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Civil Society and the Environmental Problematic in Southern Europe

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Civil Society and the Environmental Problematic in Southern Europe Civil Society and the Environmental Problematic in Southern Europe Karamichas, J. (2003). Civil Society and the Environmental Problematic in Southern Europe. 1-36. Paper presented at ECPR Joint Sessions of Workshops, Edinburgh, United Kingdom. Queen's University Belfast - Research Portal: Link to publication record in Queen's University Belfast Research Portal General rights Copyright for the publications made accessible via the Queen's University Belfast Research Portal is retained by the author(s) and / or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing these publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. Take down policy The Research Portal is Queen's institutional repository that provides access to Queen's research output. Every effort has been made to ensure that content in the Research Portal does not infringe any person's rights, or applicable UK laws. If you discover content in the Research Portal that you believe breaches copyright or violates any law, please contact [email protected]. Download date:26. Sep. 2021 Civil Society and the Environmental Problematic in Southern Europe. A Preliminary Investigation of the Greek and Spanish Cases. John Karamichas University of Kent at Canterbury [email protected] [email protected] Paper prepared for presentation at ECPR joint sessions, Edinburgh 28th March-3rd April 2003. Draft: Please do not cite without prior permission by the author. 1 The civil societies of Greece and Spain along with those of their southern European neighbours have been customarily seen in the literature as weak, weaker than those of Northern European societies or more emphatically as atrophic. The apparent weakness of the civil societies in those countries have been used as an extremely determining variable by scholars seeking to explain the failure of green parties to establish a strong electoral base in Greece and Spain [Demertzis 1995; Aguilar-Fernández 1994; Holliday 1997]. While this variable cannot be dismissed, it cannot certainly be elevated to the highest position of possible determinants accounting for the failure of eco-political formations. Since, green parties constitute political formations with simultaneously a smaller and wider scope, as they do not represent the environmental movement as a whole and constitute translation of other components of the NSMs [Heijden, van der et al 1992:1] we have to move away from cultural determinants in explaining their failures. As they are political formations participating in electoral politics, more appropriate explanations can be found in the character of political competition, especially the presence of other ‘left-libertarian’ [Kitschelt 1988] or ‘new politics’ [Poguntke 1987] parties and intra-party conflict, the latter being an ingrained characteristic of radical political formations that contrary to mainstream political parties may lead to catastrophic results. Recent case studies on the Greek and Spanish eco-political formations have suggested that the failure of the Greek greens can be mainly attributed to intense factionalist conflict, experienced at the most ‘primordial’ stage of its development [Karamichas 2001; Karamichas & Botetzagias forthcoming] and the lack of success by the Spanish greens to co-optation of NSMs in general and the environmental movement in particular by other political forces, electoral competition by parties of the left and intense internal conflict [Karamichas 2002]. Challenges to the weak civil society thesis have also recently made their presence by students of environmental mobilizations and movements in both Greece and Spain. A study of environmental mobilizations in Greece since the democratic transition goes as far as to make the quite unique, if not heretical claim, that ‘the strong civil society in post-war Greece has been pressuring the state to fulfil its legitimation function’ [Kousis 1994:133]. Developments in the 1990s have increased the scholarly voices challenging the weak civil society thesis. These new accounts differ in their challenge. For instance Close [1998, 1999, 1999b), a student of the Greek EMOs, sides with a developmental logic suggesting that recent developments have led to a strengthening of the Greek civil society. Another commentator [Sotiropoulos 1995, 1996] argues that ‘the leap of NSMs and certain independent professional organizations challenge the generalized thesis regarding the permanent weakness of the Greek civil society. The established view that civil socie ty in Greece is weak is right but it has to be qualified’ [Sotiropoulos 1996:120]. At the same time there is a general 2 challenge toward the Mediterranean Syndrome (hereafter MS) thesis, formulated by La Spina and Sciortino [1993], which seems that it has become the bêtte noir of Southern European students of environmental politics [Kousis, della Porta & Jiménez 2001; Kousis & Dimopoulou 2000; Kousis 2001; Jimenez 2001b). This paper is attempting to qualify these challenges by adopting the following steps of analysis: first, I am engaging in a critical evaluation of environmental concern in Greece and Spain. Second, I am reviewing the available literature on Greek and Spanish political cultures in general and the contours of their respective civil societies in particular and propose some rules of thumb under which the challenging claims mentioned above will be evaluated on the last section. Environmental Consciousness in Greece and Spain Starting with the most straightforward and uncomplicated question that one can ask regarding the concern of a nation about the gravity of the environmental problematic, the Greeks appear, rather paradoxically, to profess the highest level of environmental concern in Europe while Spaniards exhibit only average levels of concern, behind Italy and Germany (see Chart 1). Because of the inherent simplicity of the question regarding the urgency and immediacy of environmental protection, the fact that it does not allow for comparisons in relation to other issues of citizens’ concern and it does not test the resilience of that concern in relation to possible solutions which may rely on some sort of personal sacrifice (e.g. environmental taxes, personal commitment etc), the presented data cannot be conclusive as to the actual capacity of the Greek and Spanish peoples to act upon that manifested concern. Chart 1. The evolution of environmental concern (1986-1999) 120 100 97 97 91 91 89 88 85 84 85 85 84 84 82 82 82 82 80 80 80 74 74 73 72 73 69 70 1986 1988 60 1992 1995 1999 40 20 0 EU Greece Spain Italy Germany 3 Source: Eurobarometer 1995 cited in Casademunt [1999:260]. 1999 data from Eurobarometer [1999, no. 51: 91]. Of course it may be argued that since the question was the same for all the nations participating in the survey, we can still draw some useful conclusions regarding environmental concern in Southern Europe in general and Greece and Spain in particular. Nevertheless, left alone, without any further investigation it merely confirms that the environment has become a valence issue our times everywhere in the western world. An openly admitted lack of concern has become, in the same way with racism, socially sanctioned. The manifested decrease in concern regarding the gravity of environmental problems in Germany, as well as everywhere else in Europe, may on the one hand be related to the general slowness of economic growth and on the other, to an increasing backlash against the apocalyptic discourse characterising various sectors of the ecology movement and perhaps to actual improvements environmental conditions now that policy addresses them. Data collected by more complicated surveys, where environmental protection is one of many issues to which respondents were asked to attribute importance to, present a quite different picture. Coupling the environmental issue together with economic issues, such as unemployment and inflation, and nation-specific issues, such as relations to Turkey for Greece and the problem of terrorism for Spain, it featured on the top six of the list of problems in all European nations [see Hofrichter & Reif 1990:124-25].1 Considering that, the percentage of citizens in Greece attributing high importance to environmental protection falls below the European average. By Contrast, the Spanish attitudes remain broadly comparable to the European average. Surprisingly, in both countries the percentage of citizenry attributing high saliency to environmental protection is higher than when they were asked about the urgency of environmental protection, as a quick comparison between graph 1 and table 8 reveals. The same attitude is quite evident in other nations as well (Germany for e.g.). This can be explained by the fact that the questions asked are of different quality. Citizens might attribute high saliency to environmental protection without necessarily regarding it as an urgent and immediate step. The overall pattern though, suggests that even in this case the Greek and Spanish publics exhibit high levels of environmental concern that approximate and even exceed the European average. 1 Question wording: ‘I should like to hear your view on some issues and problems. Could you please tell me for each issue or problem whether you consider it to be very important or not very important’? 4 Table 1 Importance of Environmental protection, 1988 and 1989 (percent ‘very important’) Country 1988 1989I 1989II Belgium 88 85 90 Denmark 94 95 97 France 88 94 93 Germany 97 98 98 Greece 85 92 92 Ireland 86 88 91 Italy 92 96 94 Luxembourg 90 94 95 Netherlands 93 93 97 Portugal 81 82 91 Spain 93 92 94 United Kingdom 88 95 93 EC12 91 94 94 Source: Hofrichter & Reif [1990:126]. A similar survey with a slightly different wording of the question2 and capturing the environmental concern as an attribution of importance to ‘nature protection and the struggle against pollution’, brings the ranking of countries back to that presented in Graph 1. The concern of the Greek public for the environment is above the European average for 1983 and 1987 by a significant margin. It also compares favourably with highly advanced societies such as Germany, the Netherlands and Luxembourg.
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