George McJunkin was a quintessential scientific outsider. An African-American rancher born into slavery. McJunkin became an avid amateur scientist with wide-ranging interests, including astronomy, archaeology, and fossil bones (Douglas 1997). In 1908, while fixing a fence after a storm, McJunkin noticed bones eroding out of a gully near Folsom, . It was only in 1926, however, four years after McJunkin died, that Jesse Figgins of the Denver Museum of Natural History began excavations at Folsom. In his first season excavating there, Figgins found a distinctive spearpoint together with bison fossils. This spearpoint was thin and finely worked, with a long channel, or flute, running from the base toward the tip (see Figure 6.1) Figgins's discovery was met with skepticism, but doubt evaporated in 1927 when another spearpoint was found lodged between the ribs of a bison skeleton. The discoveries at Folsom proved that humans had been in North America for at least 10,000 years. Finding a spearpoint embedded in the remains of a large animal also suggested that early occupants of the Americas were specialized big-game hunters.

FIGURE 6.1 Folsom point with associated bones from Folsom, New Mexico

In this chapter, we focus on the debates surrounding the initial human occupation of Australia and the Americas. The only hominins known from these continents are Homo sapiens. Migration routes into both Australia and the Americas led through East Asia, so it is important to review the current understanding of modern human origins in that area first. With this background, it is possible to move on to consider the timing of the occupation of Australia and the likely migration routes. We also consider the significance of the recent discovery of a new species belonging to the genus Homo on the island of Flores in Indonesia. Beyond tracking when and how people first arrived in Australia, we examine the role of humans in the extinction of megafauna on the continent and the evidence for the development of cave painting in the Australian context. We then move on to the debates concerning the timing and migration routes taken by the first people to arrive in the Americas. Here, too, we consider the role of humans in megafauna extinctions.

The question of when people first arrived in Australia and the Americas is the subject of intense scientific controversy. It is important to recognize that it is also a subject of great sensitivity to indigenous people. The archaeological debate is framed entirely on the basis of scientific inquiry, which is often in conflict with native beliefs. The question of when people first arrived can conflict with native convictions that their people have been in a place since creation. Bridging these disparate worldviews requires care and respect. Although archaeologists have only recently begun dealing with this conflict, they have already made great strides. The development of postprocessual archaeology, which acknowledges alternative narratives and viewpoints provides room for dialogue and constructive disagreement. Issues relating to the treatment of human remains that indigenous groups claim as ancestral require particular care.

6.1 Modern Humans in East Asia

Populations of Homo erectus had arrived on the Indonesian Island of Java perhaps as early as 1.8 million years ago, and by 1.6 million years ago, they were established in China. However, what happened to East Asian populations of Homo erectus while modern humans were evolving in Africa and Neanderthals were evolving in Europe remains unclear. On the one hand, some paleoanthropologists argue, as part of the multiregional hypothesis, that there was a local East Asian evolution of modern humans from Homo erectus parallel with the evolution of modern humans in Africa. On the other hand, proponents of the out of Africa hypothesis argue vehemently that in East Asia populations of Homo erectus persisted until they were replaced by modern humans from Africa. Both sides of the debate recognize that they are relying on inadequate data.

One critical piece of evidence has emerged from the dating of Homo erectus fossils from the island of Java. Electron spin resonance and uranium series dating of animal teeth found with Homo erectus fossils at the site of Ngandong have produced dates that range between 46,000 and 27,000 years ago (Swisher et al. 1996). If this age is correct, it indicates that populations of Homo erectus remained in East Asia far later than anywhere else in the world. This evidence offers strong support for the out-of-Africa hypothesis. However, these dates are not universally accepted, as some scientists doubt that the animal teeth were actually found in the same deposits as the hominin fossils.

The questions concerning the fate of Homo erectus and the initial appearance of modern humans in East Asia provide a rather uncertain backdrop to the debates surrounding the peopling of Australia and the New World (North and South America). The Paleolithic of East Asia is a critical area of research that is likely to see dramatic developments in coming years.

Ngandong – a site on the island of Java where the most recent known fossil of Homo erectus was found, dating to between 46,000 and 27,000 years ago.

Sahul – The landmass that encompassed Australia, Tasmania, and New Guinea during periods of low sea level.

6.2 Australia

During periods of glacial advance and low sea level, Australia, Tasmania, and New Guinea were connected in a landmass known as Sahul. A similar landmass known as Sunda connected much of Southeast Asia, including Vietnam, Malaysia, the Philippines, and much of Indonesia. As shown in Figure 6.2, Sunda and Sahul are separated by a string of islands known as Wa1lacea, where the channels between the islands are too deep to have been dry land at any time for the past 50 million years. The Wallace Line, which runs through Wallacea, separates the unique animals and plants of Australia from the animal and plant communities of Southeast Asia. In order to reach Australia, humans had to cross the Wallace Line by sea.

Sahul – The landmass that encompassed Australia, Tasmania, and New Guinea during periods of low sea level.

Sahul – The landmass that encompassed Australia, Tasmania, and New Guinea during periods of low

Wallace Line – The line that runs through Wallacea and separates the unique animals and plants of Australia from the animal and plant communities of Southeast Asia.

FIGURE 6.2 Map of the landmasses of Sunda and Sahul that existed during periods of low sea level. The areas exposed by low sea levels are indicated in purple. The discovery of stone tools on the island of Flores in Wallacea suggests that Homo erectus was able to cross bodies of water. The levels in which stone tools are found are dated to between 900,000 and 800,000 years ago, when Homo erectus was the only hominin in Southeast Asia. Some authors have argued that the evidence from Flores demonstrates that Homo erectus was able to make and use watercraft. However, Homo erectus was not the only mammal species to arrive in Flores between 900,000 and 800,000 years ago. At the same time, a species of large elephant (Stegadon) and a species of large rat also made their first appearance on the island. These animals could not have arrived by a land bridge connecting Flores to Sunda, as it is clear that no such land bridge ever existed. It is suggested that a combination of low sea level and favorable currents enabled such animals to reach Flores. It is quite likely that Homo erectus could have arrived through similar circumstances.

Continued excavations on Flores at the site of Liang Bua have stunned the scientific community with the discovery of tiny hominins so unique that they have been given their own species name: Homo floresiensis (Brown et al. 2004). The hominin remains date to the period between 38,000 and 18,000 years ago (Morwood et al 2004). The body of Homo floresiensis is quite small, and its brain is 380 cubic centimeters, about the size of a grapefruit, which is below the range of any other member of genus Homo. It appears likely that the unique characteristics of Homo floresiensis are the result of the long-term isolation of a population of Homo erectus on the island of Flores for hundreds of thousands of years. There is a general tendency for isolated island populations to evolve into species with reduced body size (Van den Bergh, de Vos, and Sondaar 2001). The discovery of Homo floresiensis raises many tantalizing issues, including the reasons for the eventual extinction of this species and the nature of their interactions with the first modern humans to arrive on the island. Some paleoanthropologists remain unconvinced that Homo floresiensis is a distinct species, arguing that the fossils discovered are modern humans with a pathology known as microcephaly, which results in a small brain (Martin et al. 2006).

The stone tool industry from Liang Bua associated with Homo floresiensis is, like the human fossils themselves, somewhat odd and difficult to characterize (Moore et al. 2009). The methods of manufacture are very simple, and the retouched tools are not highly standardized. What is somewhat surprising is that there is a tendency to use flakes as cores. This is a technology used in the Acheulian of Africa to produce large bifacial tools, but on Flores, the flakes produced are quite small. The stone tools are associated with faunal remains dominated by the bones of pygmy elephants and Komodo dragons (see Figure 6.3). Figure 6.4 shows that there are clear cut marks on the elephant bones. It is likely that the Komodo dragons, fierce predators, were vulnerable to hunting when they were inactive due to either nighttime cold or high midday temperatures (Van den Bergh et al. 2009).

FIGURE 6.3 Excavating a dense concentration of elephant bones at Liang Bua, Flores

FIGURE 6.4 Cut marks on elephant bones from Liang Bua, Flores

There is no evidence that Homo erectus ever crossed Wallacea into Sahul. Nor is there evidence of an influx of mammals across the Wallace Line into Sahul at any time during the Pleistocene, as is found on Flores. Two possible routes for crossing Wallacea into Sahul have been identified. The northern route follows a string of small islands between the Indonesian island of Sulawesi and western New Guinea, known today as Irian Jaya. The southern route follows a series of small islands between Java and Timor, with a sea crossing between Timor and northern Australia. Both routes require sea voyages of greater than 10 kilometers and the settlement of a series of islands. Although the southern route is the most direct, it would have required a sea voyage of approximately 90 kilometers.

■ Dating the Earliest Human Occupation

A series of sites in Australia is now well dated to between 60,000 and 50,000 years ago. Thus, the arrival of humans in Australia predates the arrival of modern humans in Europe by at least 10,000 years. The

site of Nauwalabila I, located in Arnhem Land in Northern Australia, is a rock shelter with 3 meters of archaeological deposits (Bird et al. 2002). The deepest levels have been dated by thermoluminescence and optically stimulated luminescence to between 60,000 and 53,000 years ago. Unfortunately, attempts to radiocarbon date these levels have failed. The archaeological remains from the lowest levels are mostly flake stone tools, including a thick retouched scraper. Two pieces that apparently served as grinding stones were also found.

Lake Mungo is one of a series of dried-out lakes known as the Willandra Lakes, located in southern Australia near the city of Canberra (Bowler et al. 2003). Two human burials and numerous stone tools have been discovered eroding out of the Lower Mungo Unit along the edge of the dried-out lake bed. The deposits in which these skeletons were found have been dated to 40,000 years ago by optically stimulated luminescence. The earliest stone tools at Lake Mungo have been dated to between 50,000 and 46,000 years ago. The stone tools found at Lake Mungo are simple flake tools and cores similar to those found at Nauwalabila I. A number of hearths were found, and the animal bones that were recovered include a large number of fish remains.

The evidence for human occupation of Australia before 60,000 years is scant. The Jinmium Cave site in Arnhem Land has produced thermoluminescence dates of 116,000 years ago for deposits with archaeological material (Spooner 1998). However, these dates have been contested and are not widely accepted. Current data suggest that human occupation of Australia began roughly 60,000 years ago and that the spread of humans across the continent was fairly rapid. The Lake Mungo dates indicate that humans had spread to southern Australia within 10,000 years of their initial arrival on the continent.

The current understanding of the timing of the first arrival of modern humans in Australia suggests that by 60,000 years ago they were capable of sea voyages and had already spread far beyond Africa. Some archaeologists remain skeptical about these dates and question how modern humans could have arrived in Australia before reaching Europe (O'Connell and Allen 1998). For others, the early Australian dates offer support for the multiregional hypothesis. Such an early date for modern humans in Australia might support the idea that they evolved locally in East Asia. Yet another possibility is that there were multiple dispersals of modern humans out of Africa. The modern human populations that arrived in Australia might have followed the same coastal route used by Homo erectus to get to Java. We are left wondering about the voyagers who set off across the seas to arrive in Australia. What kind of boats did they use? What compelled them to take this voyage into an unknown land?

Nauwalabila I – the site that offers the earliest secure evidence of human occupation of Australia, dating to between 60,000 and 53,000 years ago.

Lake Mungo – one of a series of dried-out lakes located in southern Australia where evidence of human occupation dates to between 50,000 and 46,000 years ago.

■ Megafauna Extinction

Throughout the world, there was widespread extinction of animal species at the end of the Pleistocene Ice Age. Particularly hard hit were large animals, collectively known as megafauna. Some have suggested that the extinction of megafauna was largely the result of hunting by modern humans; others argue that a more broadly based ecological explanation is needed.

FIGURE 6.5 In an odd juxtaposition, a herd of sheep grazes around a model reconstruction of an extinct giant marsupial.

The unique animal communities of Sahul fit the pattern of widespread extinction toward the end of the Pleistocene. Twenty-three of 24 genera of Australian land animals with a body weight greater than 45 kilograms became extinct at the end of the Pleistocene. These large animals included marsupials such as the rhinoceros-sized kangaroo Procoptodon (see Figure 6.5), mammals, and a large flightless bird, Genyornis newtoni. The date of the extinction of these species is the subject of debate. The dating of 700 Genyornis newtoni eggshells indicates that this species disappeared suddenly around 50,000 years ago (Miller et al. 1999). A project dating paleontological sites indicates that the large placental and mammalian animals became extinct around 46,000 years ago (Roberts et at. 2001). This study was restricted to sites in which articulated animal bones were found (i.e., a part of the skeleton was found with bones in their proper anatomical positions). When focusing on articulated skeletons, there is a high degree of confidence that the bones are in their original geological context and that dating the sediments provides an accurate date for the bones. Some sites have produced unarticulated bones of megafauna in contexts dated considerably later in time. One of the most important of these sites is

megafauna – species of large animals that became extinct in many areas of the world, including the Americas and Australia, toward the end of the Pleistocene. Cuddie Springs in southeastern Australia (Field et al. 2001). At Cuddie Springs, stone tools were found together with the bones of extinct megafauna in layers dated to between 36,000 and 27,000 years ago. There is some question as to whether these bones are in their original place of deposition, and it has not yet been possible to date the bones directly.

The preponderance of the data suggests that the extinction of Australian megafauna was an event that took place across the continent between 50,000 and 40,000 years ago. Thus, the event took place within 10,000 to 15,000 years of the first arrival of humans on the continent. It is difficult to explain why an extinction took place at this time. Although there was a major climatic change in Oxygen Isotope Stage 2 (the Last Glacial Maximum) around 20,000 to 15,000 years ago, the extinction appears to have preceded the change by more than 20,000 years.

The fact that the megafauna extinction took place during the first 10,000 years after the first arrival of humans in Australia suggests that human activity caused the extinction. However, evidence for hunting of megafauna by humans is practically nonexistent. Cuddie Springs is one of the few sites to produce an association of stone tools and the bones of extinct animals. There is no evidence from stone tools that the first inhabitants of Australia had highly sophisticated hunting weapons. Harpoons and spear throwers developed only much later in Australian prehistory.

There is little evidence that the first inhabitants of Australia hunted large game or had a highly developed toolkit for hunting. It is therefore extremely unlikely that these people hunted the megafauna to the point of extinction. Some archaeologists have suggested that human activity altered the ecology of Australia in a manner that disrupted the highly specialized adaptations of the megafauna. One possible factor would have been human use of fire in hunting. Rhys Jones has described the aboriginal use of fire in Australia as fire-stick farming. Early European travelers in Australia described the active use of fire by aboriginal societies. For example, in 1848, Thomas Mitchell wrote, "Fire is necessary to burn the grass and form those open forests in which we find the large forest-kangaroo; the native applies that fire to the grass in certain seasons in order that a young green crop may subsequently spring up, and so attract and enable him to kill and take the kangaroo with nets" (quoted in Lourandos 1997, 97). If the first inhabitants of Australia used a similar strategy, then, over a period of 10,000 years, it might have resulted in the alteration of the ecology to the point where the megafaunal species became extinct.

■ Rock Art

Among archaeologists, Australia is known as a continent in which a hunter-gatherer way of life persisted until contact with Europeans. This characterization of Australia does little to express the diversity and richness of aboriginal societies. Ethnographers often point to the nonmaterial aspects of aboriginal Australian culture, particularly the highly developed mythological and ritual traditions. Aspects of aboriginal mythologies have found expression in the spectacular artwork painted on thousands of rock shelters across the continent; Figure 6.6 shows an example of rock art. Many of these sites were painted

fire-stick farming – A term used by Rhys Jones to describe the aboriginal use of fire in Australia. recently or are still revisited and painted today. Archaeological research has begun to provide evidence that this practice is of great antiquity.

FIGURE 6.6 Rock art from the site of Ubirr, Kakadu National Park, Australia. This figure gives a good sense of the range of equipment carried by aboriginal Australian hunter-gatherers.

Rock art in Australia takes many forms (Chaloupka, 1993). One particularly interesting form is that of drawings made by applying beeswax to a rock-shelter wall. At the site of Gunbilngmurrung in western Arnhem Land, a beeswax figure of a turtle has been radiocarbon dated to 4,000 years ago (Watchman and Jones 2002). The turtle is drawn in "X-ray style," with some of the internal bone structure depicted. As at most Australian rock art sites, paintings at Gunbilngmurrung are found one on top of another. The beeswax turtle clearly lies above six older sets of figures drawn with red ochre that appear to be more than 4,000 years old.

In an ingenious application of optically stimulated luminescence dating, archaeologists have managed to date mud wasp nests overlying paintings on rock shelters in Arnhem Land. In one cave, a nest overlying a mulberry-colored human figure was dated to 16,400 years ago. The human figure itself overlies a hand stencil that must be of even greater antiquity (Roberts et al. 1997).

Gunbilngmurrung – A site in Australia where a beeswax figure of a turtle was found, radiocarbon dated to 4,000 years ago.

■ Voyaging On

FIGURE 6.7 Map of Oceania showing the limits of Micronesia and Polynesia

The spread of people across the islands of Micronesia and Polynesia (see Figure 6.7) began at least 35,000 years ago. Some of the earliest islands settled would have been visible from New Guinea. But by 29,000 years ago, there is evidence of voyagers occupying New Britain Island, which is not visible from either New Guinea or a previously occupied island. There is clear evidence from 20,000 years ago onward of human occupation across the Solomon Islands and the Bismarck Archipelago, a massive area that is more than 1,000 kilometers in length. Settlement of these islands was not the result of a one-time chance voyage. Obsidian from sources in New Britain is found across the islands, as are bones of a tree-dwelling marsupial indigenous to New Guinea, which provides evidence of sustained trade between islands.

FIGURE 6.8 Decorated Lapita pottery from the Republic of Vanuatu.

Although it is clear that these societies had mastered seafaring, there is not yet evidence for people venturing farther out into Melanesia until 3,500 years ago, when the Lapita culture spread across the region. The Lapita brought with them a new way of life that included a distinctive style of pottery (shown in Figure 6.8), large village settlements, and subsistence based on farming and fishing. Both archaeological and linguistic evidence places the origins of the Lapita people in Taiwan and the islands of Southeast Asia. The Lapita migration eventually covered an area 7,240 kilometers across, reaching eastward as far as Samoa and Tonga. What drove these voyagers not only to discover, but also to settle new lands? It does not appear that population pressure can account for this expansion. It would be virtually impossible for population growth rates to even keep up with, let alone fuel, the rapid rate of colonization. An intriguing idea is that Lapita social structure was the underlying cause for their migration. Patrick Kirch suggests that the Lapita had very strict rules of inheritance that heavily favored the firstborn. Kirch (1997) writes that "in such societies, junior siblings frequently adopt a strategy of seeking new lands to settle where they can found their own 'house' and lineage, assuring their own offspring access to quality resources" (65). Similar social dynamics, along with developments in the technologies of seafaring, might have also underlain the final stage of expansions into Eastern Polynesia (including Hawaii) and New Zealand. Further research is needed to refine the chronology for the initial occupation of these islands, but the oldest dates are currently between 1,000 and 1,500 years ago, which suggests that there was a significant hiatus between the Lapita expansion across to Samoa and Tonga and the complete colonization of the Polynesian islands.

Lapita – A culture that spread across a vast area of Melanesia beginning 3,500 years ago and reached as far as the islands of Samoa and Tonga.

Read the Document The Teouma Lapita Site on mysearchlab 6.3 The New World

Despite decades of intensive research, the timing of the first arrival of humans in the New World (North and South America) remains the topic of heated debate. There are three models for human occupation of the Americas. The Clovis first model, long dominant among North American archaeologists, views the , dated to between 13,500 and 12,500 years ago, as the initial human occupation of the Americas. Recently, a large number of archaeologists have come to support the pre-Clovis model, according to which the initial human occupation of the New World dates back earlier than 13,500 years ago. The early arrival model, which argues for human presence in the New World by 30,000 years ago, is a minority position.

■ Clovis First

FIGURE 6.10 Clovis point that has been carefully shaped by bifacial flaking. Notice the small flutes off the base of the point.

In 1932, archaeologists excavating in Blackwater Draw near the town of Clovis, New Mexico, discovered the remains of bison in a level with Folsom points. Below this level, evidence of an earlier occupation was found. In this earlier level, spearpoints were found that were slightly different from the Folsom points. “Clovis points," as these earlier forms came to be known, are fluted like the Folsom points, but the resulting channel does not extend the entire length of the point. Figure 6.10 shows a Clovis point. At Blackwater Draw, Clovis points were found together with mammoth and horse bones.

Clovis first model – The Clovis culture, dated to 13,500 to 12,500 years ago, is the first human occupation in the Americas.

pre-Clovis model – Human occupation of the Americas predates 13,500 years ago.

early arrival model – Human occupation of the Americas began as early as 30,000 to 40,000 years ago.

Blackwater Draw – A site near Clovis, New Mexico, where spearpoints were found in levels below Folsom points. Clovis points have subsequently been found on a large number of sites across North America. These discoveries have led many archaeologists to conclude that the remains found at Clovis are characteristic of the earliest human occupation of the Americas.

CLOVIS CULTURE AND CHRONOLOGY. The definition of Clovis culture is based largely on the form of spearpoints. In the midcontinental and eastern Canada, Clovis points are absent, but similar pieces known as Gainey points are found on many sites. Besides spearpoints, other stone tools found on Clovis sites include blades and multifunctional tools made on flakes. Apart from these stone tools, few cultural remains are found. Built features are not known, and the main features identified are hearths. A deep feature found in the Clovis levels at Blackwater Draw bas been identified as a well that might have been excavated in response to drought conditions (Haynes et a1. 1999).

The main type of bone tool found on Clovis sites is a rod-shaped object probably used as part of the haft of a spearpoint. A worked bone discovered at the Murray Spring site in Arizona is described as a shaft wrench because of the hole bored in one end. This is the only such object known from a Clovis site; engraved or incised objects are rare. At the Gault site in Texas, limestone slabs with geometric decorations have been found (see Figure 6.11), but it is not clear that they are from the Clovis level (Haynes 2002). The discovery of Clovis tools at a red-ochre mining site known as Powars II in Platte County, Wyoming, suggests that colorants might have been used during the period (Stafford et al. 2003).

FIGURE 6.11 This engraved stone slab from the Gault site, Texas is a rare example of an incised artifact from a Clovis site.

The chronological range for Clovis sites is between 13,500 and 12,500 calendar years ago. The dates 11,500–10,500 B.P. are often given for the Clovis period; however, these are uncalibrated radiocarbon dates. M1GRATION ROUTES. When global sea levels dropped during periods of glacial advance, the Bering Strait that separates Siberia from Alaska became dry land. The resulting land bridge that connected Asia to North America is part of the region known as Beringia. It is likely that the first inhabitants of the New World crossed into North America across this land bridge. The area of Beringia includes eastern Siberia, Alaska, and parts of the Yukon, as well as the land that today is submerged under the Bering Strait. Beringia was not covered by glaciers, but was a steppe landscape with a rich cover of sage and grass that supported extensive populations of mammals, including mammoth, horse, and bison. Figure 6.12 illustrates the changes in sea level in Beringia between 21,000 and 10,000 years ago.

Beringia – A land bridge that connected Asia and North America during periods of low sea level.

FIGURE 6.12 Maps showing changes if sea level in Beringia between 21,000 and 10,000 years ago The continental ice sheets that coveted much of Canada during the last period of glacial advance (the Wisconsin glaciation, or Oxygen Isotope Stage 2) consisted of the Cordilleran glacier in the west and the more massive Laurentide glacier in the east. Proponents of the Clovis first model have argued that toward the end of the last glaciation, a gap existed between the Cordilleran and Laurentide glaciers. This gap formed an ice-free corridor that funneled people down from Alaska to the Great Plains, from where they spread rapidly across North America. Recent research has cast doubt on whether such an ice-free corridor existed in time to serve as a migration route for the Clovis people (Mandryk et al. 2001). Even if such an unimpeded corridor did exist, it is doubtful that it would have provided conditions in which people could have survived.

The Archaeological Evidence. If indeed the Clovis people moved into Alaska from Siberia and then migrated rapidly down an ice-free corridor, one would expect to find a well-developed tradition of fluted points in Siberia and Alaska before 13,500 years ago, the date of the earliest Clovis sites.

The earliest well-dated site in Beringia is Broken Mammoth site in central Alaska (Yesner 2001). The stone tools at this site are characteristic of the Nenana culture, which dates to between 14,000 and 12,800 years ago. Nenana stone tools include small, bifacially flaked triangular points and knives. Among bone and ivory tools are an eyed needle and points. The preservation of animal remains at Broken Mammoth Site is excellent. A wide range of species is found, including large game (bison and elk), carnivores (bear, wolf, and fox, small game (squirrel, hare, marmot, and otter), and birds (goose, duck, and ptarmigan). Stone tools similar to those uncovered at Broken Mammoth site are found at the site of Ushki on the Siberian side of the Bering Strait. At neither site is there evidence for fluted points. In subsequent . . .

ice-free corridor – A potential migration route for populations expanding out of Beringia, running between the Cordilleran and Laurentide glaciers.

Copyright 2013 from World Prehistory and Archaeology by Michael Chazan, pp. 144–151, 153–155. Reproduced by permission of Taylor and Francis Group, LLC, a division of Informa plc.