the Illusion of Race,” 1985. This insistence in “wishing race away” (da Silver 2011, 4) would not do in the face of the presumptive hegemony of whiteness. It is more important to work to dismantle systems and structures that render race and its implications permissible and effective. I can see then, why for Robert Miles, in Racism after ‘Race Relations,’ the abandonment of the race concept would be purely an intellectual exercise for those for whom race and racism do not matter. Miles notes, “We are free to analyze the origin and consequences of racism without the distorting prism implanted by the use of the idea of ‘race’ as an analytic concept” (1993, 21). And even though scholars 132 NOTES

such as Paul Gilroy, Kwame Anthony Appiah, Joshua Glasgow, and J. Angelo Corlett have argued against the concept of race “as we know it” in the United States, these scholars are not blinded by the fact that racism is alive and well. However, Angelo J. Corlett, for instance, defines racism as “ethnic prejudice and discrimination” (2003, 66), which points to the conflating of race and ethnicity. In this sense, the racialization of ethnicity is not fully analyzed. 32. Even though the Fifteenth Amendment of the Constitution declared that no state shall deprive blacks from voting because of their former condition of servitude, voting rights and the constitutional liberties of blacks were not legally recognized until the passing of the voting rights act of 1965. Prior to the legislation, blacks were disenfranchised through a variety of state laws including the poll tax, literacy test, and the grandfather clause. Also, after 1890, white primaries were used in the Southern states to disenfran- chise black voters. When all this failed, state-sanctioned violence of vigilante groups such as the Ku Klux Klan (KKK) was instituted and maintained to hamstring blacks from voting. 33. According to the Joint Center for Political and Economic Studies, of the 622 black state legislators, 30 percent represented white constituencies in 2008. 34. Other black politicians such as former Tennessee congressman Harold Ford, New Jersey mayor Cory Booker, New York governor David Patterson, and Massachusetts governor Deval Patrick have not pursued race-based politics. Also, in the 1980s, Jesse Jackson’s Rainbow Coalition campaigns were, for the most part, not centered on race-based politics. 35. Race-based politics is referred to as the old style of politics and not focusing on race is now the new style of black politics. See Matt Bai, “Is Obama the End of Black Politics?,” 2008. 36. See Joe Klein, “Why Barack Obama Should Be the Next President,” 2006. 37. See John Hope Franklin, “The Two Worlds of Race: An Historical View,” 2011. 38. Obama 2008. Obama would refuse to attend the 2009 UN-sponsored World Conference on Racism in Geneva because, according to Eduardo Bonilla- Silva and David Dietrich, “he did not want to contend with the dicey issue of reparations for racial injustice or attendees who would accuse Israel of being a racist state” (Bonilla-Silva and Dietrich, 2011). 39. Some scholars have referred to this phenomenon as the “new racism” or postracism. See Amy E. Ansell, New Right, New Racism: Race and Reaction in the United States and Britain, 1997. 40. See Herbert Gans, “Deconstructing the Underclass,” 2007. 41. For a representative diverse body of writings on whiteness as privilege, see the first wave of whiteness studies, emanating from W. E. B. Du Bois to Toni Morrison, that has named and classified the “problem” as that of whiteness, a system of domination. For example, bell hooks has theorized the role of whiteness as visible—“the mysterious, the strange and the terrible”—in structuring the daily experience of blacks and other nonwhites (hooks 1992, 166). Also, see W. E. B. Du Bois, Black Reconstruction in American, 1860– 1890, 1935. He draws our attention to the “psychological wage” of whiteness. NOTES 133

Other black scholars who wrote about the terrifying nature of whiteness include Ida B. Wells-Barnett, Southern Horrors: Lynch Laws in All Its Phases, 1892, and The Red Record: Tabulated Statistics and Alleged Causes of Lynch- ing in the United States, 1895; W. E. B. Du Bois, The Souls of Black Folk, 2003; Richard Wright, Black Boy, 1935; James Baldwin, The Price of the Tickett, 1985; Ralph Ellison, “Change the Joke and Slip the Yoke,” 1958 and Stokely Carmichael and Charles V. Hamilton, Black Power: The Politics of Liberation in America, 1967. More recently, the second wave of whiteness studies scholars are examining and analyzing whiteness and white privilege. I will say more about the works of these scholars. For now, I just want to draw our attention to two important works: Peggy McIntosh, “White Privilege: Unpacking the Invis- ible Knapsack,” 2007; and Ruth Frankenberg, Displacing Whiteness: Essay in Social and Cultural Criticism, 1997. 42. See Charles Gallagher, “White Reconstruction in the University,” 2003. 43. Spivak 1995, 4. 44. Spivak 1990, 20. 45. Sartre 1953, 48. 46. Jean-Paul Sartre, in Being and Nothingness: An Essay on Phenomenological Ontology, makes a distinction between lying to oneself and lying to others, which is “lying in general.” For Sartre, “the liar actually is in complete possession of the truth which he is hiding” (1953, 48). 47. Mills 1997, 18. 48. Butler 1990, 140. 49. In fact, whites do not need to be members of white-supremacist groups to benefit from whiteness. White privilege is constantly embraced and affirmed. 50. The Tea Party movement has its origins in the anniversary of the Boston Tea Party in December 2007, when Ron Paul supporters were trying to raise funds for his presidential campaign for the Republican Party. With the election of Barack Obama as the first black president of the United States, the Tea Party membership greatly increased. For more on the ideology of the Tea Party movement, see Joan Swirsky, “We Are Losing Our Country But What Can We Do,” 2009; and Mark Lilla, “The Tea Party Jacobins,” 2010. 51. Similar right-wing movements such as the Tea Party are expressing themselves in Le Pen in France and Geert Wilders in the Netherland. 52. See report on the Tea Partiers by Michel Martin on the MPR news, April 10, 2010. On the other hand, it was pointed out that the respected General Social Survey, which interviews a “high quality” sample of Americans every two years, shows that 31.1 percent of whites thought discrimination was a main factor in racial inequalities in 2010 compared to 29.8 in 2008 and 29.4 in 2006. Comparable results from long-standing, time-series surveys carried out by the American National Election Study and the Pew Research Center also fail to show increases in denial of racial discrimination after Obama’s election. 53. Mills 1997, 7. Also, see Randall Kennedy, “The Race Card in the Campaign of 2008,” 2011, 133–60. 134 NOTES

54. Moreton-Robinson 2008, 85. 55. Given that the new politics of race is grounded in the notion of colorblindness and post-raciality, many more challenges for race and politics in the twenty-first century would continue to prevail.

Chapter 1

1. Since the law considers race a neutral category, race is not treated as a suspect classification in determining racial outcomes. Accordingly, critical race theorists, for good reason, are largely concerned with the idiosyncrasy of a lack of racial analysis within judicial opinions and legal doctrine. Thus these theorists are working to use the law as a tool for evoking progressive changes in dealing with race and racism within the legal system. For a more comprehensive reading on critical race theory, see, for example, Lani Guinier and Gerald Torres, The Miner’s Canary: Enlisting Race, Resisting Power, Transforming Democracy, 2002, 34–37; Richard Delgado and Jean Stefancic, Critical Race Theory: An Introduction, 2001; Ian Haney López, White by Law: The Legal Construction of Race, 1996; Kimberlé Crenshaw, Neil Gotanda, Gary Peller, and Kendall Thomas, eds., Critical Race Theory: The Key Writings That Formed the Move- mentt, 1995; Richard Delgado, Critical Race Theory, 1995; Kimberlé Crenshaw, “Race, Reform, and Retrenchment: Transformation and Legitimization in Antidiscrimination Law,” 1988; Mari J. Matsuda, “Looking to the Bottom: Critical Legal Studies and Reparation,” 1987; Derrick A. Bell, Race, Racism, and American Law, 1980; and Derrick A. Bell, “Serving Two Masters: Integra- tion Ideals and Client Interests in School Desegregation Litigation,” 1976. 2. Critical race theorists Daniel Bell, Richard Delgado, and Mari J. Matsuda have received harsh criticism from Randall L. Kennedy in his 1989 article “Racial Critiques of Legal Academia” for what he calls their “racial exclusion and racial distinctiveness theses” (1989, 1747). In turn, in the 1990 Harvard Law Review, Richard Delgado, “Mind-Set and Metaphor;” Robin D. Barnes, “Race Con- sciousness: The Thematic Content of Racial Distinctiveness in Critical Race Scholarship;” Milner S. Ball, “The Legal Academy and Minority Scholars;” and Leslie G. Espinoza, “Masks and Other Disguises: Exposing Legal Academia” have responded to Kennedy’s article. Also, Alex M. Johnson, “Racial Critiques of Legal Academia: A Reply in Favor of Content,” provided a response. 3. This “new” form of racism, or neoracism, retrieves back to its own way, which is to subjugate and bar blacks and other nonwhites from enjoying the rights of full citizenry. Racism is indeed a deterrence for any meaningful progress in race relations in the United States. However, Dinesh D’Souza, in his 1995 book The End of Racism: Principles for a Multicultural Societyy points to the end of racism. For him, then, race-conscious affirmative-action programs that were used, in part, to address racism in the United States are now obsolete. Hence poor blacks, First Nations peoples, and Mexicans, for example, are the result of the cultural deficiency that is within themselves and cannot be attributed to systemic racism. NOTES 135

4. I use “erasure of race” to mean something different from “under erasure,” where race is still visible and has not disappeared. Hence for some scholars, race is placed in parenthesis so as “to distance it from the speaker, who thereby signals that he is not using the word, only mentioning it while disavowing responsibility for or contaminated by it” (Mitchell 2012, 44). For the proponents of colorblindness, race should not matter and for the proponents of post-raciality, there is an end to race matters. In fact, to avoid the charge of “class racism” or the racialization of class, colorblindness, for instance, has been one of the prevailing discourses on the onslaught of race relations in the United States. 5. For more on the racialization of class, see my article, “Notes on Hurricane Katrina: Rethinking Race, Class, and Power in the United States,” 2009; Peter McLaren and Nathalia E. Jaramillo, “Katrina and the Banshee’s Wail: The Racialization of Class,” 2007; Karim Murji and John Solomos, Racial- ization: Studies in Theory and Practice, 2005; and Steve Martinot, The Rules of Racialization: Class, Identity, Governance, 2002; and Michael C. Dawson, Behind the Mule: Race and Class in African-American Politics, 1995. These days, culture and ethnicity are also substituted for race. 6. Today, English-language requirements often deter many blacks, Mexicans, Chinese, and other racialized groups from becoming naturalized American citizens. And those Americans who are not white are always viewed as foreign- ers, aliens from a different shore. See my book, The Politics of Race and Ethnic- ity: Americanization, De-Americanization, and Racialized Ethnic Groups. 7. The Patriot Act (the United and Strengthening America by Providing Appropriate Tools Required to Intercept and Obstruct Terrorism Act of 2001) was implemented by the Bush administration immediately after 9/11. Even though the Patriot Act, in the minds of those in power, is necessary for America to safeguard itself from future terrorist attacks, a critical analysis of the Patriot Act shows that it shamelessly authorizes racial profiling at US borders and airports. 8. More recently, it is the Arizona Immigration Law (Arizona SB 1070-Support Our Law Enforcement and Safe Neighborhood Act), as a preemptive measure to address the growing problem of illegal immigrants in Arizona—even though immigration laws, for the most part, have always been a federal matter—that is at the forefront of racial profiling, which was approved by the Arizona Legislature on April 19, 2010, and was signed into law on April 23 by Governor Jan Brewer. In fact, Governor Jan Brewer defended the law by making claims that the federal government was not doing anything to curtail illegal immigration. Hence the state has a right to take measures to control undocumented immigrants. The “show me your papers” rule, one of the most controversial provisions of the Arizona Immigration Law, which was not struck down by the Supreme Court, authorizes the Arizona police to verify the immigration status of persons who have been stopped or arrested. Two of the other provisions in the Arizona Immigration Law were to make it a crime if you have violated the federal immigration law by 136 NOTES

living in Arizona illegally, and the other was to arrest people that the police have probable cause to believe were in violation of the federal immigration law. The Court, for good reasons, struck down both of these provisions. For more on Arizona SB1070, see Sophia J. Wallace, “Papers Please: State-Level Anti-Immigration in the Wake of Arizona’s SB 1070,” 2014. 9. Sartre 1956, 3. 10. Many scholars have shown, at the very beginning of its configuration, affirmative-action programs were in place to benefit white men. See W. Avon Drake, “Affirmative Action at the Crossroads: Race and the Future of Black Progress” (2003, 59). For other readings on when affirmative-action programs were white, see Sherrow O. Pinder’s chapter in Whiteness and Racialized Eth- nic Groups in the United States: The Politics of Rememberingg, “Antidiscrimina- tion Measures and Whiteness: The Case of Affirmative Action” (2011, 71–78); Ira Katznelson, When Affirmative Action Was White: An Untold History of Racial Inequality in Twentieth Century America, 2005; Karen Brodkin, How Jews Became White Folks and What That Says about Race in America, 1998; and Herbert Hill, “Race, Ethnicity and Organized Labor: The Opposition to Affirmative Action,” 1987. And given that affirmative-action programs have not altered or transformed the racist structures that are in place in the United States, we have to seek out other antidiscriminatory measures. Other measures that can help black and other nonwhite communities would include good public schools and a full-employment policy that focuses on decent wages and real solutions to the increasing poverty in these communities. 11. See Richard Dyer, White, 1997; and Ruth Frankenberg, White Women, Race Matters: The Social Construction of Whiteness, 1993. 12. Ahmed 2004. 13. A good example of how whiteness becomes visible is the sign “WHITES ONLY” written on bathrooms in the Jim Crow South. Whiteness in this specific occurrence becomes a color as well as an identity. This is exactly what Charles Mills means when he speaks of the “racial contract” that maintains blacks and other nonwhites in socially and culturally assigned spaces/places. In my analysis, I have explained the necessity for establishing racialized spaces that incarcerate people in specific social and cultural spaces such as the Jim Crow laws, lynching, the Chinese Exclusion Act, the Dawns’ Act, and the Japa- nese internment camps. Today, the ghettoes, superghettoes, and other ethnic enclaves such as Spanish Harlem or China Towns are used to racialize people’s space. In this sense, I can understand the argument put forward by black feminist and historian Evelyn Brooks Higginbotham according to which race constructs gender. She explains, for instance that little black girls learn to use the bathroom assigned for blacks. See Evelyn Brooks Higginbotham “African American Women’s History and the Metalanguage of Race,” 1996. 14. Du Bois 1969, 29. 15. Fine et al. 1997, xi. NOTES 137

16. It was Derrick Bell, in his book Race, Racism, and American Law, who asked the question, “Is there an inchoate property right in whiteness?” (1980, xxiii), which laid the groundwork for Cheryl I. Harris, “Whiteness as Property,” 1993. 17. In the 1990s, the second wave of whiteness studies emerged as a category of analysis in literary criticism and cultural studies. See Rebecca Aanerud, “Fictions of Whiteness: Speaking the Names of Whiteness in U.S. Literature,” 1997; Valerie Babb, Whiteness Visible: The Meaning of Whiteness in Ameri- can Literature and Culture, 1998; Fisher Fishkin, “Interrogating ‘Whiteness,’ Complicating ‘Blackness’: Remapping American Culture,” 1995; David Roediger, Black on White: Black Writers and What It Means to Be White, 1998; and Crispin Sartwell, Act Like You Know: African American Autobiography and White Identity, 1998. Also, the studies of whiteness appeared in works including Noel Ignatiev and John Garvey, Race Traitor, 1998; Joe L. Kinche- loe et al., Reign: Deploying Whiteness in America, 1998; Ruth Frankenberg, Displacing Whiteness: Essays in Social and Cultural Criticism, 1997; Matt Wray and Annalee Newitz, White Trash: Race and Class in America, 1997; Richard Delgado and Jean Stefancic, Critical White Studies: Looking behind the Mirror, 1997; Michelle Fine et al., Off White: Readings on Race, Power, and Society, 1997; and Mike Hill, Whiteness: A Critical Reader, 1997. Notwithstanding the importance of the second wave of whiteness studies, several scholars, for good reasons, have been critical of the second wave of whiteness studies. See Alastair Bonnett, “From the Crisis of Whiteness to West- ern Supremacy,” 2005; Sara Ahmed, “The Declaration of Whiteness: The Non- Performativity of Antiracism,” 2004; Robyn Westcott, “Witnessing Whiteness: Articulating Race and the ‘Politics of Style,’” 2004; Eric Arnesen, “Scholarly Controversy: Whiteness and the Historians’ Imagination,” 2001; Robyn Wieg- man, “Whiteness Studies and the Paradox of Particularity,” 1999; and Frank Towers, “Projecting Whiteness: Race, and the State of Labor History.” Peter Kol- chin, in his article “Whiteness Studies: The New History of Race in America,” recognizes that “although the term ‘whiteness studies’ might at first glance sug- gest works that promote white identity or constitute part of a racist backlash against multiculturalism and ‘political correctness,’ virtually all the whiteness studies authors seek to confront white privilege” (2002, 154). Many books and articles on whiteness studies have been published since then, such as Aileen Moreton-Robinson, “Writing off Treaties: White Pos- session in the United States Critical Whiteness Studies Literature,” 2008; Steve Garner, Whiteness: An Introduction, 2007; John Tehranian, White- washed: America’s Invisible Middle Eastern Minority, 2008; Matt Wray, Not Quite White: White Trash and the Boundaries of Whiteness, 2006; Birgit Brander Rasmussen et al., eds., The Making and Unmaking of Whiteness, 2001; Shelly Fisher Fishkin, “Interrogating ‘Whiteness,’ Complicating ‘Blackness’: Remapping American Culture,” 1995; and David R. Roediger, The Wages of Whiteness: Race and the Making of the American Working Class, 1991. There is an exponentially growing body of influential, academic literature that focuses on whiteness in powerful ways. See Charles Gallagher 138 NOTES

“White Reconstruction in the University,” 2003; Richard Dyer, White, 1997; Ruth Frankenberg, “Introduction: Local Whiteness, Localizing Whiteness,” 1997; and David R. Roediger, The Wages of Whiteness: Race and the Making of the American Working Class, 1991; and Jane Gaines, “White Privilege and the Right to Look,” 1988. The need to examine whiteness and to promote critical analysis of race and racial meanings in the United States is viewed as essential. David R. Roediger, whose work on whiteness is essential, expli- cates that whiteness studies is neither new nor a “white thing” (Roediger 2002, 19), and partly for this reason, Margaret Talbot’s “Getting Credit for Being White” helps us see why whiteness studies is “ill-equipped to stand the test of time” (Talbot, 1997) and “to offset the parochial possibilities of ‘white studies’ agenda.” See Anoop Nayak, “Critical Whiteness Studies,” 2007. 18. For authors who are positioned as the first wave of whiteness studies scholars, see David Walker, “David Walker’s Appeal 1829–1830,” 1830; and W. E. B. Du Bois, Black Reconstruction in American, 1860–1890, 1935. He draws our attention to the “psychological wage” of whiteness. Other black scholars who wrote about the terrifying nature of whiteness include Ida B. Wells- Barnett, Southern Horrors: Lynch Law in All Its Phases, 1892 and The Red Record: Tabulated Statistics and Alleged Causes of Lynching in the United States, 1895; W. E. B. Du Bois, The Souls of Black Folk, 2003; Richard Wright, Black Boy, 1935; James Baldwin, The Price of the Tickett, 1995; Ralph Ellison, “Change the Joke and Slip the Yoke,” 1958; Stokely Carmichael and Charles V. Hamilton, Black Power: The Politics of Liberation in America, 1967; bell hooks, Black Looks: Race and Representation, 1992; and Toni Morrison, Play- ing in the Dark: Whiteness and the Literary Imagination, 1993. Also, the focus of black scholars on whiteness has been documented by many other scholars including Veronica T. Watson, The Souls of White Folk: African American Writers Theorize Whiteness, 2013; and David Roediger, Black on White: Black Writers on What It Means to Be White, 1998. 19. Du Bois 1935, 700. 20. McIntosh 2007, 177. 21. Lately, the “third wave of whiteness” scholarships are opening up “new line of research and analyses of racisms and racial formation” (Twine and Gal- lagher 2008, 6). See, Peter Kolchin, “Whiteness Studies: The New History of Race in America,” 2002; Fiona Nicoll, “‘Are You Calling Me a Racist?’ Teaching Critical Whiteness Theory in Indigenous Sovereignty,” 2004; and Nado Aveling, “Critical Whiteness Studies and the Challenges of Learning to Be a ‘White Ally,’” 2004. 22. See Pierre Bourdieu, Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste, 1984. 23. Bourdieu 1993, 86. 24. Ahmed 2012, 28. 25. Seshadri-Crooks 1998, 358. NOTES 139

26. Ibid. Also, see the Emmy Award-winning film maker Aimée Sands’s 15-minute 2009 DVD, What Makes Me White?? in which she asks the question, “Where do whites learn to be white?” 27. Shannon 2006, 122. 28. Harris 1993, 1721. 29. “Negrophobia” is a term that is used by Frantz Fanon in Black Skin, White Masks when he engages with Lacan’s mirror stage to explain and show what happens when whites project their own unacceptable desires on blacks. For more on Fanon’s analysis on Lacan’s mirror stage, see Fanon, footnote 25, 161–64. 30. Kennedy 2010, 9. 31. Fanon 1967, 111. 32. Ibid., 225. 33. Ibid., 110. My own emphasis here. 34. Ibid., 110. 35. Ahmed 2004, 161. 36. De Beauvoir 1976, 100. 37. Helen Charles, in “Whiteness: The Relevance of Politically Coloring the ‘Non,’” observes that when white is discussed as a racial identity in postcolonial texts, “it is a challenge and a sign of change” (1992, 31) and centers “around notions of belonging and exclusion, benevolence and responsibility, and complicity” as is shown in Karen Blixen’s Out of Africa. See Tony Simoes da Silva, “Redeeming Self: The Business of Whiteness in Post-Apartheid South African Writing,” 2008. However, in the United States, racial identity is applied to blacks and other people of color. Whites, through laws and social customs, have been socialized to not think of themselves in racial terms. 38. It was not until 1944 that the Swedish sociologist Gunnar Myrdal attacked the concept of biological determinism and natural inferiority of blacks and pointed to blacks’ inferiority as cultural. See Gunnar Myrdal, An American Dilemma: The Negro Problem and Modern Democracy, 1962. Other authors to attack the natural inferiority of blacks include Daniel P. Moynihan, The Negro Family: The Case for National Action, 1965; Stanley Elkins, Slavery: A Problem in American Institutional and Intellectual Life, 1959; and Abram Kardiner and Lionel Ovesey, The Mark of Oppression: Explorations in the Personality of the American Negro, 1951. There is truth here but it is not the whole truth that blacks’ inferiority was culturally inscribed. In fact, whites are not superior to blacks or any other nonwhites for that matter. The ploy of whiteness is “to insist that whites must be supreme” (Cox 1948, 336). 39. Fanon 1964, 40. 40. Martinot and Sexton 2003, 179. 41. Ibid. 42. I am thinking here of Susie Guillory Phipps who, in 1982, unsuccessfully sued the Louisiana Bureau of Vital Records to change her racial classification from black to white. 43. Fields 2001, 49. 140 NOTES

44. It is important for me to show the different treatment of blacks and whites under indentured servitude. White indentured servants were freed persons who were either convicts sentenced to labor for a term of years; the poor who, in order to pay their fare to the colonies, were contracted for a term of years; and sometimes persons who had been kidnapped. In 1619, when the first Africans arrived in Virginia, according to English colonial customs at that time, these Africans were to be considered as indentured servants. For the next several years, no distinctions were made between European and African indentured servants. Eventually, while the conditions for white servants improved, the opposite held true for blacks. Maryland in 1639, and Virginia in 1643, “enacted laws fixing limits to the terms of servants who entered without written contract, Negroes were not included in such protec- tive provision.” As early as 1640, Maryland law, for example, “provided that ‘all masters’ should try to furnish arms to themselves and ‘all those of their families which shall be capable of arms—which would include servants— (‘excepting Negroes’).” See Carl N. Degler, “Slavery and the Genesis of Amer- ican Race Prejudice” (1959, 57). 45. For a comprehensive discussion of race and racial slavery, see Theodore W. Allen, “The Origins of Racial Oppression in Anglo-America,” 1997, and Racial Oppression and Social Control, 1994; Alden T. Vaughan, “The Origins Debate: Slavery and Racism in Seventeenth Century Virginia,” Lerone Bennett, The Shaping of Black America: The Struggles and Triumphs of African-Americans, 1619–1990s, 1975; Winthrop D. Jordan, White over Black: American Attitudes toward the Negro, 1550–1812, 1968; and William Goodell, Slavery and anti-Slavery: A History of the Great Struggles in Both Hemispheres, with a View of the Slavery Question in America, 1962. For a comprehensive reading on the legal construction of race, see Richard Delgado and Jean Stefancic, Critical Race Theory: An Introduction, 2001; Ian F. Haney López, White by Law: The Legal Construction of Race, 1996; Derrick Bell, Race, Racism, and American Law, 1980; and A. Leon Higginbotham Jr., In the Matter of Color Race and the American Legal Process: The Colonial Period, 1978. 46. Lipsitz 1998, 1. 47. The naming of whiteness as the problem for blacks and other nonwhites was the theme of whiteness studies conferences. In April 1997, “The Making and Unmaking of Whiteness” conference at the University of California, Berkeley, participated in an (overdue) effort of “examining and naming the terrain of whiteness.” In the same year, The Minnesota Revieww published a special issue on whiteness. On August 12–16, 2000, at the Annual Meet- ing of the American Sociological Association in Washington DC, a section was devoted to “the current status of whiteness.” Other journals with special issues or section on whiteness includes: American Quarterly, Lusatania, International Labor and Working-Class History, Socialist Review, Borderlines, and Transition. Whiteness studies is international in its scope. There are several conferences, journals, and scholarships dedicated to whiteness studies. Conferences NOTES 141

include, in the United Kingdom, Images of Whiteness Conference, Oxford University, 2013; “New Territories in Critical Whiteness Studies,” 2010; and, in Australia, “Reorienting Whiteness,” 2008; “Historicising Whiteness: Trans- national Perspectives on the Construction of an Identity,” 2006. For scholarship on whiteness studies, see Aileen Moreton-Robinson et al., Transnational Whiteness Matters, 2008; and Critical Race and Whiteness Studies Journal (Australia Critical Race and Whiteness Studies Association Journal). 48. Fanon 1967, 14. 49. Whites’ humanity, in the end, is perverted because they benefit from a system that dehumanizes blacks and other nonwhites. If race and racism are to end and whiteness is to be denormalized, I propose that we look into developing a new form humanity. 50. Fanon 1967, 116. 51. Lorde 1984, 116. 52. See, for instance, Michael Tonr y, Punishing Race: A Continuing American Dilemma, 2012; Michelle Alexander, The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarnation in the Age of Colorblindness, 2010; Katheryn Russell-Brown, The Color of Crime, 2008; Glenn C. Loury et al., Race, Incarceration, and American Values, 2008; Bruce Western, Punishment and Inequality in America, 2006; Randall Ken- nedy, Race, Crime and the Law, 1998; and Paul Finkelman, “The Color of Law,” 1993. 53. Loury 2008, 23. 54. A good example of “white flight” from neighborhoods that are racially integrated is illustrated in the documentary, Why Can’t We Live Together, exemplary of a critical reflection on race and racism. In the film, a number of whites are interviewed about their decision to move from a formally all-white suburb in Chicago to another all-white remote town. One mother explains that this town is “‘a good place to raise children [because] live is back to family and playing all day.’ Because there are no people of color, particularly African American, living nearby, she doesn’t have to worry about ‘her kids walking into the street and getting shot by gangs’” (Aanerud 2007, 21). 55. Feagin 2006, 238. 56. Kennedy 1986, 1327–28. 57. In South Africa, under the apartheid system, Japanese people were classified as “honorary whites.” 58. Another racially charged term is the “model minority,” which only serves to inevitably create conflicts within and among racialized ethnic groups and to promote, for some of us, a false consciousness that there is a “declining significance of race” and “the end of racism.” In addition, the model minority falls prey to the myth that whites who associate and cooperate with individuals from racialized groups “and give them recognition are not racist.” See Jane H. Hill, The Everyday Language of White Racism (2008, 23). In creating this label, there is an additional progression at play, which is the othering of the “other.” 59. In my previous work on whiteness, I have commented extensively on the consequences for blacks and other nonwhites when whiteness becomes 142 NOTES

anxious. See my book, Whiteness and Racialized Ethnic Groups in the United States: The Politics of Rememberingg, 2011. 60. Fanon 1967, 118. 61. I am using the term “First Nations” to mean Native Americans in spite of the word “Indigenous” that is used to signify First Nations. The latter, for me, is embedded with colonial implications. First Nations is one of the exist- ing terms referring to persons registered as Indians in Canada. In Canada’s Constitutional Act of 1982, “aboriginal” is used to refer to the indigenous people of Canada. This term is still used by some First Nations in certain geographical locations in Canada. Also, it refers to the communities of Indi- ans in Canada. In the United States, First Nations have continued to identify themselves in terms of Mohawks, Cree, Oneida, Kiowa, Navajo, Comanche, Apache, and Wichita, for example. See Martin E. Spencer, “Multicultural- ism, ‘Political Correctness,’ and the Politics of Identity,” 1994, 557–58. 62. The lack of Weber’s work ethic further promotes the idea that the individual has the power to achieve economic success by her or his own efforts. The individuation of poverty is taken to show that poverty is a personal matter and that only the individual can eliminate it. 63. As early as 1899, Walter F. Willcox, in his address to the American Social Science Association, claimed that “the liability of an American Negro to commit crime is several times as great as the liability of whites.” See George M. Fredrickson, Racism: A Short History, 2002, 281. 64. See William Julius Wilson, The Declining Significance of Race, 1980. I need to point out here some of the problems with Wilson’s “declining significance of race.” Wilson puts forward that after the implementation of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, for example, the racial state has become genuinely egalitarian. Furthermore, Wilson claims that the black community is strati- fied into a small privileged class and a large “underclass.” The small privileged black class has the same opportunities as whites belonging to the same class. Wilson’s book has received a number of responses. See, for example, Alfonso Pinkney, The Myth of Black Progress, 1984; and Steven Shulman, “Race, Class, and Occupational Stratification: A Critique of William Julius Wilson’s The Declining Significance of Race,” 1981. 65. Fanon 1964, 32. 66. For more on race matters, see Enid Logan, “Barack Obama, the New Poli- tics of Race, and Classed Construction of Racial Blackness,” 2014. In 2011, Communication Studies published a special issue on “Race Matters.” Also, see Michelle Alexander, The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarnation in the Age of Colorblindness, 2012; Eduardo Bonilla-Silva and Victor Ray, “When Whites Love a Black Leader: Race Matters in Obamerica,” 2009; George Yancy, Black Bodies, White Gazes: The Continuing Significance of Race, 2008; Joe R. Feagin, Systemic Racism: A Theory of Oppression, 2006; Frank H. Wu, Yellow: Race in America beyond Black and White, 2002; Hortense Spiller, Black, White, and in Color: Essays on American Literature and Culture, 2003; Charles W. Mills, NOTES 143

The Racial Contractt, 1997; Cornel West, Race Matters, 1992; and bell hooks, Black Looks: Race and Representation, 1992. 67. For more on the notion that class trumps race, see Walter Benn Michaels, The Trouble with Diversity: How We Learned to Love Identity and Ignore Inequality, 2006; and Kristen Lavelle and Joe Feagin, “Hurricane Katrina, the Race and Class Debate,” 2006. 68. Foucault 2003, 79. 69. Collins 2000, 276. Also, see Patricia Hill Collins, Black Sexual Politics: Afri- can Americans, Gender and the New Racism, 2005; Evelyn Nakano Glenn, How Race and Gender Shaped American Citizenship and Labor, 2004; Joane Nagel, Race, Ethnicity, and Sexuality: Intimate Intersections, Forbidden Fron- tiers, 2003; and Anne McClintock, Imperial Leather: Race, Gender, and Sexu- ality in Colonial Contestt, 1995. 70. Foucault 1978, 11. 71. The shooting of Oscar Grant has inspired Ryan Cooler to write and direct, in 2013, the drama film Fruitvale Station, depicting the various events that led to Grant’s death. 72. Kennedy 2010, 187. 73. Ibid., 188. 74. See Barack Obama, “Remarks to the National Convention,” 2004a. 75. Kennedy 2010, 187. 76. “The America We Love” was the title of one of Obama’s campaign speeches for presidency. He noted that the America we love is the America that “took up arms against the tyranny of an empire . . . not on behalf of a particular tribe or lineage, but on behalf of a larger idea. The idea of liberty,” a core principle of American democracy, “where no dream is beyond reach in the United States of America.” However, we know that the United States has failed miserably to live up to the ideal of liberty and equality for all. Slavery, for example, intimately going against this ideal, would survive the American Revolution of 1775–83; the Declaration of Independence in 1776; the Constitution of 1787; the Naturalization Act of 1790; the Bill of Rights of 1791; and the Civil War of 1861–65. In post–9/11 America, the liberties for which Americans fought so hard are now being curtailed in the name of national security. Today, laws such as the Patriot Act and the Arizona 1070 law infringe on Americans’ civil rights and liberties. These laws are the many ways that make an essentially normalizing power admissible. 77. In 2014 alone, the number of young black men that were fatally shot by white police officers include Cameron Tillman, Michael Brown, Dontre Hamili- ton, John Crawford III, and Akai Gurley. Also, Eric Garner was shocked to death by a police officer. 78. According to the US Constitution, in order to be the President of the United States, you have to be born in the United States. In March 2009, Representa- tive Bill Posey introduced in the House of Representatives a bill, H. R. 1503, to amend the Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971 to include “a copy of the candidate’s birth certificate.” The bill was not enacted into law. 144 NOTES

79. “Reverse racism,” as a discourse, has the tendency of legitimizing racism rather than addressing racism as a structure in place that works in the interests of the dominant group. 80. Mills 1997, 18. 81. Foucault 1980, 119. 82. Arendt 1966, ix. 83. Zack 1997, 104. 84. Ibid., 105. 85. I am thinking here about the absence or the invisibility of black and other nonwhite lesbians in the media and the visibility of black and Mexican men as criminals on the six o’clock news. I think that Patricia J. Williams, in her book Seeing a Color-Blind Future: The Paradox of Race, understands what it is to be seen and not seen. I quote her extensively: How, or whether, blacks are seen depends on a dynamic of display that ricochets between hypervisibility and oblivion. Blacks are seen “every- where,” taking over the world one minute; yet the great ongoing toll of poverty and isolation that engulfs so many remains the object of persistent oversight. If, moreover, the real lives of real blacks unfold outside the view of many whites, the fantasy of black life as a theatrical enterprise is an almost obsessive indulgence. This sort of voyeurism is hardly peculiar to the mechanics of racial colonization, of course: any group designated the colorful local, the bangled native, or the folksy ethnic stands to suffer its peculiar limitation (1998, 17). In addition, on the invisibility of blacks, Ralph Ellison writes, “When they approach me they see only my surroundings, themselves or fragments of their imagination—indeed everything and anything except me” (1995, 3). 86. Mills 1998, 45. 87. Alcoff 2006, 126. 88. I used identification here instead of identity. Following Judith Butler, identification unsettles the “I.” Given that the “I” is varied, intertwined, and ambivalent, “they are the sedimentation of the ‘we’ in the constitution of any ‘I,’ the structuring presence of alterity in the very formation of the ‘I’” (Butler 1993, 105). And the “we,” precisely, becomes a huge part of the problem for identity politics and the politics of recognition. Nonetheless, race subjects individuals to an identification that is marked on the body. 89. Fuss 1989, 104. 90. I am thankful to Homi Bhabha, in The Location of Culture, for explaining and defining the “third space” where one is positioned as a hybrid subject (1994, 53–56). Also see Marjorie Garber’s Vested Interests: Cross Dressing and Cultural Anxiety, where she focuses on a “third” space created by transvestite activity. For her, this “third” is “a mode of articulation, a way of describ- ing a space of possibility” (1997, 15), which for her, because of its binary logic of male/female, provides little room for creative, counterhegemonic self-expression. NOTES 145

91. In fact, race and other identities such as class, sexuality, ethnicity, and disabilities allow for a thoroughgoing critique of identity politics whose current phase is multiculturalism and the politics of cultural recognition. 92. Patterson 1982, 176. 93. Da Silver 2011, 144. 94. An opposite view of the epidermalization of race is demonstrated in Paul Gil- roy’s Against Race: Imagining Political Culture beyond the Color Linee where he notes, “The idea of epidermalization points toward one intermediate stage in a critical theory of body scales in the making of race. Today skin is no longer privileged as the threshold of even identity or particularity” (2000a, 47). In this sense, Gilroy dismissed the lived experience of race and instead draws on race as a representation instead of a presentation—that is, how race is presented. Partly, for this reason, Gilroy can propose that we should “give up the idea of race altogether.” However, if we take Fanon’s argument that race is fixed on the black body and always already positioned as the “other,” how can we transcend race and its implications? Given that there are considerable amounts of violence perpetrated toward the racialized body, we cannot transcend race as a concept. In this sense, one can argue that the racialized body is positioned outside of the human, and Gilroy’s proposal to “give up the idea of race altogether” remains highly questionable. Other scholars who have worked within a Fanonian framework on race as epidermalized include Lewis R. Gordon, “Through the Hellish Zone of Nonbeing,” 2007; Richard Wright, “The Ethics of Living Jim Crow: An Autobiographical Sketch,” 2007; George Yancy, “Whiteness and the Return of the Black Body,” 2005; Lou Turner, “Fanon Reading (W)right and (W)right Reading of Fanon: Race, Modernity, and the Fate of Humanism,” 2003; Nigel Gibson, “Losing Sight of the Real: Recasting Merleau-Ponty in Fanon’s Critique of Mannoni,” 2003; Teresa de Lauretis, “Difference Embodied: Reflections on Black Skin,” 2002; Jeremy Weate, “Fanon, Merleau-Ponty and Difference of Phenomenology,” 2001; Linda Martín Alcoff, “Toward a Phenomenology of Racial Embodiment,” 1999; Lewis R. Gordon, “The Black and the Body Politics: Fanon’s Existential and Phenomenological Critique of Psychoanalysis,” 1996; and David Caute, Frantz Fanon, 1970. 95. Precisely, for this reason, I am very much interested in the epidermiology of oppression. I will focus more on the epidermiology of racism in the chapters that follow. 96. Gordon 2002, 10. 97. Fanon 1967, 109. 98. See W. E. B. Du Bois, Black Reconstruction: An Essay toward a History of the Part Black Folk Played in the Attempt to Reconstruct Democracy in America, 1860–1880, 1935. 99. X 1971, 124. 100. Morrison’s Playing in the Dark: Whiteness and the Literary Imagination cau- tions us that American writings including Poe, Melville, and Twain make use of “the Africanist character . . . to limn out and enforce the invention and 146 NOTES

implication of whiteness” (1992, 52). She draws our attention to the dialogic relationship between whiteness and blackness. Also, see W. E. B. Du Bois, The Souls of Black Folk, 2003. 101. See George Yancy, ed., What White Looks Like: African-American Philoso- phers on the Whiteness Question, 2004; Samina Najmi and Rajini Srikanth, White Women in Racialized Spaces: Imaginative Transformation and Ethi- cal Action in Literature, 2002; Mike Hill, ed., Whiteness: A Critical Reader, 1997; Linda Martín Alcoff, “What Should White People Do?,” 1998; Cheryl I. Harris, “Whiteness as Property,” 1993; Michele Fine et al., eds., Off White: Readings on Race, Power, and Society, 1997; and Richard Delgado and Jean Stefancic, Critical White Studies: Looking Behind the Mirror, 1997. 102. hooks 1992, 166. 103. Bhabha 1998, 21. 104. Other scholars who wrote about the terrifying nature of whiteness include Ida B. Wells-Barnett, Southern Horrors: Lynch Law in All Its Phases, 1892, and The Red Record: Tabulated Statistics and Alleged Causes of Lynching in the United States, 1895; W. E. B. Du Bois, The Souls of Black Folk, 2003; Richard Wright, Black Boy, 1935; James Baldwin, The Price of the Ticket: Collected Nonfiction, 1985; Ralph Ellison, “Change the Joke and Slip the Yoke,” 1958; and Stokely Carmichael and Charles V. Hamilton, Black Power: The Politics of Liberation in America, 1967. 105. Frye 1983, 113. 106. See, among many others, W. E. B. Bu Bois, The Souls of Black Folk, 2003; bell hooks, Black Looks: Race and Representation, 1992; and Frantz Fanon, Black Skin, White Masks, 1967. 107. Du Bois 2003. 108. Yancy 2005, 237. 109. How racism works over the body is well documented in Frantz Fanon’s Black Skin, White Masks. Although Fanon focuses on the black body, we can extend his knowledge to other nonwhite bodies. So like blacks, other nonwhites who are positioned in a racist society “encounter difficulties in the development of [their] bodily schema” (1967, 110), which I will elaborate in Chapter 3. 110. Frankenberg 2001, 75. 111. Fine et al. 1997, xi. 112. Alexander 2004, 652. 113. Alcoff 1998, 8. 114. Ahmed 2004. 115. Seshadri-Crooks 1998, 358. 116. Fine et al. 1997, xi. 117. Ibid. 118. Roediger 2002, 15. 119. Ahmed 2004. 120. Ibid. 121. Butler 1997, 2. NOTES 147

122. Ahmed 2004. 123. Foley 1997, 5. 124. Ibid. 125. See Noel Ignatiev, How the Irish Became White, 1995. 126. See Karen Brodkin, How Jews Became White Folks and What That Says about Race in America, 1998. 127. Foley 1997, 5. Also, see Brannon Costello, “Poor White Trash, Great White Hope: Race, Class and the (De)Construction of Whiteness in Lewis Nor- ton’s Wolfe Whistle,” 2004. 128. Costello 2004, 209. 129. Other terms that are used to describe the liminality of whiteness include “consanguine whites,” “provisional and probationary whites,” “not-yet- white,” “off white,” “not bright white,” and “not quite white” (Arnesen 2001, 16). For more on the liminality of whiteness, see Matt Wray, Not Quite White: White Trash and the Boundaries of Whiteness, 2006; Neil Foley, The White Scourge: Mexicans, Blacks, and Poor Whites in Texas Cotton Culture, 1997; and Matt Wray and Annalee Newitz, eds., White Trash: Race and Class in America, 1997. 130. Morrison 1988, 123. 131. Jacobson 1998, 18. 132. Fanon 1967, 9. 133. Harris 1993, 1713. 134. Bonnett 1996, 146. 135. See my essay, “Notes on Hurricane Katrina: Rethinking Race, Class, and Power in the United States” (2009, 252). For more on the interconnection between race and citizenship, see Ian F. Haney López, White by Law: The Legal Construction of Race, 1996; Gloria E. Anzaldúa, Borderlands La Fron- tera: The New Mestiza, 1987; and Ronald Takaki, Iron Cages: Race and Cul- ture in Nineteenth Century America, 1979. 136. Hill 1997, 3. 137. For some scholars like Adam Smith and John Stuart Mill, reasonable limits should be imposed on the free markets in a capitalist society. The neoclassi- cal economic theorists, of the 1950s and 1960s, suggested that if the market were free from the interference of an interventionist state, the market would be able to get rid of racial discrimination. The idea was that the market left to its own devices would determine social advantage; and in the 1970s and 1980s, the idea was to restore the market and the free enterprise principles by rebuff, for example, Keynesianism as an intrinsic legitimate policy option. During this period, the prominence of the Chicago School, influenced by the work of the philosopher Friedrich von Hayek, became dominant because of its criticisms of the welfare state. Under the leadership of Milton Friedman, the Chicago School, with its methodological rigor, shamelessly displayed its disapproval of state intervention and equity-seeking/redistributive social policies. Given that many blacks and other nonwhites are poor, they rely on favorable programs such as Aid to Families with Dependent Children, 148 NOTES

known now as Temporary Assistance to Needy Families under the Personal Responsibility Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act (PRWORA) implemented in 1996 by the Clinton administration. 138. Blacks’ dedication to antiracist struggles range from black abolition- ists including David Walker, Henry Highland Garnet, Frederick Douglas, Sojourner Truth, and Ida B. Wells; black nationalists, including Marcus Gar- vey, W. E. B. Du Bois, and Malcolm X; and civil rights leaders and activists, including Mary McLeod Bethune, Medgar Wiley Evers, A. Phillip Randolph, Dr. Martin Luther King, James L. Farmer, Jesse Jackson, Roy Emile Alfredo Innis, James H. Meridith, and Al Sharpton. 139. Du Bois 2003, appendix.

Chapter 2

1. Du Bois 2003, 15. 2. Black ghettoes and superghettoes have replaced, in the North, the segregation of the Jim Crow South. 3. See Kimberlé Crenshaw, “Demarginalizing the Intersection of Race and Sex: A Black Feminist Critique of Antidiscrimination Doctrine, Feminist Theory and Antiracist Politics,” 1990. 4. Other ways of talking about race matters include post-raciality, which I will discuss in more detail in Chapter 3. 5. In fact, in the Regents of the University of California v. Bakke, with the opinion of Justice Powell, the court had begun to utilize its colorblind laws. 6. Oliver 2001, 130. 7. Ibid., 19. 8. Dworkin 1985, 298. 9. Whites are judged as individuals whereas whiteness works to deny blacks and other nonwhites their individuality. Fanon writes the following: I begin to suffer from not being white to the degree that the white man imposes discrimination on me, makes me a colonized native, robs me of all worth, all individuality, tells me that I am a parasite on the world, that I must bring myself as quickly as possible into step with the white world, ‘that I am a brute beast, that my people and I are like walking dung-heap that disgustingly fertilizes sweet sugar cane and silky cotton, that I have no use in the world’. Then I will quite simply try to make myself white: that is I will compel the white man to acknowledge that I am human (Fanon 1967, 98). The racialized “other” is not separate from her or his group. Fanon is arguing against a group identity for blacks as an oppressed group, the experience through which blacks are made to feel less than human. Hence in the preceding analysis, Fanon draws our attention to the way in which whiteness deindividuates blacks and other nonwhites and bars any possibility for transcendence outside of group recognition. NOTES 149

10. Kennedy 1986, 1332. 11. Dworkin 1985, 300. 12. Also, the landmark case in which the court upheld the affirmative-action admission policy at the University of Michigan law school was Grutter v. Bol- lingerr (2003). Relying on the decision in Grutter v. Bollingerr and the Regents of the University of California v. Bakke, in Fisher v. University of Texas at Austin, the Supreme Court, on July 15, 2014, upheld the affirmative-action admission policy at the University of Texas at Austin. 13. Other affirmative action cases include Cheryl Hopwood v. The State of Texas (1996); Hopwood et al. v. State of Texas et al. (1994); US v. Fordicee (1992); Podberesky v. Kirwan (1992); City of Richmond v. J.A. Croson Company (1989); and Wygant v. Jackson Board of Education (1986). 14. See, for instance, Shelby Steele, The Content of Our Character: A New Vision of Race in America, 1991; Clarence Thomas, “An Afro American Perspective: Toward a ‘Plain Reading’ of the Constitution; The Declaration of Indepen- dence in Constitutional Interpretation,” 1987; and Thomas Sowell, Civil Rights, Rhetoric or Reality?, 1984. Other scholars who are opposed to affirmative action include Dinesh D’Souza, Illiberal Education: The Politics of Race and Sex on Campus, 1991; Nathan Glazer, Affirmative Discrimination: Ethnic Inequality and Public Policy, 1987; and Charles Murray, “Affirmative Racism,” 1984. 15. Buchanan 2003, 220. 16. Lipsitz 1998. 17. Tatum 2004, 391. 18. Ibid. 19. Bourdieu 1993, 86. 20. Oliver 2001, 130. 21. Starting in 1999, California guaranteed that each year, the top 4 percent of all of the students graduating from high school would be admitted to any one of the Universities of California, Texas admitted the top 10 percent of all high school students, and Florida the top 20 percent of all high school students. 22. One needs to keep in mind that the Washington State Civil Rights Act states, “The State shall not discriminate against, or grant preferential treatment to, any individual or group on the basis of race, sex, color, ethnicity, or national origins in the operation of public employment, public education, or public contracting.” 23. In November 1999, Governor Jeb Bush’s Executive Order 99–281 banned affirmative action in public education, hiring, and contracting. 24. Other states that banned affirmative action include Oklahoma (2012), New Hampshire (2011), Arizona (2010), Colorado (2008), Nebraska (2008), and Michigan (2006). 25. Nehamas 1985, 112. 26. Diversity is one of the goals of not only university but also the workforce. Even some of the nation’s notoriously racist and sexist organizations and corporations are embracing diversity. See Jim Sleeper, Liberal Racism: How Fixating on Race Subverts the American Dream, 1997, 11. 150 NOTES

27. Note that the visible display of differences is, for the most part, intolerable. 28. Du Bois 1935, 700. 29. As a way to promote diversity, in the United Kingdom, for example, the 1976 Race Relations Act was amended in 2000 to make “promoting race equality a positive duty under law,” which is referred to as “the race equality duty.” For more on “the race equality duty,” see Sara Ahmed, “‘You End up Doing the Document Rather than Doing the Doing’: Diversity, Race Equal- ity and the Politics of Documentation,” 2009. 30. Gates 1992, 109. 31. See Lisa M. Baumgartner and Juanita Johnson-Bailey, “Racism and White Privilege in Adult Education Graduate Programs: Admissions, Retention, and Curricula,” 2010; Valerie Ooka Pang et al., “Asian Pacific American Stu- dents: Challenges a Bias Educational System,” 2003; Beverly Daniel Tatum, Why Are All the Black Kids Sitting Together in the Cafeteria: And Other Con- versations about Race, 2003; Kathy Hytten and John Warren, “Engaging Whiteness: How Racial Power Gets Ratified in Education,” 2003; Marilyn Cochran-Smith, “Blind Vision: Unlearning Racism in Teacher Education,” 2000; and Peggy McIntosh, “White Privilege and Male Privilege: A Personal Account of Coming to See Correspondences through Work in Women’s Studies,” 1997. 32. Hall 1993, 361. At the same time, as long as group differences subsist, group members will be marked as different—as racialized ethnic groups, women, homosexuals, the disabled, and so on. However, I am not arguing in opposition to a positive sense of group difference as a venue from which the prevailing institutions and norms can be examined and critiqued. If society is to progress toward some kind of egalitarianism based on distributive rights for its members, like the political theorist Iris Marion Young, I see the necessity for a politics that attends to group differences rather than trying to suppress differences within and outside of groups. See Iris Marion Young, Justice and the Politics of Difference, 1990. 33. Wieviorka 1998, 881. 34. Du Bois 2003, 215. 35. For a more comprehensive reading on how the blind are able to “see” race, see Osagie K. Obasogie, Blinded by Sight: Seeing Race through the Eyes of the Blind, 2013. In fact, in a discussion on colorblindness in my race and ethnicity class, a white student was explaining the inappropriateness of colorblindness not to “see” race. He declared, “When I am taking to a person on the phone, I can tell just from talking to that person that he or she is black. I don’t have to see the person.” 36. Frankenberg 2001, 76. 37. Young 1989, 267. 38. For Charles W. Mills, white supremacy “is the unnamed political system that has made the modern world what it is” (1997, 1). It is not that whites are superior to blacks and other nonwhites. It is the insistence that they must be supreme (Cox 1948). As a result, white supremacy has become NOTES 151

institutionalized. What this means is that whites are positioned in such a way that they can tap into the economic and social resources. Laws and social customs are the mandates that guide and uphold whiteness. 39. Even though both blacks and whites were indentured servants, while many black indentured servants, for whatever reasons, had a fixed status to serve their masters for life—that is, de facto slavery, the opposite held true for white servants. See Ulrich B. Phillips, American Negro Slavery: A Survey of the Supply, Employment and Control of the Negro Labor as Determined by the Plantation Regime, 1918, 74–76. An appropriate illustration of this was the treatment of three servants—two whites, Victor, a Dutchman, and James Gregory a Scotchman, and John Punch, a black man—who ran away together in 1640: After they were caught and returned to their masters, the three men were each given thirty lashes. For the white servants, an extra three years of service to their masters was administered. The black servant had to serve his said master for the rest of his natural life in Virginia or if he were assigned to another master somewhere else. Also, in the same year, a Negro, named Emanuel, was singled out from a group of runaways who were brought back; six of the seven runaways who were white were assigned additional time while the Negro was not con- demned to serve for the rest of his life because he was already branded with life time servitude, but received the shackle and was branded with the letter “R.” See Sherrow O. Pinder, Whiteness and Racialized Ethnic Groups in the United States: The Politics of Rememberingg, 2011. In 1657, Virginia passed a statute authorizing the creation of a militia to capture runaway indentured servants. 40. Harris 1993. 41. When blacks and other people of color enter into a “white space,” such as the predominantly white university, they are, for the most part, viewed as the beneficiary of affirmative action or the diversity initiative program that is now a huge part of the goal of the university. 42. A similar point is made by Robert Miles and Rodolfo D. Torres, “Does ‘Race’ Matters? Transatlantic Perspective on Racism after ‘Race Relations,’” 1999. Also, see David R. Roediger, Colored White: Transcending the Racial Divide, 2002. 43. Mills 1997, 7. Also, see Randall Kennedy, “The Race Card in the Campaign of 2008,” 2010, 133–60. 44. I have already mentioned several books and articles on how the Irish and Jews became white. In terms of how the Italians became white, in 1922, the case of Rollins v. Alabama has shown that Italians, in America, were not always considered white. When Jim Rollins, a black man, was convicted of the crime of miscegenation, the Alabama Circuit Courts of Appeal noted that the state has provided “no competence evidence to show that the woman in question, Edith Labue, was a white woman.” Because she was 152 NOTES

a Sicilian immigrant, the court held that this “can be taken as conclusive that she was therefore a white woman.” For a more comprehensive reading on Rollins v. Alabama, see Matthew Frye Jacobson, Whiteness of a Different Color: European Immigrants and the Alchemy of Race, 1998, 4–5. 45. Dyer 1988, 44. 46. Jackson 2008, 205. 47. See Ruth Frankenberg, White Women, Race Matters: The Social Construction of Whiteness, 1993; and David Roediger, The Wages of Whiteness: Race and the Making of the American Working Class, 1991. 48. See William Julius Wilson, The Declining Significance of Race, 1980. 49. See Dinesh D’Souza, The End of Racism: Principles for a Multicultural Society, 1995. 50. Roediger 1991, 13. 51. Du Bois 1935, 700. 52. However, to make any sense of colorblindness, one would have to buy into the rhetoric of equal opportunity and free choice for all and arrive at very problematic conclusions; for example, the reason blacks and other people of color remain poor in this society is because they lack entrepreneurial drive and work ethic. Thus expressions such as “welfare queen” would not be understood as racist. 53. Berger 1977, 8. 54. Fields 1990, 201. 55. See National Anti-Slavery Standards, 1864. 56. Kull 1992, 68. 57. Ibid. 58. Section 1 of the Fourteenth Amendment states, “All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside. No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.” 59. See Eric Schnapper, “Affirmative Action and the Legislative History of the Fourteenth Amendment,” 1985. 60. The “street code,” which is “a set of informal rules governing interpersonal public behavior, including violence” developed by young, urban working- class men of color as a form of false empowerment goes up against the “white code,” a commitment to white “middle-class values.” For more on the “street code,” see Elijah Anderson, Code of the Street: Decency, Violence and the Moral Lives of the Streett, 1999, 33. African Americans are seen as opposite to the white middle-class family. For a comprehensive account of this view, see Khalil Muhammad, The Condemnation of Blackness: Race, Crime, and the Making of Modern Urban America, 2010. 61. Žižek 1997, 34. 62. Du Bois 2003. NOTES 153

63. The first Pan-African Congress was organized by W. E. B. Du Bois and Ida Gibbs Hunt in February 1919. 64. For example, when the Civil Rights Act of 1866 granted citizenship to blacks and permitted them to own property, enter into contracts, testify in courts, and enjoy equality before the law, President Andrew Johnson vetoed the act. He claimed that blacks, having the same rights as whites, would “‘break down the barrier that preserves the rights of the states,’ empower federal officials ‘whose interests it would be to foment discard between the races,’ and, ‘operate in favor of the colored and against the white race’” (Kennedy 1986, 1342n51). 65. The Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment states, “No state shall . . . deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.” 66. Harlan 1997, 34. 67. Colorblindness, as a concept, continued to be unrecognized until the Brown v. Board of Education, when the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People used the concept in their brief before the Court. The court decision in the aforementioned case was influenced by the famous “doll tests” that were used by the African American psychologists Kenneth Bancroft Clark and Mamie Phipps Clark to test black children’s attitudes on race. Also, see Kenneth Bancroft Clark and Mamie Phipps Clark, “Develop- ment of Consciousness of Self and the Emergence of Racial Identification in Negro Preschool Children,” 1939. The case Cooper v. Aaron (1958) led the Supreme Court to put into effect the ruling of Brown v. Board of Education. It was the first major test of the decision in Brown v. Board of Education to desegregate the school. And in a series of cases following Cooper v. Aaron, the court handed down one decree after another. 68. These acts were specially aimed at promoting equality of results. 69. Strauss 1986, 102. 70. King 1986, 316. 71.Ibid. 72. Ibid., 291. 73.Sherrow O. Pinder, in Whiteness and Racialized Ethnic Groups in the United States, notes, This effort has been fraught by a lack of clarity and controversy as to what the specific goals are that are intended to guide the proper uti- lization of Title VII. The Equal Employment Opportunity Commis- sion (EEOC) and the courts have been faced with a huge problem of interpreting employers’ violation and lack of compliance with the law. In two cases, Washington v. Davis and U.S. v. South Carolina, the court rejected the EEOC’s guidelines for compliance by claiming that these guidelines, even though they might be helpful, are not binding on either employers or the court. Griggs v. Duke Power Companyy seemed to have set precedence on how companies can enforce Title VII. The Duke Power Company placed all its black employees in one department called 154 NOTES

the “labor department,” which had the lowest paying jobs in the company. In complying with Title VII, the company required that all new applicants to formerly “white departments” would have to have a high school diploma or certain test scores. Has the company violated Title VII? According to the district court, the company did not discriminate in terms of race. In writing for the majority, Chief Justice Burger stated that “What is required by Congress is the removal of artificial, arbitrary, and unnecessary barriers to employment when the barriers operate individually to discriminate on the basis of racial or other impermis- sible classification.” (2011, 91) In addition, the implementation of laws and policies, including the Voting Rights Act of 1965, the Housing Rights Act of 1968, and more recently, race- conscious affirmative-action programs that take into account race inequalities and how to try to address these issues. 74. Frankenberg 2001, 76. 75. Rawls 1971, 57. 76. See John Rawls, A Theory of Justice, 1971. 77. Even though John Rawls tries to show how a liberal state could be “just” without being socialist, the “principles of justice,” as Rawls explains it, “are chosen behind a veil of ignorance.” The idea is that when the veil is lifted, the individual revealed behind the veil might be positioned as a marginalized subject because of race, gender, class, sexuality, and disabilities. As W. J. T. Mitchell puts it, “Rawls’ veil is a device for preventing abstract notions of justice from being grounded in a comfortable, bourgeois position of autonomy and freedom” (2012, 206n6). In the end, Michel Foucault’s “antagonisms of strategies” is indeed important. In order to understand justice, we need to analyze injustice. Iris Marion Young’s Justice and the Politics of Differencee shows that blindness to group differences can lead to oppression. 78. See John Rawls, A Theory of Justice, 1971. 79. Mills 1997, 18. 80. See Andrew Kull, The Colorblind Constitution, 1992. 81. See Eduardo Bonilla-Silva, Racism without Racists: Colorblind Racism and the Persistence of Racial Inequality in the United States, 2006. 82. Furthermore, the “underclass” and “the culture of poverty” are used to explain and defend differences in educational and economic achievement. The link between poverty and racial inequality is ignored and racism goes undetected and unchallenged. And in spite of colorblindness and post- raciality, the racialization process is indeed at work even when these discourses pretend that race is obsolete. 83. Scholars who oppose affirmative action, for whatever reasons, include Dinesh D’Souza, Illiberal Education: The Politics of Race and Sex on Campus, 1991; Glazer, Nathan, Affirmative Discrimination: Ethnic Inequality and Pub- lic Policy, 1987; and Charles Murray, “Affirmative Racism,” 1984. 84. Young 1990, 12. 85. Ibid., 193. NOTES 155

86. “Reverse racism” has a long and incredible history even before the arrival of race-conscious affirmative-action programs. On April 25, 1966, the Chi- cago Daily Defenderr reported that struggles concerning the rights for African Americans divided the white communities: “The move was called ‘reverse racism’ by Hosea Williams, Southern program Director for King’s South- ern Christian Leadership Conference. He described the effort to exclude all whites from public office as being as racist as excluding all blacks. It isn’t integration, he indicated, and isn’t likely—in the long run—to help cure the nation’s number one headache.” 87. Goldberg 1997, 55. 88. This form of knowing is in opposition to those who profess to “know” everything there is to know about the “other.” For example, white men’s ways of knowing have been positioned in opposition to blacks, other nonwhites, and women’s ways of knowing. However, whiteness always equips whites to pres- ents themselves as the knowers, yet whiteness is unknown to whites. Blacks and other groups that are located on the margins are always presented as the “known” by those in the center. 89. Fields 2001, 48. 90. This is the process that Michael Omi and Howard Winant, in Racial Forma- tion in the United States: From the 1960s to the 1990s, explain and define as racial formation, “the sociohistorical process by which racial categories are created, inhabited, transformed, and destroyed” (1994, 55). In this sense, Kwame A. Appiah is correct to point out that “there is nothing in the world that can do all we ask race to do for us.” See, “The Uncompleted Argument: Du Bois and the Illusion of Race,” 1985, 35. 91. Frankenberg 1993, 142. 92. The “Secure Communities” act is a measure that equipped local and state government to freely hunt for undocumented individuals so that these individuals can be deported. 93. Fanon 1967, 116. 94. Ibid., 111–12. 95. Ibid., 113–14. 96. Yancy 2005, 216. 97. Fanon 1967, 110–11. A good example of the black body given back to himself, “taken outside” of himself, and returned to himself, can be found in W. E. B. Du Bois’ The Souls of Black Folk. He writes, “In a wee wooden schoolhouse, something put it into the boys’ and girls’ heads to buy gor- geous visiting cards—ten cents a package—and exchange. The exchange was merry, till one girl, a tall newcomer, refused my card,—refused it perempto- rily, with a glance. Then it dawned upon me with a certain suddenness that I was different from the others; or like, mayhap in heart and life and longing, but shut out from their world by a vast veil” (2003, 4). What instantaneously dawns on Du Bois is, as Yancy puts it, “Don’t Forget. Don’t think that you’re above race that you are not one of us. After all you’re black” (2005, 226). 98. Yancy 2005, 216. 156 NOTES

99. Anzaldúa 1987, 3. 100. Willett 2004, 255. 101. Douglas 1966, 44. 102. In the summer of 2006, when many whites taught that their suburban communities including Hazleton and Riverside were being invaded by Latinos, the city councils reacted with apprehension and voted “to fine landlords $1000 for renting to illegal immigrants.” In fact, all Latinos are perceived as illegal immigrants. Also, the city councils voted “to deny business to companies that gave [illegal immigrants] jobs” and made English the official language of the communities (Associated Press 2006, A4). 103. Also, it is important to remind the reader that space is gendered and naturalized through cultural, institutional, and discursive replication. The gender- ing of space, though, reflects the many ways in which gender “is constructed and understood.” See Doreen Masey, Space, Place and Gender, 1994, 179; and Elizabeth Wilson, The Sphinx in the City: Urban Life, the Control of Dis- order, and Women, 1992. 104. Ahmed 2012, 28. 105. Scholarly writings on space and race include Brooke Neely and Michelle Samura, “Social Geographies of Race: Connecting Race and Space,” 2011; Megan G. McDowell and Nancy G. Wonder, “Keeping Migrants in Their Place: Technologies of Control and Racialized Public Space in Arizona,” 2009–10; Chris Butler, “Critical Legal Studies and the Politics of Space,” 2009; Lise Nelson and Nancy Hiemstra, “Latino Immigrants and the Rene- gotiation of Place and Belonging in Small Town America,” 2008; George Lipsitz, “The Racialization of Space and the Spatialization of Race: Theo- rizing the Hidden Architecture of Landscape,” 2007; Marina Peterson, “Patrolling the Plaza: Privatized Public Space and the Neoliberal State in Downtown Los Angeles,” 2006; Shannon Sullivan, chapter 6, “Race, Space, and Place,” 2006; Cynthia Willett, “The Social Element: A Phenomenology of Racialized Spaces and the Limits of Liberalism,” 2004; David Delaney, “The Space That Race Makes,” 2002; Angelo Rich Robinson, “Race, Place, and Space: Remaking Whiteness in the Post-Reconstruction South,” 2002; Douglas Massey and Nancy Denton, American Apartheid: Segregation and the Making of the Underclass, 1993; and Kay J. Anderson, “The Ideal of Chi- natown: The Power of Place and Institutional Practice in the Making of a Racial Category,” 1987. Furthermore, how do we deal with the Internet, for example, as a racialized space where tolerant whites are allowed to express their racism without any accountability? For more on racism and the Inter- net, see Jessie Daniels, Cyber Racism: White Supremacy Online and the New Attack on Civil Rights, 2009. Moreover, public space, which is mostly occupied by whites, is sometimes transferred into private space. Blacks and other nonwhites who find themselves in those spaces are “out of space” or “out of place” and must suffer the consequences. A good example can be found in an incident reported by the New York Times that happened on Howard Beach, Queens, New York City, NOTES 157

on December 20, 1986, when three black men were attacked by a group of 12 white men. One of the black men, Michael Griffith, who was 23 years old, tried to run onto the busy Bet Parkway. He was struck by a car and killed. When public space becomes privatized, territorized, and owned by virtue of whiteness as a form of entitlement, blackness, as a form of otherness, is dis- entitling, terrorizing, and disowning. Who does and who does not deserve access to these spaces remains a pressing concern. 106. Angelou 1993. 107. Kennedy 1986, 1327–28. 108. Lately, with the implementation of the Personal Responsibility Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act, whose generic term is “workfare,” the poor are now expected to work outside the home in exchange for their welfare checks. See my book, From Welfare to Workfare; How Capitalist States Create a Pool of Unskilled Cheap Labor (A Marxist Feminist Social Analysis), 2007. 109. Young 1989, 269. Instead of “special rights,” John A. Powell uses the term “targeted universalism.” According to Powell, “Targeted universalism rejects a blanket universal which is likely to be indifferent to the reality that different groups are situated differently relative to the institutions and resources of society. It also rejects the claim of formal equality that would treat all people the same as a way of denying difference. Any proposal would be evaluated by the outcome, not just the intent. While the effort would be universal for the poor, it would be especially sensitive to the most marginal groups.” See John A. Powell, “Post-Racialism or Targeted Universalism?,” 2009, 803. 110. In fact, laws such as the Civil Rights Act of 1964, the Voting Rights Act of 1965, and the Fair Housing Act of 1968 (Title VIII of the Civil Rights Act of 1968), which was amended in 1974 and 1988 to protect women and the disabled respectively from any form of housing discrimination such as the sale, rental, and financing of houses, did not alter race, gender, class, disability, and other forms of inequalities. 111. See Frederick Douglass, Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass, an Ameri- can Slave, 1982. 112. See Patricia Hill Collins, Black Feminist Thought: Knowledge, Consciousness, and the Politics of Empowermentt, 2000. 113. “Ain’t I a Woman” is a famous speech given by the slave Sojourner Truth at the Women’s Convention in Akron, Ohio, on May 29, 1851. It was tran- scribed by a white abolitionist. 114. In the autumn of 1984, the Feminist Revieww dedicated an issue, “Many Voices, One Chant: Black Feminist Perspective,” to the question of who is a woman in the hope of provoking future discussions and debates on black women’s experiences through the intersectionality of race, gender, class, and sexuality. Blacks and other feminists of color have focused on intersectionality. In 2004, an article was published by Avtar Brah and Ann Phoenix titled “Ain’t I a Woman? Revisiting Intersectionality.” Also, see Cheryl I. Harris, “Finding 158 NOTES

Sojourner’s Truth: Race, Gender, and the Institution of Slavery,” 1996; and bell hooks, Ain’t I a Woman: Black Woman and Feminism, 1981. 115. Oliver 2001, 161. 116. Ibid. 117. Furthermore, the decision in Dred Scott v. Sandfordd allowed for blacks to be treated as chattel. 118. During the US Constitutional Convention of 1787, the Three-Fifths Com- promise was a compromise that was reached by delegates of the Southern and Northern States as to how slaves were to be counted in order to determine the population of the state for constitutional purposes. 119. Butler 1995, 8. 120. Ibid. 121. Morrison 1993, 59. 122. I am aware that race issues in the United States are a great part of the work of critical race theorists for some time now. My remarks cannot take into account the whole range of ethical, political, and legal issues involved in not “seeing” race and racism in the United States. In fact, the courts have claimed that racism is a social and not a legal problem (Oliver 2001, 161). 123. In fact, issues of visibility, invisibility, and hypervisibility are taken up by many scholars. See, Patricia J. Williams, Seeing a Color-Blind Future: The Paradox of Race, 1998; Ralph Ellison, Invisible Man, 1995; and bell hooks, Yearning: Race, Gender and Cultural Politics, 1990. In this sense, it is not the representation of race, but how race is presented—that is, the immediate prereflective and prelinguistic appearance of what is constructed as blackness, First Nationness, Chineseness, or Mexicanness. This is why Frantz Fanon’s articulation of race in Black Skin, White Masks as a presentation instead of a representation becomes invaluable. 124. Williams 1998, 17. 125. Yancy 2005, 227. 126. Nicoll 2004, 20. 127. Ahmed 2012, 154. 128. Ignatiev and Garvey 1996, 36. 129. The concerns of black women and other women of color are viewed as sec- ondary. We can see the dangers of ranking oppression. In examining the oppression of women of color, a framework that allows for intersectionality of different identity categories is necessary. The intersectionality framework was developed by Kimberlé Crenshaw in her 1989 article titled “Demar- ginalizing the Intersection of Race and Sex: A Black Feminist Critique of Antidiscrimination Doctrine, Feminist Theory and Antiracist Politics.” For a comprehensive reading on intersectionality, see Evelyn M. Simien, “Doing Intersectionality Research: From Conceptual Issues to Practical Examples,” 2007; Ange-Marie Hancock, “When Multiplication Doesn’t Equal Quick Addition: Examining Intersectionality as a Research Paradigm,” 2007; Avtar Brah and Ann Phoenix, “Ain’t I a Woman? Revisiting Intersectional- ity,” 2004; Cheryl I. Harris, “Finding Sojourner’s Truth: Race, Gender, and NOTES 159

the Institution of Slavery,” 1996; Evelyn Brooks Higginbotham, “African- American Women’s History and the Metalanguage of Race,” 1996; Jill Quad- agno, The Color of Welfare: How Racism Undermined the War on Poverty, 1994; Patricia Hills Collins, Black Feminist Thought: Knowledge, Conscious- ness, and the Politics of Empowermentt, 1990; Audre Lorde, Sister Outsider: Essays and Speeches, 1984; Angela Y. Davis, Women, Race and Class, 1983; and bell hooks, Ain’t I a Woman: Black Woman and Feminism, 1981. 130. Ahmed 2012, 155. The problem with talking about race and racism is it makes whites unhappy and gets in the way of their happiness. See Sara Ahmed, “The Politics of Good Feeling,” 2014. 131. Adrian Piper, in her essay “Passing for White: Passing for Black” and in one of her performances, demonstrates how she literalizes the concept, “playing the race card,” by handing a person a card that notifies the recipient that she is black and that the comments that the recipient has been making are actually offensive to blacks. 132. See Barack Obama, “A More Perfect Union,” 2008. 133. Mitchell 2012, xiii. 134. Oliver 2001, 147.

Chapter 3

1. Du Bois 1968, 2. 2. Appiah 1992, 45. On the illusion of race, see also Naomi Zack, Race and Mixed Race, 1993; and David L. Wheeler, “A Growing Number of Scientists Reject the Concepts of Race,” 1995. In the meanwhile, John H. McClendon III points to the fact that the illusion of race is founded in “the philosophy of science on which the pseudo-scientists anchor their view about race. For the former group, since the categories, methods and theories associated with natural science prove untenable in any account of race, they conclude that race is without scientific foundation. While the latter group believes that natural science can adequately explain race, because in their estimation, race is predominantly a biological category” (2004, 213). For more on race as a biological category, see Philip Kitcher, “Race, Ethnicity, Biology, Culture,” 1999. However, even though Appiah claims that “there are no races,” this does not mean that he denies the reality of racism. If race is an illusion and racism still exists, what we have is racism without race. 3. Appiah 1992, 45. Also, see Appiah’s “The Uncompleted Argument: Du Bois and the Illusion of Race,” 1985. Many scholars have taken on Appiah’s argument about the illusion of race. See Linda Alcoff, “Philosophy and Racial Identity,” 1996; Robert Gooding-Williams, “Outlaw, Appiah and Du Bois’s ‘The Conservation of Races,’” 1996; Lucius Outlaw, On Race and Philosophy, 1996a, and “Conserve Races?” 1996b; and David Theo Golberg, Racist Cul- ture, 1993. 4. Seshadri-Crooks 2000, 4. 160 NOTES

5. The 1851 Indian Appropriations Act was called the Appropriation Bill for Indian Affairs. 6. Winant 1994, xiii. 7. Mills 1997, 7. 8. In California in 2003, the Racial Privacy Initiative (Proposition 54) rejected the notion that racial category should be eliminated from policies, documents, and intuitions. 9. Tesler and Sears 2010, 5. 10. Staples 2008. 11. Oliver 2001, 129. 12. Ibid. 13. Ibid., 131. 14. West 2001, 155–56. 15. Kennedy 2010, 122. 16. In Philadelphia on March 17, 2008, for an hour, Obama reflected on the history of race in the United States and reminded America that its racism dated back to the founding fathers who were accused of upholding slavery. The racial question was not resolved by the Civil War but materialized into new forms of racial segregation and the Jim Crow Laws. For Obama, the Civil Rights Act of 1964 did not achieve “the more perfect union.” See Barack Obama, “A More Perfect Union,” 2008. 17. Obama 2008. 18. For an extended discussion on the “one America” concept, see William Jeff- ferson Clinton, Putting People First: How We Can All Change America, 1992. 19. Obama 2004. 20. Tesler and Sears 2010, 5. 21. Wilkins 2010, 635. 22. Ibid. 23. Black Senators from 1870 to the present are: Hiram Rhodes Revels, Mis- sissippi (1870); Blanche Kelso Bruce, Mississippi (1875); Edward William Brooke III, Massachusetts (1967); Carol Moseley Braun, Illinois (1993); Barack Obama, Illinois (2005); Tim Scot, South Carolina (2013); Mo Cohen, Massachusetts (2013); and Cory Booker, New Jersey (2013). Black governors are: Douglas Wilder, Virginia (1989); Deval Patrick, Massachusetts (2006); and David Patterson, New York (2008). 24. Maybe Obama’s views on contemporary issues, including his view on the war on terrorism, the budget deficit, foreign policy, gay marriage, immigration, and so on, have contributed to his presidential successes. 25. Kennedy 2010, 10. 26. Ibid., 13. On the other hand, blacks were supporting Hillary Clinton because Obama was “not black enough,” he was not truly a “brother.” See Debra J. Dickerson, The End of Blackness: Returning the Souls of Black Folk to their Rightful Owners, 2005. 27. Kennedy 2010, 131. 28. Early 2011, 13. NOTES 161

29. In fact, in the spring of 1994, Obama taught a class titled “Current Issues in Racism and the Law” at the University of Chicago law school where he was professor for 12 years. At that time, he was defiantly exposed to various scholarly works on race and the law. For this insight, see Jodi Kantor, “Teaching Law, Testing Ideas, Obama Stood Slightly Apart,” 2008. 30. Early 2011, 13. 31. According to media reports, the Arizona State University (ASU) has dis- tanced itself from the issue. ASU released a statement: “ASU authorities have reviewed the circumstances surrounded the arrest and have found no evidence of inappropriate action by ASUPD officers involved. Should such evidence be discovered, an additional, through inquiry will be conducted and appropriate actions taken.” After the arrest of Dr. Gates, “it is now against the law in America for some kinds of people to express anger at a police officer” (Mitchell 2012, 53). 32. However, I do not mean to glorify racial correctness because it is one other process at work to legitimize the racist state. For more on political correctness, see John L. Jackson Jr., chapter 2, “The Birth of Political Correction and the White Man’s Newest Burden,” in his book Racial Paranoia: The Unintended Consequences of Political Correctness, 2008. On the racist state, the work of David Theo Goldberg, The Racial State, is exemplary here. 33. When blacks are asked, “How does it feel to be the problem?,” George Yancy makes clear that “the relationship between being Black and being a problem is non-contingent. It is a necessary relation. Outgrowing this ontological state of being a problem is believed impossible. Hence, when regarding one’s ‘existence as problematic’ temporality is frozen. One is a problem forever. However, it is important to note that it is from within the white imaginary that the question ‘How does it feel to be a problem?’ is given birth” (2005, 237). 34. Fanon 1967, 111. 35. Ibid., 138. 36. Foucault 1989, 158. 37. Hall 1994, 335. 38. For further research on the “underclass,” I am inspired by the work of Her- bert Gans, “Deconstructing the Underclass,” 2007. 39. See, for instance, Raymond Mohl, Poverty in New York, 1783–1825, 1971. 40. Žižek 1997, 28. 41. Reed Jr. 1992, 23. 42. There is a vast amount of work on this front. Some of the works include Jane H. Hill, The Everyday Language of White Racism, 2008; George Yancy, Black Bodies, White Gazes: The Continuing Significance of Race, 2008; Doug- las Massey, Categorically Unequal, 2007; George Lipsitz, The Possessive Investment in Whiteness, 2006; Joe R. Feagin, Systemic Racism: A Theory of Oppression, 2006; Eduardo Bonilla-Silva, Racism without Racists: Colorblind Racism and the Persistence of Racial Inequality in the United States, 2006; 162 NOTES

Andrew Hacker, Two Nations: Black and White, Separate, Hostile, Unequal, 2003; and Norman K. Denzin, Reading Race, 2002. 43. Myers 2005, 20. 44. There is perhaps no more an essential work in the conceptualization of race and poverty amalgamation in New Orleans and the United States as a whole than the work of Michael Eric Dyson, Come Hell or High Water: Hurricane Katrina and the Color of Disaster, 2006. Also, see my article, “Notes on Hur- ricane Katrina: Rethinking Race, Class, and Power in the United States,” 2009. 45. Farr 2004, 144. 46. Ibid., 145. 47. Mills 1997, 126. 48. Omi and Winant 1994, 151. 49. Miles 1989, 74. 50. Hartigan 2005, 547. 51. Butler 1990, 273. 52. I do not enter here into the details of “memory studies” proper because there are many important “memory studies” scholars. See Kendal R. Phil- lips, “The Failure of Memory: Reflections on Rhetoric and Public Remem- brance,” 2010; and Phillips’s edited volume Framing Public Memory, 2004; Pierre Nora, Realms of Memory: The Construction of the French Pastt, 1996; and Natalie Zemon Davis and Randolph Starn, ed., “Special Issue: Memory and Counter Memory,” 1989. I can see how remembering race and racism in America’s history can rely on “memory studies” as an explanatory framework. 53. Phillips 2010, 208. 54. Oliver 2001, 129. 55. Gordon 2011, 2. 56. Phillips 2010, 212. 57.Morrison 1987, 275. 58. Oliver 2001, 112. 59. Nora 1996, ix. 60. For a more comprehensive overview of how the colonists viewed blacks as inferior, see Winthrop D. Jordan, in White over Black: American Attitudes toward the Negro, 1550–1812, 1968. 61. Davis 1923, 248. There is not much evidence of blacks arriving in Virginia before 1619. The first Negroes, as it is documented, arrived in James- town, the first permanent English settlement in America, in 1619, were the “twenty negars.” See Frank Wesley Craven, “Twenty Negroes to Jamestown in 1619?,” 1971, 416–20; and T. R. Davis, “Negro Servitude in the United States: Servitude Distinguished from Slavery,” 1923, 249. 62. Pinder 2011, 7. “In Europe, up until the eighteenth century, there were several explanations for the physical differences of people. There are several scholarly works that have shown that these explanations drew from the Bible. Alden T. Vaughan, for example, draws our attention to how the NOTES 163

English equated Africans from the biblical ‘curse of Ham.’ Geneses 9:20–27, states that Noah cursed Ham’s son, Canaan, to a life of perpetual servitude to his brothers Shem and Japheth. The English identified Ham as the ancestor of black Africans and themselves as the descendants of Japheth” (Pinder 2011, 25). The “curse of Ham,” was also used by the slave owners in the Southern states to justify slavery. See Sylvester A. Johnson, The Myth of Ham in Nineteenth Century American Christianity, 2004. In other words, the Bible is often used to maintain certain groups as the “other.” “In terms of Christianity, the Jews are considered directly responsible for the cruci- fixion of Christ. According to Matthew 27: 25, Jews called for the death of Christ, and after Christ’s death, ‘His blood be upon us and our Children’ was uttered in remorse by the Jews. Hence the persecution of the Jews, as early as the First Crusade in 1096, which continued in the fourteenth century, was inevitable. Jews were seen as less than human. They were looked on as demonic and associated with the devil. The denunciation of the Jews was supported by John 8:44, ‘You are of your father the devil, and your will is to do your father’s desire’. Anti-Semitism began to show its ugly face” (Pinder 2011, 25). Also, see George M. Fredrickson, Racism: A Short History, 2002, 17–25. “Implicit in such arguments is the assumption that differences are to be explained by tracing them to particular events outlined in the Bible where God intervenes in the overtly polarized twosome of punishment and reward that is bestowed on particular individuals. Another explanation for physical differences had to do with climate and environment. Hence people from Africa, Europe, and Asia must have had separate ancestors, which con- tradicts the biblical narration that we are all descendants of Adam. Given that Adam is the ancestor of the Europeans, to reformulate the argument is to expose the argument in the Old Testament as incomplete. Hence the debate whether human beings consisted of one or many stocks had to be considered in terms of the prevailing paradigm and, as such, was explained as a choice between monogenesis and polygenesis” (Pinder 2011, 25). Also, see Michael Banton, “The Idiom of Race: A Critique of Presentation,” 2000, 52–53. 63. Roxann Wheeler, in her book The Complexion of Race: Categories of Diff- ference in Eighteenth Century British Culture, reminds us that “skin color and race as we know them today have not always been powerful tools to convey difference”(2000, 2). Also, W. E. B. Du Bois, in “The Souls of White Folk,” remarks that “the Middle Age regarded skin color with mild curiosity; and even up until the eighteenth century we were hammering our national manikins into one, great, Universal Man with fine frenzy which ignore color and race even more than birth. Today, we have changed all that, and the world in a sudden emotional conversion has discovered that it is white and by that token, wonderful!” For Du Bois, this was the discovery of what he coined “personal whiteness,” “a very modern thing,” which is “a nineteenth and twentieth century matter, indeed” (1969, 184–85) and would extend 164 NOTES

itself, to borrow from Margaret Talbot, as a form of “getting credit for being white” (1997). 64. The media are even more prolific in abstracting blacks from their real his- tories and reinforcing all the stereotypes about blacks. From a critical race theorists’ perspective, there are several films that provide an oppositional reading of whiteness as innocent and pure, which is constituted and recon- stituted through the nonwhite presence. One film that comes to my mind is the 1995 Hollywood film Dangerous Minds, starring Michelle Pfeiffer, which offers a good insight into whiteness “as the archetype of rationality, ‘tough’ authority, and cultural standards in the midst of the changing demographics of urban space and the emergence of resurgent racism in the highly charged politics of the 1990s” (Giroux 1997, 297). For more on Dangerous Minds, see Henry A. Giroux, “Racial Politics and the Pedagogy of Whiteness,” 1997, 297–304. 65. Hegel 1975, 177. 66. Jefferson 1999, 6. 67. Colonialism, in itself, has a specific history. While, by the start of the nine- tieth century, all nations have been assigned a place in the modern world system, several postcolonial scholars have discussed how racial oppression has helped sustain colonialism. 68. It makes sense then why racial classification based on the one-drop rule (of blood) would be in place to make the distinction between whites and blacks. An important case that is based on racial classification was Daniel v. Guy (1855) in which Abbey Guy sued William Daniel for holding her and her children as slaves even though they were white. For more on this case, see Ariela J. Gross, “Litigating Whiteness: Trials of Racial Determination in the Nineteenth Century South,” 1998, 108–9. Others cases include State v. Davis (1831); Gray v. Ohio (1831); State v. Canteyy (1835); Thacker v. Hawk (1842); State v. Jacobs (1859); and White v. Clements (1869). For more on these cases, see Charles S. Mangum, The Legal Status of the Negro, 1940. Also, on state laws on racial classification, see Pauli Murray, States’ Laws on Race and Color, 1997. And even though race, in this sense, was viewed as a biological construct in order to advance the notion of a pure white race, which was incorporated into law and was clearly manifested in Plessy v. Ferguson, the social implications of race hamstringed blacks and other nonwhites from moving beyond race. See Ariela J. Gross, What Blood Won’t Tell: A History of Race on Trial in America, 2008. The self-evident truth is that racial classification was systematic of American racism and culture. Racial classification demonstrations quite well that assigning one’s self to a racial group is not up to one, which Charles W. Mills defines and explains as “racial constructivism” (1998, 47). Racial constructivism is inescapable and has precise racial implications. 69. Appiah 1985, 35. 70. Fanon 1967, 116. 71. Jefferson 1999, 6. NOTES 165

72. Ibid. Later on, the political scientist John W. Burgess, in his book Recon- struction and the Constitution, 1866–1876, would claim that a “black skin means membership in a race of men which has never itself succeeded in subjecting passion to reason; has never, therefore, created any civilization of any kind” (1902, 133). Unfortunately, today, we do find echoes of the same position in the kind of arguments in the latest rendition of Richard Hernstein and Charles Murray’s 1994 The Bell Curve: Intelligence and Class Structure in American Life. According to them, “the Gaussian distributions of IQ scores establish a natural distinction of some importance between diff- ferent races” (1994, 106) and blacks are positioned as inferior to white. 73. Spivak 1998, 45. 74. In addition to skin color as a representation of difference, giving way to racial distinction itself as a form of whites’ disapproval, Africans were distinguished from Europeans because of their religious beliefs. Consequently, Africans were equated with heathenism, savagery, and uncouthness. The interlocking of skin color and religion worked to constitute a black identity as inferior. However, how the gaze of nonwhites is directed toward whites is described and explained when Olaudah Equiano, in his memoirs, described his first encounter with whites as he was being placed on board a slave ship. He writes, “I was now persuaded that I had got into a world of bad spirits, and they were going to kill me . . . I found some black people about me . . . I asked them if we were not to be eaten by these white men with horrible looks, red faces, and long hair.” See Olaudah Equiano, Interesting Narrative and Other Writings, 1998, 55. 75. Even though some scholars have argued that the pure/impure binary is necessary to create a border that safeguards the subject from the object, the white self from the nonwhite “other,” and strengthen the boundaries between self and the “other,” Frantz Fanon points out that both the superiority complex of whites and the inferiority complex of blacks are pathologi- cal. He writes, “The Negro enslaved by his inferiority, and the white man enslaved by his superiority alike behave in accordance with a neurotic orien- tation” (1967, 60). In the end, for Fanon, the dialogical relationship between inferior nonbeings and superior beings perverts humanity. It is not only the blacks who are dehumanized. The whites also lose their humanity. Paulo Freire, in Pedagogy of the Oppressed, makes a similar argument concerning the dichotomy of the oppressed and the oppressor. He writes, “Dehuman- ization, which marks not only those whose humanity has been stolen, but also (though in a different way) those who have stolen it, is a distortion of the vocation of becoming fully human” (2002, 44). Also, see Albert Memmi, The Colonizers and the Colonized, 1965. 76. Pinto 2012, 150. 77. For a more comprehensive discussion on this occurrence, see my article, “Michael Jackson and the Quandary of a Black Identity,” 2012. 78. According to George M. Fredrickson, the word racism first appeared in the 1930s to describe the Nazi’s persecution of the Jews (2002, 4). 166 NOTES

79. A good illustration that the view of blacks as inferior to whites was extended to other nonwhites is in the case of People v. Hall, in 1854. Hall, a white man charged with the murder of Ling Sing, a Chinese man, was convicted thanks to the testimony of three Chinese witnesses. But the California Supreme Court reversed the decision because, according to the Act Concerning Civil Cases, the Chinese were also included in the Act and could not be a witness against a white person. What one sees here is that a racialized individual “is dead to the process of witnessing that which cannot be reported by the eyewitness, the unseen in vision and the unspoken in speech, that which is beyond recognition in history, the process of witnessing itself” (Oliver 2001, 2). Remaining within the logic of uncontested white supremacy, the judge affirmed that the Chinese were “a race of people whom nature has marked as inferior, and who are incapable of progress or intellectual development beyond a certain point.” Article 19, Sections 1–4 of the California Consti- tution, adopted in 1876, was very specific on how the Chinese were to be treated in California. Also, in the case of Jeffries v. Ankenyy in 1842, the court saw Parker Jeffries, a mixed-race person of white and First Nations origins, as a person of color and upheld the decision to deny him the right to vote in Greene County, Ohio. According to the 1802 Constitution of Ohio, Article 4, Section 1, only “white male inhabitants above the age of twenty-one” could vote. The revised Constitution of Ohio in 1851 continued to grant voting rights only to white men. 80. See my chapter 2, “Whiteness: The Definitive Conceptualization of an American Identity,” 2010, 39–66. 81. Fanon 1967, 60. 82. The outdoing of “blackness,” for example, can be discerned in black popular culture in terms of music, dance, dress, and language. Indeed, black popular culture is a conflicting space and a spectacle of deliberate contestation and intervention in opposition to the norms and values of whiteness. However, I am not arguing here that there is an ontological specificity to blackness. For a more comprehensive view on the many ways of performing blackness, see Touré, Who Is Afraid of Post-Blackness? What It Means to Be Black Now, 2011. By using the term “postblackness,” it clearly does not signify the end to “blackness”; “it points, instead, to the end of the reign of a narrow single notion of Blackness” (2011, xviii). 83. Richard Wright, in Black Boyy and Native Son, speaks of the alienating of blacks in the United States. 84. Fanon 1967, 211. 85. Ibid. In Frantz Fanon’s The Wretched of the Earth, where Fanon talks about the violence that sleeps restively in the natives of Algeria, which is hard to put aside, as a crime of existence, “a tragic situation” is a good example of this condition—the troublesomeness of whiteness. He writes, “Whereas the colonist or police officer can beat the colonized subject day in and day out, insult him and shove him to his knees, it is not uncommon to see the colonized subject draw his knife at the slightest hostile or aggressive look from NOTES 167

another colonized subject. For the colonized subject’s last resort is to defend his personality against his fellow countryman” (1961, 17). 86. Lauretis 2002, 54. 87. Fanon 1967, 111. 88. Ibid., 110–11. 89. Ibid., 116. 90. Ibid., 112. 91. Ibid., 110. 92. Ibid., 111. 93. Foucault 1980, 122. 94. Butler 1997, 2. 95. Glasgow 2009, 1. 96. Williams 2007. 97. It is worth noting that before the election of the first black president, Barack Obama, the idea of a black president was explored in music, stand-up comedy shows, novels, movies, and television shows. For instance, in the television sitcom, Good Times, it is the subject of an episode; the Evans family has to raise money in order not to be evicted from their rented project apart- ment located in a poor black neighborhood in inner-city Chicago. With the money the Evans’ children saved, they offered to contribute to the paying of the rent so as to avoid eviction. Michael, the youngest of the three Evans’ kids, tells his father, James Evans that he will give him two dollars from the money he has been saving for law school. In response to Michael, James says, “Boy, I believe you can skip lawyer and go right on to president.” Other television shows include, The Eventt, The Richard Pryor Show, 24, and Century Cities. In the 1964 novel, The Man, Irving Wallace contemplates the idea of Douglas Dillman, a black man in the novel, as the president. In 1972, The Man was made into a movie starring James Earl Jones as Dillman. It draws our attention to the obstacles a black man encounters in his efforts to be elected. Other novels featuring a first black president include: T. D. Walters, The Race, 2007; T. Ernesto Benthancourt, The Tomorrow Connection, 1984; and Phillip K. Dick, The Crack in Space, 1966. Movies that dabble with the idea of a black president include White House Down, 2013; Head of State, 2003; Undercover Brother, 2002; Deep Impact, 1998; The Fifth Element, 1997; Born in Flames, 1983; The Man, 1972; Babes on Broadway, 1941; and Rufus Jones for President, 1933. 98. Omi and Winant 1994, 118–19. 99. For various issues that were central to Obama’s election, see Heather E. Har- ris et al., The Obama Effect: Multidisciplinary Rendering of the 2008 Cam- paign, 2010; and Kate Kenski et al., The Obama Victory: How Media, Money, and Message Shaped the 2008 Election, 2010. 100. See Gerald Early, “The Two Worlds of Race Revisited: A Meditation on Race in the Age of Obama,” 2011; Randall Kennedy, The Persistence of the Color Line: Racial Politics and the Obama Presidency, 2011; Mark Orbe and 168 NOTES

Ewa Urban, “‘Race Matters’ in the Obama Era,” 2011; Michael Tesler and David O. Sears, Obama’s Race: The 2008 Election and the Dream of a Post- Racial America, 2010; David B. Wilkins, “The New Social Engineer in the Age of Obama: Black Cooperate Lawyers and the Making of the First Black President,” 2010; Manning Marable, “Racializing Obama: The Enigma of Post-Black Politics and Leadership,” 2009; and Public Opinion Journal, “Understanding the 2008 Presidential Election,” 2009. 101. Powell 2009, note 16. 102. Gilroy 2000a, 40–41. 103. Michaels 2006, 28. 104. Mitchell 2012, 23. 105. West 2001, 155. 106. Obama 2008. 107. See William Julius Wilson, The Declining Significance of Race, 1980. 108. For more on race matters, see Joe R. Feagin, Racist America: Roots, Current Realities, and Future Reparations, 2010; Falguni A. Sheth, Toward a Politi- cal Philosophy of Race, 2009; George Yancy, Black Bodies, White Gazes: The Continuing Significance of Race, 2008; Barnor Hesse, “Racialized Modernity: An Analytics of White Modernity,” 2007; Denise Ferreira da Silver, Toward a Global Idea of Race, 2007; Joe R. Feagin, Systemic Racism: A Theory of Oppres- sion, 2006; Ian Hacking, “Why Race Still Matters,” 2005; Howard Winant, The World Is a Ghetto: Race and Democracy since World War Two, 2002; Robert Miles and Rodolfo D. Torres, “Does ‘Race’ Matters? Transatlantic Perspective on Racism after ‘Race Relations,’” 1999; Lewis R. Gordon, Bad Faith and Antiblack Racism, 1995; David L. Wheeler, “A Growing Number of Scientists Reject the Concept of Race,” 1995; Joe R. Feagin, “The Continuing Significance of Race: Antiblack Discrimination in Public Spaces,” 1991; and W.E. B. Du Bois, Dusk of Dawn: An Essay toward an Autobiography of a Race Conceptt, 1968. 109. Marable 2009, 13. Other forms of race antagonism include, in 2011, the beating and murder of James Craig Anderson in Jackson, Mississippi, by an 18-year-old white man; in 2010, when Shirley Sherrod was forced to resign from her position as Georgia state director of rural development for the United States Department of Agriculture after she experienced fraudu- lent right-wing attacks; in the same year, a Harvard undergraduate student, Stephanie Grace, declared in an e-mail exchange with one of her peers that African Americans might be genetically inferior to whites. Other noteworthy occurrences of blatant racism are racial profiling of Muslim Americans; the arrest of professor Henry Louis Gates of Harvard University in 2009; the racist controversy that appeared with the nomination of Sonia Sotomayor as Supreme Court judge in 2009; a noose was found hanging on the office door of the African American professor Madonna Constantine at Columbia University; and nooses were found hanging in the school yard of Jena High School in Jena, Louisiana, in 2006; the unjustifiable jailing of Bryonn Bain, a Harvard law student, in 2003; the shooting and killing of Amadou Diallo by NOTES 169

white police officers in 1999; the murder of James Byrd in Jasper, Texas, in 1998; the sodomizing of Abner Louima by white police officers in New York City and the burning alive of Garnett Paul Johnson in 1997; and the beating of Rodney King by white police officers in 1991. The list is too long to be cited exhaustively, but the preceding examples show that the significance of racee is indeed not disappearing any time soon. 110. Cohen 1992, 62. 111. Bonnett 1996, 147. 112. President Obama first used this phrase “teachable moment” during the aftermath of the arrest of Professor Henry Louis Gates. 113. The shooting of Michael Brown reminded many people of the arrest and brutal beating of Rodney King in 1992 by Los Angeles police officers. The Rodney King incident allows for the African American professor Robert Gooding-Williams to edit a volume, Reading Rodney King/Reading Urban Uprising, providing several interpretations of police violence perpetrated toward blacks in the United States. Also, see the film, The Rodney King Inci- dent: Race and Justice in America, 1998. 114. For more on the Trayvon Martin incident, see Bryan J. McCann, “On Whose Ground? Racialized Violence and the Prerogative of ‘Self-Defense’ in the Trayvon Martin Case,” 2014; Lisa Bloom, Suspicious Nation: The Inside Story of the Trayvon Martin Injustice and Why We Continue to Repeat Itt, 2014; George Yancy and Janine Jones, eds., Pursuing Trayvon Martin: His- torical Contexts and Contemporary Manifestations of Racial Dynamics, 2013; Michael George Hancard, “You Shall Have the Body: On Trayvon Martin’s Slaughter,” 2012; and Ange-Marie Hancock, “Trayvon Martin, Intersection- ality, and the Politics of Disgust,” 2012. 115. Mitchell 2012, 54–55. 116. For a detailed account of performativity, see J. L. Austin, How to Do Things with Words, 1963; and Judith Butler, Excitable Speech: A Politics of the Perfor- mative, 1997. 117. Marable 2009, 13. 118. Michaels 2006, 111. 119. Dyer 1997, 1. 120. See Paul Gilroy, Against Race: Imagining Political Culture beyond the Color Line, 2000a. Gilroy points to the unusualness of postapartheid South Africa’s race relations, which he describes and explains as a transformation of race. I quote, here, Gilroy’s hopefulness that if race can be transformed in South Africa, “the one place on earth where its salience for politics and government could not be denied, the one location where state-sponsored racial identities were openly and positively conducted into the core of a modern civic culture and social relations, then surely it could be changed anywhere” (2000b, 27). However, is another understanding of race relations in postapartheid South Africa possible? Inspired by Gilroy’s provocative summation, I am tempted to ask the question: Is it race that is being transformed or whiteness, to some extent, that has undergone some challenges? I turn to Tony Simoes da 170 NOTES

Silva’s “Redeeming Self: The Business of Whiteness in Post-Apartheid South African Writing” where he writes, “In South Africa, this disinvestment from Whiteness allows narrators to free themselves from its weight as signified within the rigid strictures of apartheid. Even on the odd occasions where it is assumed as the clear sign of privilege and power that it was, and remains, whiteness is interpellated in an uncannily self-cancelling act. I am White and ineradicably guilty; I need all the help and understanding I can get” (2008, 8–9). As I see it, postapartheid South Africa, for all its particularities, which are indeed infested with an enormous amount of complexities, has become a suitable location for looking at the current positioning of whiteness, which for sure is overwhelmingly inflected by race and racial implications. 121. See Kwame Anthony Appiah, “The Uncompleted Argument: Du Bois and the Illusion of Race,” 1985. Also, see Joshua Glasgow, A Theory of Race, 2009. 122. See Paul Gilroy, in Between Camps: Nations, Culture, and the Allure of Race, 2000b. 123. Da Silver 2011, 4. 124. Fields 1990, 118. 125. Fanon 1967, 116. 126. Butler 1993, 97–98. 127. Franke-Ruta, 2009. 128. Kennedy 2010, 131. 129. Dowd 2009. 130. Sara Ahmed ties “the politics of bad feeling” to shame, which is explained as the wrongness of a country’s past, which can work in the direction of healing past wounds that those in power have inflicted on the marginalized group. She writes, “To acknowledge wrong doing means to enter into shame. The ‘we’ is shamed by its recognition that it has committed ‘acts and omissions’, which has caused pain and lost for Indigenous others” (2005, 72). 131. Oliver 2001, 41. Also, see Thomas Rider, Social Viscosity: A Measure of Freedom, Power, and Resistance, 2014. Rider states: “The Sartrean look . . . possesses an element of internal self-regulation, self-judgment, and self- serialization as the looker positions him/herself within the matrix of facticity and practico-inert processes” (2014, 65). 132. Fanon 1967, 109. 133. Ibid., 110. 134. Ibid., 8. 135. Berger 1972, 7. My own emphasis. 136. On the other hand, there is the hypervisibility of blackness that stereotypes blacks as criminals, rapists, gang members, “welfare queens,” drug dealers, and lower class. The idea is that a black cannot help being a “welfare queen,” for example, “she was raised that way.” It was President Regan who referred to a black single mother receiving public assistance as a “welfare queen.” The label “welfare queen” and its essentializing portrayal of poor people prop- agates a racist diatribe. The essential point here is that the welfare queen image that stood for the black single mother welfare recipient has become NOTES 171

commonplace in debates and discussions about welfare. Her experience has been pathologized, and she has been made into “the problem.” 137. Gordon 1995, 99. 138. Žižek 2008, 457. 139. Oliver 2001, 150. 140. Foucault 2003, 10. 141. Žižek 1997, 34. 142. Spivak 1995, 4. 143. Dyer 1997, 2.

Chapter 4

1. Lipsitz 1998, vii. 2. Bhabha 1994, 61. 3. Foucault 1989, 377. 4. Mills 2003, 186. 5. Butler 1993, 2. 6. Through “the politics of respectability,” black women, earlier in America’s history, were able to attack white supremacy about the failure of the United States “to live up to its liberal ideals of equality and Justice” (Higginbo- tham 1993, 14). On the politics of respectability and its complexity, see the important work of Evelyn Brooks Higginbotham, Righteous Discontent: The Woman’s Movement in the Black Baptist Church 1880–1920, 1993. And even though the church was an institution for African Americans to contest the dominant view of race, African American women also establish social clubs, benevolent societies, newspapers, schools, black women’s organizations, and social protest groups. See Maxine Leeds Craig, Ain’t I a Beauty Queen: Black Women, Beauty, and the Politics of Race, 2002, 11. 7. It was whiteness and the practice of white supremacy that, during the colonial period, positioned black indentured servants as inferior to white indentured servants and was instrumental in the development of the institution of slavery. I have discussed this at length in note 44 in Chapter 1. Furthermore, Dred Scott v. Sandfordd is a clear indication of how the humanity of blacks was denied. 8. In order to have a real sense of how race positions blacks and other nonwhites, the 2010 US Census Bureau provides some important data on the racial gap in wealth, poverty level, unemployment rate, and life expectancy. Also, see Jennifer Doleac and Luke Stein, “Race Has a Hand in Determining Market Outcomes,” 2010; Jennifer Hochschild and Vesla Weaver, “The Skin Color Paradox and the American Racial Order,” 2007; and Andrew Hacker, Two Nations: Black and White, Separate, Hostile, Unequal, 2003. 9. Mills 2003, 174. 10. Charles W. Mills, in his article titled “Racial Exploitation and the Wages of Whiteness,” talks about how white supremacy is global in its occurrences, and this needs to be addressed if we are to address some form of racial justice 172 NOTES

in the United States, which is anything but straightforward (2004). Also, see Ruth Frankenberg, “Introduction: Local Whiteness, Localizing Whiteness,” where she points to the fact that whiteness travels globally and it impacts the formation of class, empire, and nationhood (1997, 2). 11. Yancy 2004a, 16. 12. Ahmed 2004. 13. The Chinese Exclusion Act was a tyrannical policy that was modified and extended, in various ways, to the Japanese, Filipinos, Koreans, and Asian- Indians in the United States. 14. There were other programs that were used to assimilate First Nations and other nonwhites to the American culture, which is based on whiteness. The schools were the central tool of assimilation into the dominant culture and could not tolerate racialized ethnic-group self-expression. Today, there is a focus on cultural pluralism, a concept that was introduced by Horace Kallen in his article, “Beyond the Melting Pot: A Study of American Nationality,” which appeared in The Nation in 1915. It would later become a key current of the ethnicity model that was used by scholars to conceptualize and explain the paradigm of race. See Michael Omi and Howard Winant, Racial Formation in the United States from the 1960s to the 1990s, 1994, 15–16. Cul- tural pluralism has extended itself to identity politics and multiculturalism, and schools are expected to revise their curriculum to incorporate diversity. 15. For more on the cultural representation of whiteness, see Richard Dyer, White, 1997, and Toni Morrison, Playing in the Dark: Whiteness and the Literary Imagination, 1993. More specifically, whiteness as representation in black imagination, see bell hooks, Black Looks: Race and Representation, 1992. 16. Feagin 2006, 256. Other organizations in the United States working to counter racism include People’s Institute for Survival and Beyond, White Panther Party, Think Again, and Anti-Racist Action. 17. Ahmed 2012, 150. 18. Butler 2005, 32. 19. Foucault 1982, 780. 20. An important form of an individualizing form of power is the nuclear family structure. 21. Foucault 1982, 792. 22. Foucault 1980, 122. 23. The Obama administration placed several nonwhites in high positions such as the first Latina justice Sonia Sotomayor, the first black attorney general, Eric Holder, and Lisa Jackson and Charles Bolden, the first black directors of the environmental agency and the National Air and Space Administration, respectively. Also, for the first time, there has been more Asian American judicial nominees. See Jonathan Jew-Lim, “A Brief Overview of President Obama’s Asian American Judicial Nominees in 2010,” 2010. 24. Foucault 1980, 122. NOTES 173

25. Foucault’s “analysis of power” examines how various institutions—the educational system, the prison system, the health system, and even the family— assert their power on individuals and groups, and how the individuals and groups resist these forms of power by creating their own identity. 26. Foucault 1980, 98. 27. Eduardo Bonilla-Silva discusses “racism without racists.” See Eduardo Bonilla-Silva, Racism without Racists: Color-Blind Racism and the Persistence of Racial Inequality in the United States, 2006. In fact, these days, blacks are racists; whites are racists; Mexicans are racists; Chinese are racists, and so on. And if everyone is racist, then there are no racists and the result is, to borrow from Bonilla-Silva, “racism without racists.” 28. McLaren 1999, 11. 29. Paulo Freire’s Pedagogy of the Oppressedd understands and defines praxis as “reflection and action upon the world in order to transform it” (2000, 51). 30. Lipsitz 1998, vii. 31. Taylor 2013, 5. 32. Ware and Back 2002, x. 33. Owen 2007, 214. 34. McIntosh 2007, 179. 35. Rich 179, 306. 36. Du Bois 2003, 4. 37. Fanon 1967, 111–12. 38. Ibid., 114. 39. Du Bois 2003, 3–4. 40. Ibid., 4. 41. Foucault 1978, 27. 42. See Fanon, chapter 5, Black Skin, White Masks, 1967. 43. A number of examples include the notorious “‘nappy-headed hos’ comment” on April 5, 2007. After a mass criticism of Don Imus for referring to members of the women’s basketball team at Rutgers University as “nappy- headed hos,” he was fired from his radio program; and on November 18, 2006, actor Michael Richards, who is famous for portraying the character Kramer on the Television show Seinfeld, at the comedy club, The Laugh Factory in Los Angeles, on several occasions screamed the word “nigger” at blacks who were present in the audience. The usage of the N-word, in this content, is highly pejorative and should not be defended. In fact, many films from a variety of genres offer no apologies for using racist language and portraying the racialized “other” as savage and nonhuman. I am thinking here of more contemporary films such as Ace Ventura: When Nature Calls (1996); Pulp Fiction (1995); and Just Cause (1995). 44. Westcott, 2004. For more on introspective practice, see Alastair Bonnett, “‘White Studies’: The Problems and Projects of a New Research Agenda,” 1996. The problem of speaking for the “other” is a discursive practice. For more on this, see Linda Martín Alcoff, “The Problems of Speaking for Oth- ers,” 1991. 174 NOTES

45. West 1992, 256–57. Many scholars working on social justice have attempted to provide the intellectual basis for moving from a general sense of racial injustice and have tried to come up with a way to advance justice without taking into consideration systemic whiteness. 46. Du Bois 2003, 5. 47. West 1992, 258. 48. See W. E. B. Dubois, Darkwater: Voices from within the Veil, 1969. Also, see Richard Wright’s Black Boy, in which he acknowledges his lessons about whiteness. He writes the following: I learned of [whites] tawdry dreams, their simple hopes, their home lives, their fears of feeling anything deeply, their sex problems, their husbands. They were an, eager, restless, talkative, ignorant bunch . .. They knew nothing of hate and fear . . . I often wonder what they were trying to get out of life, but I never stumbled on a clue, and I doubt if they themselves had any notion. They lived on the surface of their days; they smiles were surface smiles, their tears were surface tears. Negroes live a truer and deeper life than they, but I wished Negroes, too, could live as thoughtlessly, serenely as they . . . How far apart we stood! All my life I had done nothing but feel and cultivate my feelings; all their lives they have done nothing but strive for petty goals, the trivial prizes of American life. We share a common tongue, but my language was a diff- ferent language from theirs. It was a psychological distance that sepa- rated the races that the deeper meaning of the problem of the Negro lay for me. (1937, 319–21) 49. If we turn our attention to Marxist thought or to Paulo Freire’s conceptualization, in Pedagogy of the Oppressed, in which he focuses on the oppressor and the oppressed, the oppressed is the one who is equipped with a clear and legitimate insight into the operation and workings of the social order. In other words, oppression grants the oppressed the power of discernment or a “second sight,” as W. E. B. Du Bois puts it in The Souls of Black Folk. An example is the ability of blacks and other nonwhites to see whiteness without being observed. See bell hooks, “Representing Whiteness in the Black Imagination,” in Black Looks: Race and Representation, 1992. On the other hand, the dominant group is rarely aware of the many realities of their social situation. 50. Du Bois 1969, 29. This embarrassment is transferred into an anxiety and, as Du Bois recognizes, it makes whites furious. In Black Looks: Race and Rep- resentation, bell hooks tells us of how surprised her students were to learn that blacks and other nonwhites critically evaluate whites. For hooks, her students’ amazement that the gaze of nonwhites is directed toward whites “is an expression of racism” (1992, 167). 51. See Jean-Paul Sartre, Anti-Semite and Jew, 1948. 52. Mitchell 2012, 98. NOTES 175

53. See chapter 4, “Whiteness and the Problematics of ‘Whiteness Studies,’” in Whiteness and Racialized Ethnic Groups in the United States: The Politics of Rememberingg, 2011. 54. Frankenberg 1997, 1. 55. Such constructions would later on be appropriated, for example, in black communities. Instead of moving away from such an essentially crippling notion of black women, the National Association of Colored Women founded in 1896, composed mostly of middle-class black women, was very much focused on black womanhood. Black women who were members of the organization were profoundly concerned that black women were perceived as immoral and promiscuous. In the meanwhile, white women’s char- acterization was the antithesis to these characteristics assigned to nonwhite women. In this sense, “the politics of respectability,” which I have touched on already in note 6, even though it was accommodationist and assimi- lationist in its approach and was reserved for black middle-class women, notwithstanding that America’s class system is distinctively racialized, for Evelyn Brooks Higginbotham, respectability was important to address racist discourse and to counter images of black women as sexually wanton and promiscuous. See Evelyn Brooks Higginbotham, Righteous Discontent: The Woman’s Movement in the Black Baptist Church 1880–1920, 1993. 56. And inasmuch as white women were epitomized as sexually unknow- ing and unavailable, Ida B. Wells-Barnett actively decried the conceptual purity of white women in her editorial in Memphis Free Speech, where she declared that some white women freely engaged in sexual contact with black men (2005, 8). Also, see Harper Lee’s novel, To Kill a Mockingbird, 1960. Nonetheless, in Black Skin, White Mask, as Fanon reminds us, whiteness is always looked on as desire. Whiteness, as desire, makes allowances for white women’s apparent desire for black men to operationalize the terrifying assumption that black men are, on the whole, not to be trusted around white women. To sum it up, black men are trapped by their assumed desire for white women and were seen, and continue to be seen, as sexually aggressive and hypermasculine. The stereotype of the exotic, the promiscuous, and the accessible black male “other” promotes simultaneously anger against, and fear of, black men. The dualism of fear and desire is a dangerous com- bination from which black men suffer since it puts them at continual risk of social castration. 57. Carby 1987, 26. 58. The abuse of the slave women by their masters and other white men and the Sarah Baartman syndrome continue to impact blacks and other nonwhite women. Sarah Baartman, a black South African woman, was on display in London in 1810 for the white male gaze because of her “exotic” features. For more on the Sarah Baartman syndrome, see Thelma Pinto, “Claiming Sarah Baartman: Black Womanhood in the Global Imaginary,” 2013. 59. Young 1994, 714. 60. Roediger 1994, 75. 176 NOTES

61. Minh-ha 1989, 114. 62. Pinder 2012, 56. 63. Hammonds 2004, 301. 64. Sullivan 2004, 213. 65. Davy 1997, 205. 66. I am using “articulation” in Stuart Hall’s sense when the black lesbian at some point in time, perhaps, will deliberately depart from the norms and values of the dominant forces in society and gain authority over her life. See Stuart Hall, “On Postmodernism and Articulation: An Interview with Stu- art Hall,” 1986, and “Race, Articulation and Societies Structured in Domi- nance,” 1980. 67. Fanon 1967, 111. 68. The opposite holds true for the white lesbians. Because their lesbianism resides in the corporeal malediction of their whiteness, which, as Richard Dyer points out, “is the sign that makes white [lesbians] visible as white, while simultaneously signifying the true charter of white people, which is invisible” (1997, 45). 69. Ellison 1995, 3. 70. However, Paul M. L. Moya, in “Postmodernism, ‘Realism,’ and the Poli- tics of Identity: Cherríe Moraga and Chicana Feminism,” has pointed to the extent to which whiteness and heterosexuality function in the United States. For white lesbians, access to whiteness is not always readily available. 71. In the case of Anita Hill versus Clarence Thomas, Cornel West, in Race Mat- ters with his notion of “racial reasoning,” shows how race takes precedence over gender (West 1993, 30). Given that “racial reasoning” is a complicated matter, I turn to political theorist Nancy Fraser, in her article “Sex, Lies, and the Public Sphere: Some Reflections on the Confirmation of Clarence Thomas,” in which she asks an important question: “Does the vindication in this case of a black man’s ability to defend its privacy against a white- dominated public represents an advance for his race or a set back for black women?” (1992, 596). 72. Dyer 1988, 44. 73. Butler 1993, 2. 74. Frankenberg 1993, 234. 75. Foucault 2003, 76. 76. Sullivan 2006, 1–2. 77. On the other hand, what it is to be radically positioned outside of whiteness, from an axiological viewpoint, is just as illuminating for race relations. In fact, to be outside of whiteness does not free blacks and other nonwhites from the inescapable fact that they are impacted by the cultural norms and expectations of whiteness. In this sense, the real recognition is that nonwhites are always living “inside” of whiteness, and the materiality of their lived experience, the fact of nonwhites, conjures up anxiety in whiteness. 78. Lipsitz 1998, vii. 79. Moreton-Robinson 2008, 85–86. NOTES 177

80. McClendon 2004, 212. 81. Moreton-Robinson 2004, 75. 82. Foucault 1980, 133. 83. Butler 2005, 22. 84. Yancy 2004b, 110. 85. Michel Foucault, in The History of Sexuality, makes a similar argument when he points out that sexuality is taken as given, and thus, we are disciplined into thinking that we have a certain sexual nature, which is defined through the deployment of theories and practices that constitute normal and abnor- mal sexuality. 86. Black women’s subject position is reflected in Toni Morrison, Beloved: Beloved You are my sister You are my daughter You are my face; you are me I have found you again; you have come back to me You are my Beloved. You are mine You are mine You are mine. (1987, 216) 87. Bonnett 1996, 147. 88. Also, see Eduardo Bonilla-Silva and Tyrone A. Forman, in their work on “mapping college students racial ideology,” where they point out that words such as “hard work” and “merits” are quite often used by white students to explain, for example, their current status as middle class and their views on affirmative action. One of the students clearly acknowledges, “I don’t think that race should come into the picture at all [. . .] I don’t think they should be given unique opportunities” (2000, 63). 89. Foucault 1982, 782. 90. Butler 1997, 2. 91. Revel 2009, 51. 92. Spivak 1995, 4. 93. Frankenberg 1993, 7. 94. McLaren 1999, 11. 95. In Paul Gilroy’s work, Against Race: Imaging Political Culture beyond the Color Line, Gilroy redirects Vron Ware and Les Back against the concerns of white identity and imagines a “planetary humanism” that would work against race thinking and develop a concept on “what it means to be human” (2000a, 16). 96. Other scholars who have focused on whiteness as an identity include George Lipsitz, The Possessive Investment in Whiteness: How White People Profit from Identity Politics, 1998; and Ruth Frankenberg, White Women, Race Matters: The Social Construction of Whiteness, 1993. Other forms of whiteness as an identity include racists, poor whites, and so on. 178 NOTES

97. Foucault 1988, 18. 98. I do not argue against the fact that we are always already in an interactive relation with a world of which we are a part. In terms of racism, whites, trying as they might, cannot escape the detriments of racism. By whatever means, they may choose to ignore it or, like antiracist whiteness, work to put an end to it. 99. Michel Foucault, Power/Knowledge: Selected Writings and Interviews, 1972–19777, 1980; Discipline and Punish, 1977; and The History of Sexuality, 1978. 100. Foucault 1980, 39. 101. Davy 1997, 219. 102. Taylor 2004, 237. 103. McLaren 1999, 39. 104. Fine 1997, 58. 105. Frankenberg 1993, 7. Many scholars working on social justice have attempted to provide the intellectual basis for moving away from a general sense of racial injustice and have tried to come up with ways to advance justice without taking into consideration systemic whiteness. 106. Ignatiev and Garvey 1996, 10. 107. See Judith Butler, “Contingent Foundations: Feminism and the Question of ‘Postmodernism,’” 1992. 108. Frankenberg 2001, 76. 109. Ahmed 2004. 110. Nehamas 1985, 112. 111. Ahmed 2004. 112. Ibid. 113. McKinney and Feagin 2003, 235. However, Charles Gallagher, in “White Reconstruction in the University,” shows that whites are increasingly becoming conscious of their whiteness (2003). 114. In spite of Noel Ignatiev’s How the Irish Became White, the Irish were already white in terms of skin color. Of course, they had to be culturally whitened— that is, adhere to the norms and values of whiteness. 115. Fine 1997, 63. 116. Haney López 1993, 3. When whites are outnumbered in a multicultural set- ting, whites suddenly, understandably, claim their whiteness in the form of their superiority over people of color. In Karyn D. McKinney’s “I Feel ‘Whiteness’ When I Hear People Blaming Whites: Whiteness as Cultural Victimization,” she draws our attention to the confession of one of her white students that she interviewed for her study. The student was at an amuse- ment park with her parents and, according to her, no one spoke English. “I have never been so annoyed . . . I am definitely very ethnocentric in that I think that my culture and my ways are the best,” the student admitted (2003, 50–51). This is a good illustration of commonsense racism where “nationalist” is being substituted for racist. Furthermore, this is a clear indication of whiteness and entitlement. On whiteness as entitlement, see Peggy McIntosh, “White Privilege: Unpacking the Invisible Knapsack,” 2007; and NOTES 179

Charles Gallagher, “White Reconstruction in the University,” 2003. Ruth Frankenberg, in White Women, Race Matters: The Social Construction of Whiteness, shows how white women exult their privileged position and promote dichotomous thinking about self and “other” (1993). 117. Butler 1995, 443. 118. Ibid. 119. See Julia Kristeva, Strangers to Ourselves, 1991. 120. Fanon 1967, 194. 121. Feagan 2000, 255. 122. Ware and Back 2002, 9. Also, see Noel Ignatiev and John Garvey, Race Trai- tor, 1996; and David R. Roediger, Towards the Abolition of Whiteness: Essays on Race, Politics, and Working Class History, 1994, and The Wages of White- ness: Race and the Making of the American Working Class, 1991. 123. Butler 2005, 23. 124. Moya 1997, 148. 125. Butler 2005, 91. 126. Spivak 1995, 4. 127. Dyer 1997, 2. 128. In fact, these days, it is hip to “act” black. “Wiggers” is a pejorative slang term used to describe white kids reflecting stereotypes of African Ameri- can culture. Are these white kids another example of the “white Negro” that Norman Mailer describes in his celebratory essay “The White Negro: Superficial Reflections on the Hipster”? Taking from Mailer’s description of the “white Negro,” I want, here, to define the “White Negro” as a form of racial mimicry of black popular culture, especially in hip-hop and rap cultures, which stands for the new discrete variation of African American culture. A good illustration of this is that of the white rapper Eminem. See Ian Verstegen, “Eminem and the Tragedy of the White Rapper,” 2011; and Carl Hancock Rux, “Eminem: The New White Negro,” 2003. For a more comprehensive reading of how and why white youths appropriate signs that are considered “black,” see Greg Tate, ed., Every Thing but the Burden: What White People Are Taking from Black Popular Culture, 2003; and Pamela Perry, Shades of White: White Kids and Racial Identities in High School, 2002. 129. Mercer 2002, 197. 130. Take the case of Jane Lazarre in Beyond the Whiteness of Whiteness: Mem- oir of a White Mother of Black Sons, is Lazarre’s “crossing over” or “passing over” to blackness an example of “race changing”? She draws our attention to the tensions between having white skin and rejecting whiteness as her social identity. According to Lazarre, her social identity as an “honorary black” is “hidden” by her white skin. In fact, “honorary black,” as Mercer puts it, “encodes an antagonistic subject position on the part of the white subject in relation to the normative codes of [whiteness]” (Mercer 1991, 432–33), and Lazarre, however, still enjoys the countless privilege that come with whiteness. 131. Mills 1998, 63. 180 NOTES

132. At North Newton Junior-Senior High School, a white school (two of the 850 students are black) located in Morocco, Indiana, several female students calling themselves the “Free to Be Me” group, identify with the hip-hop culture by having dreadlocks and wearing baggy jeans and combat boots. This is a case in point. In order to preserve the accepted code of whiteness, these girls have experienced both physical and psychological violence from many of their peers at school. Several of the girls from the Free to Be Me group were talking about the experience of “race trading” on the Montel Williams show, a black- hosted television talk show. See Linda Martín Alcoff, “What Should White People Do?,” 1998, 16. The Free to Be Me group, functioning as a problematic and disrupting presence for whiteness and taking on “honorary blackness,” does not signal an ontological shift in whiteness as I mentioned earlier. 133. Bryonn Bain, a Harvard law student, knows firsthand the “bad stuff” that comes with being black when he was harassed by the New York Police Department. Does this “bad stuff” propel persons who can try to take on the mixed-race identity, even though the one-drop rule——which established that “persons of color . . . having any African blood in their veins” as black— continues to permeate American society in spite of Loving v. Virginia, which overthrew racial classification laws? Do such persons believe that they should be spared the “bad stuff” because they are not “truly black”? Barbara Fields draws our attention to the cases of Jean Toomer and Anatole Broyard who, because of their mixed-race identities, think that they should be spared of the stigmatization of blackness (2003, 1404). Given that historically, mixed-race individuals were othered and barred from white privilege, is claiming a mixed- race identity another way to move toward whiteness? Is the one-drop rule still socially pervasive that one has to claim a mixed-race identity? What are the results when an individual of mixed race can pass for white? Racial passing— that is the disavowing of being black to secretly live as white—shows that some mixed-race individuals had become so white that the performativity of whiteness is at the core of their daily existence. And while passing is an important means for enjoying white privilege, the psychological cost of passing is very often greater than the reward. See Matthew Wilson, Whiteness in the Novels of Charles W. Chesnuttt, 2004; and Charles W. Chesnutt, The House behind the Cedars, 1968. I suppose that the “bad stuff” that comes with blackness has propelled for a legal recognition of mixed-race identity. And while the rules for racial designation, in many ways, might be vague, there are many scholarly articles and books on mixed-race identity. See Habiba Ibrahim, Troubling the Family: The Promise of Personhood and the Rise of Multiracialism (Difference Incorporated), 2012; Kevin R. Johnson, ed., Mixed-Race Identity and the Law: A Reader, 2003; G. Reginald Daniel, More than Black? Multiracial Identity and the New Racial Order, 2002; David Parker and Miri Song, Rethinking “Mixed Race,”” 2001; Naomi Zack, American Mixed Race: The Culture of Microdiversity, 1995; Julie C. Lythcott-Haims, “Note: Where Do Mixed Babies Belong? Racial Classification in America and Its Implications for Transracial Adoption,” 1994; and Naomi Zack, Race and Mixed Race, 1993. NOTES 181

134. Foucault 1997, 23. 135. Ware and Back 2002, 9. 136. Fine et al. 1997, viii. 137. Spivak 1990, 30. Also, see Toni Morrison’s Playing in the Dark: Whiteness and the Literary Imagination, 1993. 138. Morrison 1993, 90. Also, see Michele Fine, “Witnessing Whiteness,” 1997; and Ruth Frankenberg, White Women, Race Matters: The Social Construction of Whiteness, 1993. 139. Some scholars, including Neil Foley, Matt Wray, and Matthew F. Jacobson have perceived “the otherness of whiteness” to mean the “poor white trash” whose class position is a hindrance for them experiencing “whiteness” to the fullest. I am talking here about an otherness that has a dialogical relation to the “self.” 140. Sartre 1956, 299. 141. It was Oliver Cox, ages ago, who warned us that whites are not superior to nonwhites, but it is this avowal, this falsity, that they must be supreme. See Oliver Cox, Caste, Class and Race: A Study in Social Dynamics, 1948, 336. 142. Bourdieu 2004, 114. 143. Young 1990, 4. 144. Bhabha 1998, 21. 145. Fanon 1967, 231. 146. Yancy 2004, 10.

Epilogue

1. Several black men were shot and killed by white police officers before and after Michael Brown in 2014. 2. In returning to the shooting of Brown, I need to point out that Ferguson has a majority black population and a mostly white police force, which suggests that there is certainly an enduring racial tension between blacks and the police. Accordingly, the Brown shooting generated a tremendous amount of unrest, including protests, vandalism, and looting in Ferguson. The local police agency was criticized by the media as well as by politicians for the ways it handled the unrest in Ferguson. As a result, the Missouri governor Jay Nixon ordered the local police authorities to relinquish their power to the Missouri Highway State Petrol. Peaceful protest continued for several weeks. The events of the shooting were investigated by a county grand jury. On November 24, 2014, in a press conference, the prosecuting attorney for the St. Louis County, Missouri, Robert P. McCulloch, announced that the grand jury had decided not to indict Darren Wilson for his actions. This news, of course, created all kinds of controversies. In spite of the controversies, David Zucchino of the Los Angeles Times declared that it was “not unusual in a police-involved shooting case for a prosecutor to lay out all the evidence and not ask a grand jury for specific criminal charge” (Zucchino 2014) On the other hand, some legal analysts were doubtful about Attorney McCulloch’s untraditional approach and raised their concerns that it might 182 NOTES

have prejudiced the grand jury decision not to indict Wilson. Violence perpetrated by white police is always a struggle for blacks to be recognized as human. 3. Kennedy 1997, 6. 4. Early 2011, 13. 5. See Eduardo Bonilla-Silva and David Dietrich, “Race, Racial Attitudes and Stratifications Beliefs: Evolving Directions for Research and Policy: The Sweet Enchantment of Color-Blind Racism in Obamerica,” 2011. 6. I particularly want to point out that although black men, for the most part, are the targets of police violence, black women are also fatally shot by the police. A case in point is the murder of Yvette Smith on February 16, 2014, by Deputy Daniel Willis in Bastrop County, Texas. 7. Lee 1960, 235. Even though the story of Tom Robinson is fictional, it is a good representation of the lived experience of black men in the United States. Black men in America suffered, and continue to suffer, the same fate as Tom Robinson. In order words, facts have to be fictional in order to be taken seriously. 8. Scarry 1985, 4. 9. See Fanon, chapter 5, “The Facts of Blackness,” in Black Skin, White Masks. 10. Kristeva 1997, 372. Also, see Julia Kristeva, Powers of Horrors: An Essay on Abjection, 1982. 11. Kristeva’s description of abjection is enormous in its scope. See Rob- bie Duschinsky, “Abjection and Self-Identity: Towards a Revised Account of Purity and Impurity,” 2013, 710. However, Kristeva’s use of abjection here can help us to think about the construction of identities in terms of binary oppositions such as pure and impure identities. In Powers of Horrors, Kristeva draws on the example of India to show how the Hindu discourses of purity and impurity are used to organize the hierarchies of the Indian caste system (1982, 81). Frantz Fanon, in Black Skin, White Masks, draws our attention to Western discourses and how the reciprocal hermeneutic relationship between the physical and social constructs whiteness as purity, as the seemingly natural state from which the black identity, for example, is a social, moral, and aesthetic debasement (1967, 189). Furthermore, whiteness is defined “as the invisible norm against which other races are judged in construction of identity, representation, subjectivity, nationalism and law.” See Sara Ahmed, “The Declaration of Whiteness: The Non-Performativity of Antiracism,” 2004; and Aileen Moreton-Robinson, “Whiteness, Epistemol- ogy, and Indigenous Representation,” 2004, vii. Taking my cue from Fanon, whiteness is a not just a social construct, it is physical as well. Accordingly, for the racialized “other,” purity as a discourse threatens to obscure his or her self-identity by fusing the self with that which surrounds it, which is that of whiteness. For a good reading on the myth of whiteness purity, see Robyn Westcott, “Witnessing Whiteness: Articulating Race and the ‘Politics of Style,’” 2004. 12. Lauretis 2002, 54. NOTES 183

13. Fanon 1967, 110. 14. Ibid., 116. 15. Ibid., 112. 16. Ibid., 114. 17. Ibid., 113. 18. With the election the first black man as president of the United States, racial intelligibility is now based on the metanarrative of race and blacks. For instance, “race talk” saturated the public spheres such as television, radio, newspapers, and political blogs as to the meaning of the Obama presidency for the American nation, which draws our attention to the meaning of race and about black people in the United States. Accordingly, in order to understand how racial intelligibility functions in society, we need to take an integrated approach of the subjective and objective account of race and racism. See Linda Martín Alcoff, “Towards a Phenomenology of Racial Embodi- ment,” 1999. 19. See Maurice Merleau-Ponty, “On the Body,” in Phenomenology of Percep- tion, 1962, 67–174. 20. Toadvine and Lawlor 2007, 147. 21. Ibid., 152. 22. For a good discussion of the normativity of the corporeal schema, see Iris Marion Young, “A Phenomenology of Feminine Body Comportment, Motility, and Spatiality,” 1980. 23. Fanon 1967, 111. 24. Ibid. 25. Ibid. 26. Ibid. 27. Ibid. Fanon illustrates this point quite well by showing how the “body is surrounded by an atmosphere of certain uncertainty.” He writes the following: I know that if I want to smoke, I shall have to reach out my right arm and take the pack of cigarettes lying at the other end of the table. The matches, however, are in the drawer on the left, and I shall have to lean back slightly. And all these movements are made not out of habit but out of implicit knowledge. A slow composition of my selff as a body in the middle of a spatial and temporal world—such seems to be the schema. It does not impose itself on me; it is, rather, a definitive structuring of the self and the world—definitive because it creates a real dialectic between my body and the world. (1967, 110–11) The general lesson that Fanon brings to the forefront is that to ensure a sense of self, the phenomenological description of bodily insight shows how the lived body forms its own space by a carefully planned strategy. However, the upshot is that a person of color has difficulties in developing one’s bodily schema because one is forced to see one’s self through the white gaze. 28. Du Bois 2003, 5. 29. Ibid. 184 NOTES

30. Fanon 1967, 111. 31. Fuss 1994, 24. 32. De Beauvoir 1976, 76. 33. Yancy 2012, 34. 34. For a comprehensive view on racialization, see Karim Murji and John Solo- mos’s edited volume, Racialization: Studies in Theory and Practice, 2005; and David Theo Goldberg, The Racial State, 2001. 35. Arendt 1970, 61. 36. In fact, rioting, for example, is another way for the poor to informally partic- ipate in politics because institutionalized channels prevent and block them from any formal kinds of political communication. See Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, Poor People’s Movement: Why They Succeed, How They Fail, 1977. 37. In Being and Nothingness, Sartre explains the other as “not-me-not-object.” (1956, 285). 38. For instance, there was the focus on Michael Brown’s body. In the Rod- ney King’s case, while he was severely beaten by the four white police, there were constant references to his “ass.” Abner Louima, after he was arrested and beaten by New York City police officers, was sodomized with a broken broom handle. 39. Fanon 1967, 232. My own emphasis. 40. Ibid., 150. 41. There are countless debates whether the fetus should count as human life. 42. Butler 1995, 8. 43. Ibid. 44. Markovitz 2011, 5. 45. Arendt 1972, 151. Besides, for Arendt, violence is supposed to be positioned outside the political realm (1970, 54). Arendt recognizes that a “political realm does not automatically come into being wherever men live together . . . events which, though they may occur in a strictly historical context, are not really political and not even connected with politics” (1970, 10). Because Arendt narrows the political to the practical and, as such, her model of violence cannot be an explanatory framework for an analysis of the institutionalization of violence in the United States that rendered blacks vulnerable to state violence. 46. See the decision written by Chief Justice Taney in the case of Dred Scott v. Sandford. 47. See Simone de Beauvoir, The Second Sex, 1964. 48. Fanon 1967, 161. 49. Bhabha 1986, xxxi. 50. Fanon 1967, 60. 51. Ibid., 109. 52. Foucault 1978, 101. References

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Abbey Guy’s trial, 174 Asia, 163n62 abjection, 119, 182n11 Asian American(s), 15, 22, 65, 71, abolitionist movement, 47 172n13 Act Concerning Civil Cases, 166n79 Asian American Justice Center, 81 affirmative action, 7, 37–40; court assimilation, 82, 111, 172 cases, 4, 38 Association of Colored Women, African American(s), 5, 67, 71, 84. See 175n55 also black(s) Austin, J. L, 169n116 Africans, 72–73 Australia, 141n47 Ahmed, Sara, 17, 19–20, 30, 84, 90, autocritique, 95, 110 109, 137n17, 150n29, 159n130, 170n130, 182n11 Baartman, Sarah, 74, 175n58 Alcoff, Linda Martín, 5, 145n94, Bacon’s Rebellion of 1676, 73 146n101, 159n3, 173n44, bad faith, 11, 55, 75, 103, 127 180n132, 183n18 Bakke, Allan, 37–38, 131n22. See Allen, Theodore W., 140 also Regents of the University of Althusser, Louis, 2, 44, 129n6 California v. Bakke American cultural identity, 44, 172 Baldwin, James, 133n41, 138n18, American Gay Rights movement, 101 146n104 Angelou, Maya, 57 Banton, Michael, 163n62 Anti-Defamation League, 31 Bay Area Rapid Transit (BART), 24 antidiscrimination measures, 50 Beauvoir, Simone de, 89, 122, 184n47 antiracist(s), 35, 41, 54, 97, 99; Bell, Derrick A., 16, 44, 64, 129n5, practice, 54, 106; project, 34, 134nn1–2, 137n16, 140n45 107; struggles, 148; thinking, 54, bell curve, 165 whiteness, 2–3, 4, 10, 29, 34, 61, Bennett, Lerone, 140n45 91, 93, 94, 95, 97, 103–4, 106, 107, Berger, John, 85 108–12, 178n98 Bhabha, Homi, 27, 29, 89, 127, 144n90 Anzaldúa, Gloria E., 56, 147n135 Bill of Rights, 47, 143n76 apparatus of whiteness, 18, 20 Birthers, 25 Appiah, Anthony K., 7, 63, 73, 83, Birth of a Nation, The, 30 131–32n31, 159n3, 170n121 black(s), 1, 11, 12, 16, 21, 31, 35, 44, Arendt, Hannah, 27, 122, 127 58, 68, 85, 89, 105, 109, 118, 127; Arizona Senate Bill 1070, 16, 28, 91 feminist(s), 58; ghettoes, 12, Arnesen, Eric, 137n17, 147n129 21, 27, 136n13, 148n2; popular Aryan Nations, 78 culture, 22, 105, 111, 166n82 210 INDEX

Blackmun, Harry, 22, 57 City of Richmond v. J. A. Croson bodiliness of racism, 9, 24, 26, 28, 74, Company, 149n13 80, 118, 120, 121, 124 Civil Rights Act of 1866, 48, 153n64 Bonilla-Silva, Eduardo, 132n38, Civil Rights Act of 1964, 49–50, 142n66, 154n81, 161n42, 173n27, 160n16 177n88, 182n5 Civil War, 48, 143n77, 160n16 Bonnett, Alastair, 80, 129n8, 137n17, Cohen, Philip, 80 173n44 colorblind, 1, 7, 10, 25, 37, 42, 47, 95, Bourdieu, Pierre, 16, 18, 39–40, 114, 148n5 131n27, 138n22 color prejudice, 49 Brah, Avtar, 157n114, 158n129 Congress, 19, 47, 78, 84, 154n73 Brown, Michael, 81, 117, 122–23, 124, conservatives, 6, 66; black, 39 125, 127, 169n113, 181nn1–2, corporal malediction, 101 184n38 corporeal schema, 76, 120, 183n22 Brown v. Topeka Board of Education, Costello, Brannon, 33, 147n127 49, 153n67 Cox, Oliver C., 181 Buchanan, Patrick J., 39 Craven, Wesley F., 162n61 Burgess, John W., 165n165 Crenshaw, Kimberlé, 15, 44, 134n1, Bush, George W., 1 148n3, 158n129 Bush, Jeb. See Executive Order 99-281 critical race theory, 4, 58, 90, 130n9, Bush administration, 135n7 134n1, 158n122 Butler, Judith, 31–32, 71, 72, 76, 84, Crowley, James, 117 89, 103, 105, 108, 111, 125, 144, cultural: difference(s), 7, 40; diversity, 169n116, 178n107 41; norm(s), 11, 22, 41, 56, 73, 176n77; pluralism, 172n14; California Constitution, 166n79 practice(s), 18, 22, 45, 47, 56, 70, California Supreme Court, 131n22, 83, 86, 99, 110, 131n29; relations, 166n79 21; whiteness, 100, 111, 178n114 Canada, 142n61 culture(s), 9, 18, 27, 39, 55, 71, 82, 90, Canada’s Constitutional Act of 1982, 96, 105, 120, 135n5; African, 72; 142n61 black popular, 22, 111, 179n128, Carby, Hazel, 100 180n132; dominant, 172n14; Carmichael, Stokely, 133n4, 138n18, minority, 42 146n104 Carter, Jimmy, 84 Daniel, G. Reginald, 180n133 caste system, 82, 182n11 Daniel v. Guy, 164n68 Charles, Helen, 139n37 da Silva, Tony Simoes, 170n170 Cheryl Hopwood v. The State of Texas, da Silver, Denise Ferreira, 83, 168n108 38, 130n10, 149n13. See also Davis, Angela Y., 159n129 Hopwood v. Texas Davis, Natalie Zemon, 162n52 Chinese Exclusion Act, 16, 32, 47, 63, Davy, Kate, 107 90, 136n13, 172n13 Dawes Severalty Act, 90 Chisholm, Shirley, 78 Declaration of Independence, 24, Chow, Elaine, 52 134n76, 149n14 Church of the Creations, 78 Degler, Carl N., 140n44 INDEX 211

Delgado, Richard, 15, 134n1, 137n17, Europe, 162–63n62 140n45, 146n101 European (s), 72, 140n44, 165n74 Democratic National Convention, 24 Executive Order 99-281, 149n23 Diallo, Amadou, 124, 168 Eyes on the Prize, 49 disability, 4, 5, 23, 27, 51, 66, 80, 102, 120, 156n110 false seeing, 43, 85; definition, 46 diversity, 39, 41, 67, 149n26, 150n29, Fanon, Frantz, 1, 19, 20, 55, 67, 75, 151n41, 172n14 85, 98, 101, 119, 121, 139n29, doll test, 153n67 146n106, 146n109, 158n123, double consciousness, 19, 31, 75, 165n75, 166n85, 182n9 221 Farr, Arnold, 89 Douglass, Frederick, 58, 157n111, Feagin, Joe R., 142n66, 143n67, 148n138 161n42, 168n108 Dowd, Maureen, 84 feminist theory, 15 Dred Scott v. Sandford, 158, 171n7, Ferguson, 117, 181n2 184n46 Ferrin, Stewart, 67 D’Souza, Dinesh, 134, 149n14, Fields, Barbara J., 47, 180n132 152n49, 154n155 First Nations, 16, 20, 21, 23, 24, 47, 51, Du Bois, W. E. B., 12, 17, 18, 29, 30–31, 58, 59, 63, 65, 68, 73, 75, 166n79, 35, 37, 42, 45, 48, 57, 63, 67, 172n14; communities, 90, 91; 73, 96, 97, 99, 130n21, 133n41, definition, 142n61 138n18, 145n98, 146n100, Foley, Neil, 32, 147n129, 181n131 146n104, 148n138, 153n63, Foucault, Michel, 11, 23, 67, 76, 85, 159n3, 163n63, 164n90, 169n109, 89, 92, 103, 106, 107, 112, 129n7, 178n109, 174n48 154n77, 177n85, 179n99 Dyer, Richard, 44, 87, 103, 130n14, Fourteenth Amendment, 38, 48 136n11, 138n17, 172n15, 176n68 Fourteenth Amendment’s Equal Dymally, Mervyn M., 130n11 Protection Clause, 153n65 frame, 34, 120, 122, 125 Early, Gerald, 67, 167n100 framing, 12, 80, 93, 122 Ebonics, 105, 133n41 Frankenberg, Ruth, 30, 45, 50, 99, education, 2, 5, 10, 23, 31, 40; higher, 105, 108, 133n41, 136n11, 41, 52 138n17, 152n47, 172n10, 177n96, educational attainments, 60 179n116, 181n138 Ellison, Ralph, 5, 102, 133n41, 138n18, Fraser, Nancy, 176n71 144n85, 146n104, 158n123 Freedom and Peace Party, 78 epidermalization, 55, 67, 76, 77, 119, Freire, Paulo, 165n75, 173n29, 174n49 145n94 Fugitive Slave Act, 95 Equal Protection Clause, 47, 130n10, Fuss, Diana, 27, 121 153n65 Equiano, Olaudah, 165n74 Gallagher, Charles, 10, 133n42, ethnicity, 4, 5, 27, 39, 53, 66, 80, 82, 84, 178n113, 179n116 100, 120, 132n31, 135n5, 145n91, Garvey, John, 106, 108, 137n17, 149n22 179n122 ethnicity model, 172n14 Garvey, Marcus, 148n138 212 INDEX

Gates, Henry Louis, Jr., 41, 117, hip-hop, 179n128, 180n132 169n112 historico-racial schema, 76, 121 General Allotment Act, 90. See also HIV epidemic, 21, 65 Dawes Severalty Act Holder, Eric, 127, 172n23 genocide, 71 homophobia, 15, 52, 54, 57, 86, 92, 101 Gibson, Nigel, 145n94 homosexuals, 25, 38, 44, 58, 61, 86, Gilroy, Paul, 4, 7, 79, 83, 131–32n30, 101, 102, 150n32 145n94, 170n122, 177n95 honorary blackness, 111, 179n130, Giroux, Henry A., 164n64 180n132 glance, 96, 155n97 honorary whiteness, 6, 22–23, 111, Glasgow, Joshua, 77, 131n30, 132n31, 141n57 170n121 hooks, bell, 17, 29, 132n41, 138n18, Glazer, Nathan, 39, 149n14, 154n83 143n66, 146n106, 158n114, Goldberg, David T., 52, 64, 161n32, 158n123, 159n129, 172n15, 184n34 174nn49–50 Goodell, William, 140n45 Hopwood v. Texas, 38, 130n10, 149n13. Gotanda, Neil, 134n1 See also Cheryl Hopwood v. The Grant, Oscar, 24, 143n71 State of Texas Greeks, 33, 44 Howard Beach, 156n155 Gregory, Dick, 78 Hughes, Langston, 25, 99 Griffith, D. W., 29 Huntington, Samuel, 82 Griffith, Michael, 157n105 Hurricane Katrina, 69, 135n5, Griggs v. Duke Power Company, 147n135 153–54n79 hybridity, 83 Grutter v. Bollinger, 38, 130n10, 149n12 identification, 27, 41, 75, 101, 121, 144n88; gender, 100–101; habitus, 7, 18, 33, 43–44, 102; nonwhites, 115; racial, 76; self, definition, 39–40; racialized, 98; 120 whiteness, 7, 11, 18, 20, 31, 35, identity, 16, 21, 23, 39, 51, 53; black, 40, 43, 44, 45, 64, 73, 90, 93, 95, 41, 144n88, 158n129, 165n74, 113, 125 173n25, 182n11; mixed-race, Hacker, Andrew, 66, 162n42, 171n8 180n133; politics of, 40, 145n91, Hall, Stuart, 41, 67, 176n66 145n94, 172n14; racialization of, Hamilton, Charles V., 133n41, 138n18, 5, 20, 27, 55, 58, 67, 120, 148n9; 146n104 white, 4, 20, 29, 33, 34, 44, 90, 96, Harlan, John Marshall, 1, 48 102, 103, 105, 106, 107, 110, 114, Harris, Cheryl I., 4, 33, 44, 64, 130n17, 136n13, 139n37, 177nn95–96 137n16, 146n101, 157n114, Ignatiev, Noel, 106, 108, 137n17, 158–59n129 147n125, 178n114, 179n122 health care reform (s), 12, 84 immigrant(s), 44, 82; European, Hegel, G. W. F., 72–73 151–52n44; illegal, 136, 156n102 Herrnstein, Richard, 165n72 immigration, 19 Higginbotham, Evelyn Brooks, implicit knowledge, 26, 120, 121, 136n13, 159n129, 171n6, 175n55 183n127 INDEX 213

Imus, Don, 173n43 likeness, 72 indentured servants, 140n44, 151n39; liminality of whiteness, 33–34, 102, black, 171n7; white, 151n39, 171n7 147n129; definition, 102 Indian Removal Act of 1830, 47, 90 Lipsitz, George, 21, 39, 96, 156n105, Institutes for the Healing of Racism, 91 161n42, 177n96 institutionalized: racism, 68; violence, livable life, 28, 124, 125 27, 65, 125, 126–27 López Haney, Ian F., 134n1, 140n45, internalized whiteness, 22, 53 147n135, 178n116 intersectionality, 58, 157n114, Lorde, Audre, 17, 21, 159n129 158n129 Loury, Glenn C., 22, 141n52 intolerance, 6, 27, 29 Loving v. Virginia, 180 Italians, 33, 44, 151 lynching, 130n14, 136n13

Jackson, Jesse, 8, 65, 132n34, 148n138 Mailer, Norman, 179n128 Jackson, John L., 44, 161n32 Malcolm X, 29, 148n138 Jackson, Michael, 74 Markovitz, Jonathan, 126 Jacobson, Matthew F., 33, 153n44, Martin, Trayvon, 81, 169n114 181n139 Marx, Karl, 23 Japanese internment camps, 6, 7, 16, Maryland laws, 140n44 32, 47, 63, 90 Matsuda, Mari J., 15, 134n1 Jefferson, Thomas, 73, 74 McCain-Palin duo, 1 Jena High School, 168n109 McIntosh, Peggy, 18, 96, 130n20, Jews, 33, 44, 89, 99, 151n44, 163n62, 133n41, 150n31, 178n116 165n78 McLaren, Peter, 94, 135n5 Jim Crow, 7, 16, 27, 47, 90, 136n13, McMillen, Liz, 2, 129n8 148n2, 160n16 memory studies, 162n52 Johnson-Bailey, Juanita, 150n31 Memphis Free Speech, 175 Jordan, Winthrop D., 140n45, 162n60 Mercer, Kobena, 111, 179n130 Merleau-Ponty, Maurice, 120, 183n19 Kardiner, Abram, 139n38 mestizos, 56 King, Martin Luther, Jr., 1, 6, 49, metapower, 92 129n3, 148n138 Mexican(s), 9, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 27, King, Rodney, 84, 169n109 51, 63, 65, 68, 75, 82, 86, 91, 109, Kolbo, Kirk O., 130n10 131n29, 134n3, 135n6, 144n85, Kristeva, Julia, 119, 179n119, 182n10 173n27 Ku Klux Klan, 25, 78, 132n32 Mexican American Legal Defense and Education Fund, 81 Latino(s), 22, 24, 59, 65, 67, 156n102 Mexican-American War, 24 Lee, Harper, 119, 175n56 Michaels, Walter Benn, 79, 82, 143n67 lesbian(s), 107, 176n67; black, 101–2, Miles, Robert, 64, 131n31 144n85, 176n66 Mills, Charles W., 11, 12, 25, 44, 50, Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and 64, 69, 111, 131n21, 136n13, Transgender (LGBT) social 142–43n66, 150n38, 164n68, movement, 101 171–72n10 Lewis, John, 66 Mississippi, 160n23, 168n109 214 INDEX

Mitchell, W. J. T., 61, 71, 99, 135n4, Patriot Act, 28, 54, 81, 87, 91, 135n7, 154n77, 161n31 143n76 model minority, 7, 15, 141n58 Patterson, David, 132n34, 160n123 Morrison, Toni, 17, 59, 132, 138n18, Paul, Ron, 133n50 172n15, 177n86, 181n137 Peller, Gary, 15, 134n1 multiculturalism, 6, 40, 41, 137n41, People v. Hall, 166n79 145n91, 172n14 Personal Responsibility Work Murray, Charles, 131n28, 149n14, Opportunity Reconciliation Act, 154n83 148n137, 157n108 Myrdal, Gunnar, 139n38 Philadelphia, 160n16 Phillips, Kendall R., 71 National Association for the Phillips, Ulrich B., 151n39 Advancement of Colored People Phillips, Wendell, 147 (NAACP), 49, 81, 153n87 Pinto, Thelma, 175n58 National Association of Colored Piper, Adrian, 159n131 Women, 175n55 Plessy, Adolph Homer, 1 National Coalition for Black Lesbians Plessy v. Ferguson, 1, 48, 164n68. See and Gays, 101 also Plessy, Adolph Homer National Council of La Raza, 81 police violence, 9, 117, 118, 121–24, Naturalization Act of 1790, 16, 90 125, 126–27, 129n4, 166n85, nausea, 19 169n109. See also state violence Negrophobia, 19, 84, 139n29 police vulnerability, 125 Nehamas, Alexander, 40 politics of resentment, 1 neoconservative(s), 1, 6, 7, 28, 37, 50, possessive investment in whiteness, 51, 52 18–19, 40, 104 neoliberal state, 105, 156n105 postapartheid, 170n120 New Jersey, 132n34 postmodernism, 108 New York City, 102, 124, 169n109, post–9/11, 58, 143n76 184n38 post-racial, 2, 3, 8, 9, 11, 13, 15, 20, 24, New Yorker, 19 25, 65, 67, 68, 74, 77; definition, 2; New York Times, 64, 84, 156n105 emergence, 78–82 Nora, Pierre, 162n52 post-racial politics, 8 postwhiteness, 3, 10, 35, 84, 94, 95, Obama, Barack, 2, 3, 7, 19, 22, 24, 63, 103, 111, 112–15 65, 69, 78, 83, 133n50, 143n74, postwhite subject, 35, 84, 103, 114 159n132, 160n16, 167n97 Powell, John A., 78, 157n109 Obama, Michelle, 19 Powell, Lewis F., 38 Oliver, Kelly, 59, 61, 65, 84 Proposition 209, 40 Omi, Michael, 64, 155n90, 172n14 one America, 8, 66 race-based politics, 8, 66, 69, 110, one-drop rule, 164n68, 180n133 131n22, 132nn34–35 ordinariness of racism, 4 race-conscious affirmative action Ore, Ersula, 67 programs, 10, 4, 5–6, 7, 16–17, 37, Ovesey, Lionel, 139n38 45, 51, 57, 129n1, 134n3, 154n73, Owen, David S., 96 155n86 INDEX 215 racetalk, 69 “seeing,” 2, 9, 11, 16, 23, 24, 42, 43, race trading, 110, 180n132 45–46, 49, 50, 54–58, 59, 61, 62, racial epidermal schema, 72, 76, 121 65, 68–69, 70, 81, 93, 100, 126 racial formation, 26, 57 seeing is believing, 17, 43 racialization, 21, 83, 131n29; of class, Self/Other binary, 101 68, 82, 135n5; definition, 70; of Seshadri-Crooks, Kalpana, 18, 63 ethnicity, 82, 132n32; practice, Sexton, Jared, 20 16; process, 20, 21, 53, 64, 68, 70, Sharpton, Al, 148n138 77, 95, 102, 122, 154n82; of true Silent Brotherhood, 78 womanhood, 100 Solomos, John, 135 racialized body, 9, 26, 28, 30, 55, 62, Sotomayor, Sonia, 52, 168n109, 67, 74, 76, 77, 118, 119, 120–21, 172n23 124, 126, 145n94 South Africa, 141n57, 170n120 racialized consciousness, 69, 73, 87, special rights, 52, 57, 58, 157n109 94 Spivak, Gayatri C., 10–11, 87 racial liminality, 110 Staples, Brent, 64 rap, 105, 179n128 state violence, 9, 49, 32, 49, 65, 71, 80, Rasmussen report, 12 117, 123, 132n32. See also police Rawls, John, 50, 110–11, 154n76 violence Reagan, Ronald, 6 Stefancic, Jean, 15, 134n1 Reconstruction, 43, 73, 126 Sterling, Donald, 97 reflectivity, 113–14 Stowe, David, 129n8 Regents of the University of California Sullivan, Shannon, 156n105 v. Bakke, 22, 37, 67, 130n10, 131n32, 148n5, 149n12. See also Taney, Roger, 127 Bakke, Allan Tatum, Beverly Daniel, 39, 150n31 Republican Party, 66, 133n50 Tea Party movement, 12, 25, 123n50 resee(s), 17, 42, 61, 62 terrorists, 131n21 Revel, Judith, 105 Tesler, Michael, 64, 66, 168n100 reverse discrimination, 38, 52 third space, 15, 27–28, 144n90 Rice, Condoleezza, 22 Thirteenth Amendment, 47 Rider, Thomas, 170n131 Thomas, Kendall, 15, 134 Robinson, Tom, 119, 182n7 Three-Fifths Compromise, 158n118 Roediger, David R., 45, 106, 109, Title VII, 50, 58, 153–54n73 130n21, 137n17, 138n17, 151n42, Tonry, Michael, 141n52 154n47, 179n122 true womanhood, 100 Truth, Sojourner, 58, 74, 148n138, Sartre, Jean-Paul, 11, 16, 21, 75, 84–85, 157n113 89, 99, 113, 133n46, 174n51, 184n37 underclass, 9, 42, 68, 142n64, 154n82, Scarry, Elaine, 119 161n38 Schnapper, Eric, 47, 152n59 University of California, Davis, 37, 38, Sears, David O., 64, 66, 168n100 131n22 second-wave feminism, 58 University of California, San Diego, 65 216 INDEX

University of California Board of Wilkins, David B., 66, 168n100 Regents, 130n10 Williams, Brian, 84 Williams, Juan, 77 Vaughan, Alden T., 140n45, 162n62 Wilson, Darren, 17, 123, 181n2 Voting Rights Act of 1965, 49, 132n32, Wilson, Joe, 84 154n73, 157n110 Wilson, William Julius, 142n64, 152n48, 168n107 Ware, Vron, 106, 112, 177n95 Winant, Howard, 63, 64, 129n5, Washington State Civil Rights Act 155n90, 168n108, 172n14 (Washington State I-200), 49, Winfred, Oprah, 23, 42 149n22 women, 25, 38, 44, 58, 61, 86, 150n32, Watson v. City of Memphis, 49 155n88, 157n110; black, 100, 105, Weber, Max, 68 125, 157n114, 158n129, 171n6, West, Cornel, 44, 64, 65, 79, 83, 98, 173n43, 175n55; of color, 58, 143n67, 176n71 158n129, 176n71, 177n86, 182n6; Westcott, Robyn, 98, 137n17, 182n11 white, 52, 58, 89, 98, 100, 119, 127, Wheeler, Roxann, 163n63 175n55, 175n56 white: flight, 22, 32, 118; Negro, women’s movement, 58 179n128; solipsism, 96, 104; World War II, 47, 129n5 space, 32, 55–56, 151n41; trash, Wray, Matt, 137n17, 147n129, 33, 181n39 181n139 whiteness as property, 5, 17, 18–19, 33, Wright, Jeremiah, 8, 24 44, 96, 109, 130n17 Wright, Richard, 133n41, 138n18, whiteness habitus, 7, 11, 18, 20, 31, 33, 145n94, 146n104, 166n83, 174n48 35, 39–40, 43, 44, 45, 64, 73, 90, 93, 95, 102, 113–14, 125 Yancy, George, 59, 104, 142n66, whiteness studies, 9, 10, 15, 17, 20–21, 145n94, 146n101, 161n33, 29, 30–32, 34, 43–44, 45, 77, 90, 161n42, 168n108, 169n114 94, 95, 99, 103, 105, 106, 107, Young, Iris Marion, 52, 100, 150n32, 110, 112, 129–30n8, 132–33n41, 154n77, 183n22 137–38nn17–18 Wieviorka, Michel, 42 Zack, Naomi, 27, 159n2, 180n133 wiggers, 179n128 Žižek, Slavoj, 48, 68, 85, 86