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Home , 1450s in architecture, Antonio del Pollaiuolo, Baccio da Montelupo, Baccio Pontelli, Bernardo Rucellai, Bindo Altoviti

Building Blocks of Power: The Architectural Commissions and Decorative Projects of the in the

Carla Adella D’Arista

Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences

COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY

2017

© 2017 Carla A. D’Arista All rights reserved

1 ABSTRACT

Building Blocks of Power: The Architectural Commissions and Decorative Projects of the Pucci Family in the Renaissance

Carla A. D’Arista

This dissertation analyzes the dates and artistic provenance of key architectural and decorative projects commissioned by the Pucci family for their townhomes, , and palaces during the Renaissance. It identifies the family’s insistent identification with prestigious Renaissance architects and artisans as a key element in a political and social stratagem that took its cue from the humanist ethos cultivated by their political patrons, the Medici.

Temporally, this study is bracketed on both ends of the Renaissance by architectural commissions related to the Pucci’s long-standing patronage of

Santissima Annunziata, the most important pilgrimage church in .

Methodoligically, it is an archival project that relies principally on previously unknown letters, wills, payment records, inventories, and notarial documents.

1

Table of Contents List of Captions………………………………………………….. ii. Abbreviations …………………………………………………… iii.

Conventions ……………………………………………………… iv.

Acknowledgements ……………………………………………… v. Introduction: “Beneath the Shadow of Thy Wings I Sleep:” Artistic Identity as Political Stratagem ……………………….. 1.

I. From the Beginning: Puccio Pucci (1389-1449) …………….. 13.

II. The Pucci Oratory in Santissima Annunziata …………….. 36. III. Antonio di Puccio Pucci: Dynastic Promotion and Image-Building ………………………………………………….. 79. IV. Casa Pucci in Florence (1503-1537): Fashioning Social Hierarchies ……………………………………………………….. 124. V. Cardinal in the Eternal City (1514-1531): The Cultural and Curial Lifestyle of a Medicean Loyalist …………. 162. VI. Pucci Patronage of and Antonio da the Sangallo Younger ………………………………………………… 228. VII. Cardinals Antonio and Roberto Pucci (1531-1547): It’s All in the Family ………………………………………………… 335.

VIII. Conclusion: Reframing Ambition, Wealth, and Dishonor (1547-1612) …………………………………………… 385.

Works Cited ……………………………………………………… 420. Appendix ………………………… Uploaded as a Supplemental PDF

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List of Captions

Figure 1. AP, Three Degrees of Male Consanguinity in the Pucci Family in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries ……………… 1. Figure 2. Eighteenth-century painted copy after the late fifteenth century “Chain Map”, Florence, Museo Storico Topigrafico di Firenze Com’era ………………………………….…………...... 13. Figure 3. Santissima Annunziata in the Seventeenth Century, Archivio di Stato, Florence ……………………………………… 36. Figure 4. Sassetti , , Florence. Detail of the Portrait of Antonio Pucci with Lorenzo de’ Medici and ……………………………… 79. Figure 5. 764A. Pianta del palazzo sul canto de Pucci di messer Rafaello Pucci di Firenze ………………………………………… 124. Figure 6. , Portrait of Cardinal Lorenzo Pucci, ca. 1529-1532. On loan to the , ……… 162. Figure 7. Uffizi 765A. Antonio da Sangallo the Younger, Groundplan, Casa da Roberto Pucci , Florence ………………… 228.

Figure 8. Pier Francesco Foschi, Portrait of Antonio Pucci, 1540. Corsini Collection, Florence ……………………………… 335. Figure 9. , Drawing of a Tomb. Uffizi 1613E. Gabinetto di Stampe e Disegni, Uffizi, Florence .… 385.

ii

Abbreviations

Archival Sources Archivio Pucci, Firenze (AP) Archivio di Stato, Firenze (ASF) Archivio Mannelli Galilei Riccardi (MGR) Archivio Martelli Archivio della Famiglia Riccardi (Riccardi) Archivio Venturi Ginori Lisci (VGL) Carte Strozziane, Serie Prima Corporazioni Religiose Soppresse dal Governo Francese (Corp. Sopp.) Fondo Minerbetti-Pucci Manoscritti Mediceo Avanti il Principato (MAP) Archivio di Stato, Roma (ASR) Archivio Segreto Vaticano, Città del Vaticano (SV) Archivio Palazzo del Sant’Uffizio (APSU) Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana (BAV) , Firenze (BR) Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, Firenze (BNCF)

iii

Conventions

Currencies

1 lira toscana = 20 soldi = 12 crazie

1 paolo = 8 crazie = 2/3 lira

1 soldo = 3 quattrini = 12 denari

1 fiorino = 20 crazie

1 terzone = 2 lire

1 scudo = 7 lire

1 moneta = 10 lire

1 zecchini = 8 fiorini

1 ruspone = 10 zecchini

Measures

1 braccio = ml. 0.58, almost two feet.

1 canna = 4 braccia = ml. 2.31

1 braccio quadrato fiorentino = ml. 0.33

See Angelo Martini, Manuale di metrologia, ossia misure, pesi e monete in uso attualmente e anticamente presso tutti i poploli Torino (Turin: Loescher, 1883), 208- 209. This reference is available online as Edizione digitale a cura di Guido Mura (: Biblioteca Nazionale Braidense, 2003). See also Bernocchi, Le monete della Repubblica fiorentina (Florence, 1976) and Ronald E. Zupko , “Italian Weights and Measures from the to the Nineteenth Century ,” American Philosophical Society , 145 (1981).

Dates

The Florentine year began on March twenty-fifth ( ab incartantione ) rather than on January first.

iv

Acknowledgments

I am deeply grateful for the help and support of the many people who contributed to the preparation of this study. First and foremost, I wish to thank the

Pucci family, especially Idanna and Giannozzo, for their generous access to the family archives and introductions to other sources of information about the family patrimony.

Idanna has driven me to many of her ancestral homes and pointed me in the direction of others. Giannozzo, in the process of renovating the family chapel in Santissima

Annunziata, is the eloquent custodian of a great deal of archival and visual information about the family’s history. His aunt, Cristina Pucci has escorted me through her palazzo in Florence and the family’s Renaissance in Granaiolo and explained the provenance of the precious objects within. I would also like to thank Antonio

Becherucci and his wife Blanche for the time they have taken from their busy schedules to take me to Casignano and provide me with plans and documents related to the villa.

My thanks also extend to Caterina Borgeoli and her father Carlo for their hospitality during our visits to Uliveto and for arranging a meeting with Massimo Ricci, who has spent years investigating Brunelleschi’s contribution to the fortified castello .

This dissertation began with a summer in the Gabinetto dei Disegni e Stampe in the Uffizi, an internship arranged by my PhD advisor Francesco Benelli. I am deeply indebted to Professor Benelli, an architectural historian whose understanding of the antique precedents resurrected in is foundational to this study.

His teaching fostered my scholarly interest in architectural history and his insights lead

v to several of the attributions and explanations contained in this manuscript. My colleague Lorenzo Vigotti has also generously supported me in my quest. Alessio

Assonitis and Sheila Barker of the Medici Archive Project in Florence have tutored me in paleography and created a community of scholars who share a passion for archival research. This dissertation would not have been possible without the assistance of

Veronica Vestri, a paleographer who can read what no one else has been able to decipher for hundreds of years. Aside from her expertise as an architectural historian, I wish to acknowledge the invaluable assistance of Francesca Parrini during my investigation of the family papers preserved in the Pucci archives. I also owe a debt of gratitude to Sheryl Reiss, who has carefully and thoughtfully read through this study.

Lastly, I would like to thank my husband, George Frampton, for his love and endless patience. I dedicate this study to my parents, especially my father, Robert D’Arista, who, had he lived, would have been pleased with my efforts to take up where he left off in his study of the history and practice of art.

vi

Figure 1. AP, Three Degrees of Male Consanguinity in the Pucci Family in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries. Introduction

“Beneath the Shadow of Thy Wings I Sleep:” Artistic Identity as Political Stratagem Relying on previously unknown letters, wills, payment records, inventories, and notarial documents, this dissertation establishes the dates and artistic provenance of key architectural and decorative projects commissioned by the Pucci during the

Renaissance. Stalwart supporters of the Medici identified by their distinctive heraldic emblem, a Saracen in profile wearing a white headband, the family’s emulation of the patronage practices of their political benefactors was the crucible for their political,

1 social, and economic ambitions. 1 Pucci influence over a broad spectrum of Renaissance affairs was evident from the time of Puccio Pucci’s (1389-1449) return from exile in the company of Cosimo de’ Medici (1389-1464) in 1434 to the election of his son

Antonio (1418-1484) to the post of gonfaloniere di giustizia in 1462 and again in

1480. 2 A letter written by Niccolò Capponi, whose son married Antonio’s daughter

Maddalena, describes the particularly high regard in which the Pucci were held during the difficult years between the expulsion of the Medici from Florence in 1494 and their triumphal return in 1512. 3 The proposal that a Pucci once again be promoted to the office of gonfaloniere of makes clear their central role within the inner circle of

Medici partisans that survived yet another period in which the first family of Florence was expelled from their native city. The Pucci sphere of social and political influence then shifted from Florence to when Leo X honored Lorenzo Pucci (1458-

1531) as the first of the four cardinals ordained in in the consistory of September 1513.4

1 The Pucci stemma , whose origin is the subject of conjecture, commemorated patronymic claims to an ancestry allied with the Guelf party.

2 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 453, unpaginated is a document related to Pandolfo Pucci’s conspiracy against Duke Cosimo de’ Medici written by a ducal magistrate dated to 1562 that records the biographies of Pandolfo’s illustrious forefathers: “A dì 12 di Dicembre 1562. Fassi fede per me notaio infrascritto come in vari libri existenti nel Palazzo Ducale nella Chancelleria delle tratte ducali appare come Puccio di Antonio Pucci, sede de' Signiori a dì primo di luglio 1444. Item sede Gonfaloniere di Giustitia a dì primo di Settembre 1447. Et Antonio di Puccio di Antonio Pucci, sede de' Signiori a dì primo di marzo 1452. Item a dì primo di Gennaio 1457. Item sede Gonfaloniere di Giustitia a dì primo di Gennaio 1462. Et a dì primo di gennaio 1480. Et Ruberto di Antonio di Puccio Pucci sede de' Signiori a di’ primo di Settembre 1518. Et a dì primo di luglio 1524. Item sede Gonfaloniere di Gustitia a dì primo di Maggio 1522. Et sotto di 27 di Aprile 1532 fu electo in uno del numero di 48 et sede de' Magnifici Consiglieri a dì primo di Maggio 1533. Et a dì primo di Maggio 1535. Et similmente exercitò altri Magistrati della citta Ducale .”

3 H. C. Butters cites this letter, preserved in the Biblioteca Riccardiana in Florence in Fondo Palagi, busta 1512 (no foliation), 23 October 1512 in Governors and Government in Early Sixteenth Century Florence 1502-1529 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1985), 207 and 291.

4 Ludwig von Pastor, The History of the from the close of the Middle Ages: drawn from the secret archives of the Vatican and other original Sources , 16 vols. (London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner &

2 No other Florentine family has ever counted three successive members -- Lorenzo, his nephew Antonio d’Alessandro (1475-1544), and Lorenzo’s younger stepbrother

Roberto d’Antonio (1463-1547) -- as cardinal , all of whom held the powerful post of major penitentiary within the apostolic curia. Their exalted role as head of the tribunal of mercy during a period in which the papal court in Rome served as the locus for the visual and literary endeavors that defined the High Renaissance was complemented by dynastic alliances with relatives of the Medici, Piccolomini, and

Farnese popes.

Bracketed on both ends of the Renaissance by architectural commissions related to the family’s long-standing patronage of Santissima Annunziata, the most important pilgrimage church in Florence, this study identifies the Pucci’s insistent identification with prestigious Renaissance architects and artisans as a key element in a political and social strategem that took its cue from the Medici. Generations of the Pucci posited expenditures on fine art and architecture that appropriated a classical past as an intellectual ethos in the service of the state. 5 Valued advisors to the Medici who moved freely among the humanists and learned artists in their orbit, Antonio di Puccio Pucci and his sons could well afford to engage the architects and artisans patronized by

Cosimo de’ Medici; his son Piero; Cosimo’s much-admired grandson, Lorenzo; Il

Magnifico’s children, especially ; and Leo’s cousin, Pope Clement VII.

Co. Ltd, 1908), vol. 7, 82. Lorenzo Pucci received the red along with the pope’s nephew, Innocenzo Cibo, his tutor, Bernardo Bibbiena, and his cousin, Giulio de’ Medici.

5 The vast literature on the characteristics of Medici patronage is treated with extensive documentation and illustration of the use of classical and artifacts as prototypes for their artistic commissions by Laurie Fusco and Gino Corti, Lorenzo de' Medici, Collector and Antiquarian (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006). Janet Cox-Rearick treats other elements of Medicean iconography in Dynasty and Denstiny: , Leo X, and the Two Cosimos (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984).

3 There were certainly occasions when this cultural veneer served to gloss over a highly profitable, if sometimes ruthless association with the Medici regime, especially during the lifetime of Cardinal Lorenzo Pucci. There were also periods in which an adherence to Medicean models of patronage served to rehabilitate the family from disgrace and dishonor, especially in the years following the execution of the cardinal’s nephew

Pandolfo by Duke Cosimo de’ Medici and Pandolfo’s son Orazio by Duke Francesco de’ Medici.6

Existing Literature on the Pucci

Notwithstanding an extensive body of visual and archival evidence documenting artistic commissions that asserted the family’s political, economic, and social stature both within the Florentine government and the ecclesiastical firmament in

Rome, no systematic study of the Pucci family in the Renaissance has ever been undertaken. There are no scholarly studies of the family’s city palaces in Rome: The payment records related to Palazzo Pucci in the Vatican have never been investigated and it is hitherto unknown that the Pucci purchased either the Orsini stronghold on the Campo dei Fiori or Palazzo Bini nearby. The plans by Antonio da

Sangallo the Younger (1485-1546) for Casa Pucci in Florence and Palazzo Pucci in

Orvieto have been reproduced but never fully analyzed and there is no literature to speak of related to Casignano, the Pucci villa just outside Florence whose renowned contributors included Giuliano da Sangallo (1445-1516), (1469-

1523?), Francesco da Sangallo (1494-1576), and Domenico Rosselli (active 1518-

6 Pandolfo was executed in 1560 and his son Orazio (1534-1575) was executed for a plot to vindicate his father’s death in 1575.

4 1560). Nor are there are studies that consider the interior décor of these residences. In addition to the family’s engagement of Giuliano da Sangallo legnaiuolo at Casignano, the discovery of payment records documenting a multi-year commission for the family house in Florence overseen by Baccio d’Agnolo (1462-1543), the most famous decorative woodworker of the early sixteenth century, is likewise unknown.

There are scholarly articles about specific projects commissioned by different members of the family at various points in time but no literature linking these artistic commissions to the broader context of a history of artistic patronage that spanned the entirety of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. The oratory dedicated to

Sebastian in Santissima Annunziata in Florence is a case in point, an architectural project built by Puccio’s son Antonio to a design by di Bartolommeo

(1396-1472) beginning in 1451 that was modified a century and a half later by the last male descendent from Puccio’s line of the family. Alison Wright’s study of the

Pollaiuolo brothers includes archival information about the altarpiece created for the family’s private chapel in Santissima Annunziata in 1474 while other studies of the oratory focus on its refurbishment in 1605. 7

Published investigations of Pucci patronage practices primarily focus on the family’s artistic commissions to Renaissance painters. In addition to Wright’s discussion of the iconography of the altarpiece painted by Antonio (1429/33-1498) and

Piero del Polliauolo (c. 1433-1496) for the family chapel in Santissima Annunziata, these studies include the frescoes by Perino del Vaga (1501-1547) for the Pucci Chapel

7 Alison Wright, The Pollaiuolo Brothers: The Arts of Florence and Rome (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2005).

5 in Trinità dei Monti in Rome and the involvement of the Pucci cardinals in ’s

(1483-1520) Ecstasy of Saint Celia for San Giovanni in Monte in .8 Patricia

Rubin’s analysis of the four Botticelli (1445-1510) panels commemorating the Pucci-

Bini wedding has been included in her book, Images and Identity in Fifteenth Century

Florence .9 A study of Parmigianino’s (1503-1540) portrait of Cardinal Lorenzo Pucci by Hirst and Elizabeth Pilliod’s reading of Per Francesco Foschi’s (1502-1567) portrait of Cardinal Antonio Pucci provide thorough biographical information and bibliographies of two of the Pucci cardinals. 10 Louis Waldman’s article on the patronage of another Medici ally, Cardinal Pandolfini, who began Villa Igno, the seat of the of inherited by the Pucci cardinals, adds to this bibliography. 11

8 Linda Wolk-Simon’s extensive work on Perino del Vaga includes “Two Early Cycles by Perino del Vaga: The Palazzo Baldasini and the Pucci Chapel” 155 (2002): 11-21; “A newly discovered of the 'Conversion of Saul' by Perino del Vaga,” Master Drawings 41 (2003): 55-58; “ Fame, "Paragone", and the Cartoon: The Case of Perino del Vaga” Master Drawings 31 (1992): 61-82; The "Pala Doria" and 's Mortuary Chapel: A Newly Discovered Project by Perino del Vaga,” Artibus et Historiae 13 (1992): 163-175; her lecture “ In the Shadow of Raphael: The Life and Art of Perino del Vaga” delivered to an audience at the Metropolitan in New York in 2012; and her PhD dissertation on Perino’s early works. For Perino del Vaga’s frescoes in Trinità dei Monti see also Maria Vittoria Brugnol, “Gli affreschi di Perin del Vaga nella Cappella Pucci: note sulla prima attivita romana del pittore ” Bollettino d’arte xivii (1962). J.A. Gere wrote on the completion of the Pucci Chapel by Federico Zuccari in an article entitled “Two of Taddeo Zuccaro's Last Commissions, Completed by Federico Zuccaro. I: The Pucci Chapel in S. Trinità dei Monti,” The Burlington Magazine 108 (1966): 284-93 . For the most complete study of the commission in San Giovanni in Monte see Stanislaw Mossakowski, “Raphael’s “St. Cecilia,” An Iconographical Study,” Zeitschrift fur Kunstgeschichte 31.1 (1968): 1-26. The subject of women’s agency and male intermediaries in this commission is also addressed in Gabriella Zarri, “ L’altra Cecilia: Elena Duglioli Dall’Olio (1472- 1520),” in Indagini per un dipinto: La Santa Cecilia di Raffaello (Bologna: Edizioni ALFA, 1983), 81- 118 and Gabriella Zarri, “ Storia di una committenza ,” in L’Estasi di Santa Cecilia di Raffaello da nella Pinacoteca Nazionale di Bologna, exh. cat. (Bologna: Edizioni ALFA, 1983), 20-38.

9 Patricia Lee Rubin, “Happy Endings” in Images and Identity in Fifteenth Century Florence (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2007), 358-365.

10 Michael Hirst, “A Portrait of Lorenzo Pucci by Parmigianino,” Apollo 460 (2000): 43-47 and Elizabeth Pilliod, “‘ In tempore poenitentiae ”: Pierfrancesco Foschi’s portrait of Cardinal Antonio Pucci,” The Burlington Magazine 130 (1988): 679-87.

11 Louis A. Waldman, “The Patronage of a Favorite of Leo X: Cardinal Niccolo Pandolfini, Ridolfo Ghirlandaio and The Unfinished Tomb by Baccio da Montelupo,” Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorischen Institutes in Florenz 48 (2004): 105-08.

6 On the other hand, virtually nothing has been written about the third Pucci cardinal,

Roberto, notwithstanding a friendship with (1500-1571) recounted in the sculptor’s autobiography.12

There are also brief published accounts of Pucci patronage as it related to the family’s collection of art as it stood in the nineteenth century. Gino Corti’s articles on the eighteenth- and nineteenth-century inventories of a junior branch of the Pucci family have proved helpful in piecing together the jigsaw puzzle of the family’s extensive but substantially unexplored practice of emulating Medicean models of artistic and architectural patronage.13 Donella Arnetoli has written a short account of the Pucci dynasty that draws on archival sources to outline the opulent lifestyle and prestigious marriages that contributed to the economic stress that led to the sale of

12 Benvenuto Cellini: My Life, Julia Conaway Bondanella and Peter Bondanella trans. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002).

13 Gino Corti, “Two Picture Collections in Eighteenth Century Florence,” The Burlington Magazine 124.953 (1982): 502-05. When Puccio Pucci’s family line died out in 1612 the Pucci patrimony passed to Senator Niccolò (1556-1625), a descendent of a line of the family founded by Puccio’s younger brother Saracino (1405-1480). Senator Niccolò’s oldest son Ottavio (1610-1675) had a great-great grandson named Giovanluca Orazio (1740-1797) who married into the Martelli family in 1777. Part of the collection passed to three of his nine children: Maria Maddalena (1784-1868), married to Marquis Arimberto di Pompeo Bourbon Del Monte Santa Maria in 1806; Elisabetta, who wed Conte in 1804; and Giuseppe Orazio, who married Countess Eleonora Pandolfini. These descendants are the subject of inventories transcribed by Gino Corti, “Due quadrerie in Firenze: la collezione Lorenzi, prima meta del Settecento, e la collezione Guicciardini, 1807 ,” Ricerche D’Archivio , Paragone 35 (1984): 94-101 and “ La Collezione Ottocentesca di Quadri di Giuseppe Pucci ,” Ricerche D’Archivio , Paragon e 47 (1996): 193-99. When this more senior branch of the Pucci family died out, the Pucci patrimony reverted to a line of the Pucci tree founded by Senator Niccol ò’s third son, Guilio (1612-1672) whose descendants owned the referred to in Gotti’s inventory (appendix 24). (Senator Niccol ò’s second oldest son Lorenzo died in 1617 at the age of ten. His oldest daughter Maria was married to Senator Filippo Strozzi). See “ Pucci di Firenze” in the sixteen-volume series by Conte Pompeo Litta, Famiglie celebri italiane (Milan, 1879). Litta’s study has been published as Conte Pompeo Litta, Famiglie celebri italiane (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2003). This line of the family is outlined in vol. 15, tables VII and VIII. Gino Corti also transcribed the inventory of paintings on display at Casignano in 1810: “ Una quadreria Fiorentina ai primi dell’Ottocento: La collezione di Lucrezia Pucci Serristori ,” Paragone 45 (1994): 68-74. The owner of Casignano at that time was Lucrezia Pucci, a great-great-great granddaughter of Senator Niccolò’s youngest son Alessandro (1603-1652).

7 many of the family’s finest and oldest holdings of art beginning in 1846.14

Archival Sources

The Pucci have a private family archive in their palazzo in Florence that includes copies of two living wills signed by Cardinal Lorenzo Pucci not available in public collections of the family papers. Palazzo Pucci also contains drawings of the family house in Florence prior to its expansion in 1730; plans enlisted in the effort to reconstruct the interiors of a house refurbished by Baccio d’Agnolo between 1506 and

1512 and enlarged to a design by Antonio da Sangallo the Younger beginning in 1538.

An unpublished copy of a remarkable inventory of paintings owned by the family in the mid-nineteenth century and notes associated with the Pucci collection of art as it stood circa 1846 has also been appended to this dissertation.

Most of the documents housed in Palazzo Pucci were handed down through the branch of the family tree founded by Saracino Pucci (1405-1480), one of Puccio

Pucci’s younger brothers, who inherited the family patrimony when Puccio’s line of the family died out in 1612. 15 Senator Niccolò (1556-1625), who inherited the family property, had two sons whose heirs left papers and records now housed in the family library. The line of the family descended from Ottavio di Niccolò di Giulio di Andrea di Priore di Saracino (1610-1675) died out with the demise of Giuseppe Orazio Pucci in

14 Donella Arnetoli, La famiglia Pucci (Florence: Edizioni Polistampa, 2002).

15 See Litta, “Pucci di Firenze, ” vol. 15, tables VII and VIII and ff. 13.

8 1838, as did a branch of the Pucci tree founded by an older son, Alessandro di Niccolò

(1603-1652), whose last male heir, Orazio Giovan Lorenzo, died in 1808. 16

Senator Niccolò’s oldest daughter, Maria, married Senator Filippo Strozzi on

February 1, 1615.17 Her marriage helps account for the inclusion of documents related to the Pucci in the Carte Strozziane held in the Archivio di Stato di Firenze, a fondo initially compiled by Carlo di Tommaso Strozzi. 18 The female descendants of Roberto di Pandolfo Pucci, whose death in 1612 spelled the end of Puccio’s family line, also intermarried with other noble Florentine families whose collections of family papers are currently held in the Florentine state archives. Bali Roberto’s widow, Ottavia Capponi, had a nephew, Bernardo Capponi, whose last female descendent married Francesco di

Cosimo Riccardi in 1669. 19 The Archivio Mannelli Galilei Riccardi now in the

Archivio di Stato Firenze incorporates numerous legal documents, especially the litigation of Ottavia Capponi against Saracino’s branch of the Pucci family when they inherited her husband’s patrimony. This collection of documents is to be differentiated from other archives collected by the Riccardi family, especially the Fondo Minerbetti-

Pucci , also in the ASF, which includes later Pucci payment books, inventories, and census records.

16 As previously noted, when these more senior branches of the Pucci family died out the patrimony reverted to a line of the Pucci tree founded by Senator Niccol ò’s third son, Giulio (1612-1672) whose descendants owned the paintings referred to in Gotti’s inventory (Litta, “ Pucci di Firenze ,” vol. 15, tables VII and VIII).

17 Litta, “ Pucci di Firenze ,” vol. 15, table VII.

18 Domenica D’Agostino, Censimento delle Carte Pucci negli Archivi gentilizi fiorentini , (Florence: Archivio Pucci, 2002).

19 D’Agostino, Censimento delle Carte Pucci, 15.

9 The marriage of Roberto di Pandolfo’s daughter Sibilla Pucci accounts for the inclusion of fifteenth- and sixteenth-century account books in the Archivio Venturi

Ginori Lisci , also held in the Florentine state archives. 20 Sibilla di Roberto Pucci married Cosimo di Giovanbattista Venturi in 1603; her sister, Lucrezia, married

Giovanni Martelli. Aside from the account of Lucrezia’s dowry, most of the documents in the Archivio Martelli are eighteenth-century scritti, busti, and brevi dated to the lifetime of Teresa Pucci Martelli. The Pucci family married into the Martelli family again in 1777 when Giovanluca Orazio (1740-1797), the great great grandson of

Senator Niccolò’s oldest son Ottavio (1610-1675), married Anna di Senatore Bali

Niccolò Martelli.

Structure of this Study

The archival sources for this dissertation have been used to reconstruct an account of the Pucci’s architectural commissions and decorative projects in the

Renaissance that is essentially chronological in organization. It opens with an introduction to the family and provides an overview of the cultural, political, and economic forces that influenced their artistic patronage and collecting practices, beginning early in the fifteenth century and concluding with the end of Puccio’s line of the family in 1612. The first chapter in this study reviews the strategic aims of Puccio

Pucci, the founder of the Pucci dynasty, who built an architectural stronghold in the Val d’ in southern . The second chapter traces the patronage of the family oratory dedicated to in the pilgrimage church of Santissima Annunziata in Florence to Puccio, his son, Antonio, and grandsons -- especially Cardinal Lorenzo --

20 D’Agostino, Censimento delle Carte Pucci, 10 .

10 whose bequests resulted in the addition of a new façade for the church at the beginning of the seventeenth century. Antonio Pucci’s assumption of Medicean models of visual and literary patronage is outlined in chapter three, a section of this dissertation which documents the provenance of the house in Florence he purchased from Piero de’ Medici in 1461. Improvements to this house in the parish of San Michele Visdomini, including its decoration by Baccio d’Agnolo between 1506 and 1512, are treated in the next chapter of this dissertation. The fifth chapter provides an overview of the career, artistic patronage, and financial legacy of Cardinal Lorenzo Pucci. Four years before the cardinal’s death in 1531, the family enlisted Antonio da Sangallo the Younger to renovate the house they leased in Orvieto where the papal court took refuge following the . The papal architect was also hired to design a palace along the lines of facing the town’s most important thoroughfare. These architectural projects are addressed in chapter six, which deals with Pucci patronage of the Sangallo workshop, beginning with Giuliano da Sangallo’s work on the family villa outside of

Florence known as Casignano. Chapter seven is organized around the two Pucci cardinals who succeeded Lorenzo: his nephew Antonio and Roberto, Lorenzo’s younger stepbrother. The epilogue describes the finale of the family’s Renaissance legacy: The confiscation of the Pucci patrimony by Duke Cosimo de’ Medici followed by Pandolfo Pucci’s execution in January of 1559 (Florentine dating), a second confiscation in 1575 related to an attempt by Pandolfo’s son to avenge his father’s death, and finally, the family’s reintegration into the good graces of the Medici dukes under Grand Duke Ferdinand.

11 While there are certainly other noble Italian families with equally avid interests in art and classical literature, this study uses archival documents to describe a

Florentine dynasty that stands out in the annals of Renaissance culture for the number of generations who held true to the tenants of . The nineteeth inventory of paintings appended to this dissertation makes clear that notwithstanding their political and economic travails in the second half of the sixteenth century members of the Pucci family retained their association with Medici models of cultural patronage for the next two hundred years.21

21 Litta, “ Pucci di Firenze ,” vol. 15, table 1 lays out the dynastic relationship of Jacopo del Saracino of and to Puccio Pucci, whose first name is a diminutive of Jacopuccio. Puccio (born in 1389) is the head of one of the two branches of the family and his younger brother Saracino (born 1405) of the other.

12

Figure 2. Eighteenth-century painted copy after the late fifteenth century “Chain Map”, Florence, Museo Storico Topigrafico di Firenze Com’era. Chapter 1. From the Beginning: Puccio Pucci (1389-1449)

Puccio Pucci in Florence and the Val d’Elsa

Puccio Pucci, the of the Florentine dynasty whose prestigious commissions of Renaissance architecture and luxury interiors are the subject of this dissertation, was a shrewd and influential advisor to the Medici caught up in the tumultuous events surrounding the exile of Cosimo de’ Medici from Florence in 1433.22

Puccio and his younger brother Giovanni (1392-1445) were Medici loyalists banned

22 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 453. Dated December 12, 1562, this document in the hand of a ducal magistrate notes that Puccio d’Antonio Pucci was elected one of the nine Signiori of the government of Florence in July 1444 and Gonfaloniere di Giustizia in September of 1447. There is an extensive bibliography on the history of Florence that includes John M. Najemy , A History of Florence 1200-1575 (London: Blackwell, 2006), citing previously published secondary sources for this period of Florentine history.

13 from their native city by a political faction led by the Strozzi and Albizzi families attempting to wrest control over the city’s pseudo-republican government. 23 Andrea del

Castagno’s fresco of the Albizzi rebels strung by their necks from the façade of the

Bargello when the family patriarch -- later known by the honorific title Cosimo Pater

Patriae -- returned to power a year later is now lost, but Vasari reports that Puccio was among the victorious Medici supporters depicted in Andrea’s fresco cycle for Santa

Maria Nuova, the Florentine hospital that remained one of the Pucci’s most important bequests for generations. 24 “Averardo de’ Medici and Puccio Pucci were greatly instrumental in the establishment of his power,” Niccolò Machiavelli wrote in his seminal History of Florence and of the Affairs of about Cosimo de’ Medici’s return to the city that emerged as the intellectual capital of the Renaissance. 25

Machiavelli went on to observe that: “Indeed, the advice and wisdom of Puccio were so highly esteemed that Cosmo’s party was rather distinguished by the name of Puccio than by his own.” 26

23 Cosimo de’ Medici was exiled first to Padua and then to by a decision made by the gonfaloniere di giustizia . This information is cited in Bernardo Guadagni, Eugenio Casalini, Iginia Dina, Renzo Giorgetti and Paola Ircani , La SS. Annunziata di Firenze: Studi e documenti sulla chiesa e il convento (Florence: Convento della SS. Annunziata, 1978), 19.

24 John Spencer, and his Patrons (Durham and London: Duke University Press, 1991) includes the Pucci among the artist’s most ardent supporters. See also Vasari’s life of Castagno in , Le vite de’ più eccellenti pittori scultori ed architettori , ed. Gaetano Milanesi (Florence: Sansoni, 1906), vol. 1.

25 Niccolò Machiavelli, History of Florence and the Affairs of Italy (CreateSpace Independent Publishing Platform, 2013) chapter VI, 143. See also Najemy, A History of Florence, 274-75 for a discussion of the support for Cosimo by other Italian rulers and governments. Najemy notes that the Pucci were among the newer families in the officeholding class whose political success depended on those at the highest levels of power (p. 185). Until 1434 this political elite consisted of some fifty to sixty men, a number of whom - - members of the Capponi, Ridolfi, Corsini, Rucellai, Strozzi, and Valori families -- either married into the Pucci family or were close business associates.

26 Machiavelli, History of Florence and the Affairs of Italy , 143.

14 An important office holder in the Arte dei Legnaiuoli , one of the minor

Florentine guilds whose members were carpenters by trade, Puccio d’Antonio Pucci lived in the quartiere of San Giovanni (fig. 1) 27 . This was a neighborhood in the northern quadrant of the city dominated by the Medici and their patronage of the church of San Lorenzo and the Dominican monastery of San Marco nearby.28 In 1427 Puccio filed his first catasto, a tax assessment on non-owner occupied property, in which he declared his primary residence as a house on Via dei Servi in the Popolo di S. Michele

Visdomini , named after the modest parish church across the street.29 Via dei Servi runs on a north/south axis to connect Santissima Annunziata, the city’s most prominent pilgrimage church, with the Florentine cathedral of Santa Maria del Fiore.30 Just down the street from Puccio’s house Via dei Servi intersects with Via dei Calderai, since

27 See Vol. 2, Appendix for illustrations cited in the text.

28 See Litta, “Pucci di Firenze ,” vol. 15, table I, and Lauro Martines, The Social World of the Florentine Humanists: 1390-1460 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2011), 63 for an account of Puccio’s career. Hailing from a family of master carpenters, Puccio’s father Antonio was involved in a number of high-profile projects commissioned by the Florentine , including construction of the Loggia della , ’s first important commission -- a project that may explain the family’s decision to purchase one of the master’s triptychs when San Pier Maggiore was torn down in the eighteenth century - - and the wood model of the new of Santissima Annunziata built in 1384, a pilgrimage church long associated with Pucci patronage. Gene Brucker, The Society of Renaissance Florence (New York: Harper and Row, 1971) lays out the major and minor guilds in Florence and explains their economic and social implications. Giovanni Fanelli, Firenze architettura e citta (Florence: Mandragora, 2002), 24 illustrates the boundries of the quartiere of San Giovanni Gonfalone Vaio. See Nicholas A. Eckstein, District of the Green Dragon: Neighbourhood Life and Social Change in Renaissance Florence (Florence: Casa Editrice Leo S. Olschki, 1995) for the social status of Florentine neighborhoods in the Renaissance.

29 The catasto was instituted in 1427 and replaced by the decima in 1480, a less exact report of owner and non-owner occupied properties. For a more in-depth study of the Florentine catasto see Christiane Klapisch-Zuber and Herlihy, Tuscans and Their Families: A Study of the Florentine Catasto of 1427 (New Haven: Yale Series in Economic History, 1985) and Anthony Molho, Florentine Public Finances in the Early Reniassance, 1400-1433 (Cambridge: Harvard Historical Monographs, 1971).

30 AP, Miscellanea, no. 144, fasc. 2, c. 68r. CFr. Appendice documentaria , no. 15. These are copies of the catasto , the Florentine declaration of taxable property inaugurated in 1427, filed by various members of the Pucci family. These documents have been transcribed and included in a thesis by Omar Berto “Palazzo Pucci: Architettura e Decorazione Pittorica,” (Università degli Studi di Firenze Facoltà di Architettura 2004-2005).

15 renamed Via dei Pucci (fig 2). This road runs east/west and leads straight to the Medici palace built to a design by Michelozzo di Bartolomeo beginning in 1444, and further on, to San Lorenzo, where Cosimo de’ Medici had (1377-1446) build the sacristy where Cosimo the Elder is buried. 31 The extension of Via dei Calderai running in the other direction (now called Via Bufalini) leads to Santa Maria Nuova, an important beneficiary of Pucci largesse for generations.

Puccio, then forty years old, shared his house in this Medici-rich quartiere with his younger brother Giovanni, also married to a woman half his age, and two other younger brothers.32 The house must have been bursting with activity since Puccio’s other dependents, described in the tax records as mouths ( bocche ), included his five children, all under the age of ten, and his brother Giovanni’s infant son, Niccolò.33 As was typical of a period in which mortality rates were high, Puccio’s first wife, Piera di

Piero Mattei, had died and his baby daughter Nanna was the child of his second wife,

31 For literature on Michelozzo, who also designed the church of San Lorenzo, see Cornelius von Fabriczy, “Michelozzo di Bartolomeo,” Jahrbuch der königlich Preussischen Kunstsammlungen 25 (1904): 34-110 and Ottavio Morisani, Michelozzo architetto (Turin: Giulio Einaudi editore, 1951). The extensive bibliography on Brunelleschi is framed by an earlier study by Cornel von Fabriczy, Filippo Brunelleschi: Sein Leben und seine Werke (Stuttgart, 1892) and more recently by Howard Saalman’s work, Filippo Brunelleschi: The Buildings (University Park: The Pennsylvania University State Press, 1993). The most complete study of Brunelleschi’s work is Arnaldo Bruschi, Filippo Brunelleschi (Milan: Electa, 2006). See also Eugenio Battisti, Filippo Brunelleschi (Milan: Electa, 1976) and Marvin Trachtenberg, “On Brunelleschi’s Old Sacristy As a Model for Early Renaissance Church Architecture,” in L’eglise dans l’architecture de la Renaisance: Actes du colloque tenu a Tours du 28 au 31 mai 1990 , ed., J. Guillaume (Paris: Picard, 1995), 9-34.

32 AP, Miscellanea, no. 144, fasc. 2, c. 1 r. Puccio married Piera di Piero Mattei in 1414 with whom he had three children: Antonio (1418-1484), Piero (1419-1452), and Francesco (1420-1483). Puccio married his second wife Bartolommea di Tommaso Spinelli in 1425 and together they had another ten children who survived infancy: Giovanna, Zanobi, Benedetto, Polissena, Bartolommeo, Piera, Tommaso, Ginevra, Francesca, and Dionigi (1442-1494).

33 AP, Miscellanea, no. 144, fasc. 2, c. 1 r.

16 Bartolomea di Tommaso Spinelli.34 Given the space constraints associated with a family that eventually grew to thirteen children, Puccio must have been enormously relieved when Giovanni, supporting five children of his own by the time he made his property declaration in 1442, bought another house on Via dei Servi, this one bordered by the two houses owned by Orlando de’ Medici. 35

Judging from the inventory of his household possessions taken on the first of

June 1449, just weeks after his death on May 7, Puccio’s political ambitions and well- timed speculation in government bonds paid off handsomely.36 As leader of the so- called “Puccini” political party in the service of Cosimo de’ Medici, Puccio had chalked up an impressive list of civic and military accolades: podestà of Monterappoli and ; magistrate for the wars against Volterra in 1427, Lucca in 1429 and Milan in

1437; ambassador to the Milan, Faenza, and the ; and, finally, in September and October of 1447, gonfaloniere di giustizia, the most important

34 Litta, “ Pucci di Firenze ,” vol. 15, table III.

35 AP, Miscellanea, no. 144, fasc. 2, c. 16 r. Two years younger than Puccio, Giovanni was living in another house on Via dei Servi when he filed his catasto in 1442. This tax declaration indicates that Giovanni lived next door to Orlando de’ Medici: “ Una casa posta nella via de Servi, la quale e per mio abitare. Da prima via 2 o e 3 o Orlando de’ Medici e altri confine ….” No. 144, AP, miscellanea, no. 144, fasc. 2, c. 68r documents Antonio’s purchase of a house from Piero de’ Medici: “ Una casa per mio abitare posta nel Popolo di S. Michele Bisdomini (sic), comperata da Michel Parenti “carta” per d’Antonio di G. Batista sotto di 18 di Novembre 1461: in nome al magnifico per scudi 2500 metti da primo .”

36 The inventory taken in 1449 of Puccio Pucci’s worldly possessions was published by Carlo Merkel, “Notizie bibliografiche – I beni della Famiglia Pucci di Puccio Pucci: Inventario del secolo XV, ” M.S.V . 15 (1898). The date of Puccio’s death is based on church records transcribed by Filippo M. Tozzi, Memorie della chiesa, e convento (1765), transcribed with notes by Eugenio M. Casalini and Paola Ircani Menichini (Florence: Convento della SS. Annunziata di Firenze, 2010), 50. The economic fortunes of the Pucci in the fifteenth century are set out by Lauro Martines, The Social World of the Florentine Humanists: 1390-1460 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2011), 73-74, who notes that the family was not on the tax rolls of the leading families of Florence until Puccio, a member of one of the minor guilds, took advantage of his new role in the government to speculate in government stock.

17 post in the Florentine government. 37 Later in that same year Puccio was dispatched to the papal court of Nicholas V (1397-1455) to help mediate the contentious issue of the of Milan when the Visconti duke died without a male heir.38 These well-placed political connections promoted his business interests: In 1436 Puccio was admitted into the Cambio , the society of bankers that was among the most prestigious of the major

Florentine guilds. 39

The catalogue of Puccio’s worldly goods reflects his steady climb to the upper echelons of Florentine society. 40 His large family had contracted socially and financially advantageous marriages and was in possession of precious jewelry, fine clothing trimmed with silver, pearls, and gold brocade, and expensive linens and bedding. The rooms occupied by Puccio’s son Piero (1419-1452), who served as podestà of in 1448, and Piero’s wife Caterina, a native of , boasted a piece of white damask embroidered with pearls, other silks and velvets, and a cover made of lion skin. 41 The couple owned trimmed with pearls and silver as well as loose pearls, rubies, and diamonds.42 Puccio’s eldest son Antonio (1418-1484), who

37 Litta, “ Pucci di Firenze ,” vol. 15, table III.

38 Litta, “ Pucci di Firenze ,” vol. 15, table III.

39 Litta, “ Pucci di Firenze ,” vol. 15, table III.

40 R. Burr Litchfield, Emergence of a Bureaucracy: The Florentine Patricians, 1530-1790 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986), part 1, lays out the development of the Florentine elite and their economic, political, and social characteristics in the fifteenth century. Alison Brown, Mediean and Savonarolan Florence: The Interplay of Politics, Humanism, and Religion (Turnhout: Brepols, 2011) describes the new breed of functionaries and politicians who rose to prominence under Cosimo de’ Medici. Puccio Pucci exemplified the “new men” who rose to prominence from the minor guilds and became eligible for the priorate as major-guildsmen.

41 Piero’s room is listed on pp. 34-40 of Merkel’s transcription.

42 Merkel, Notizie bibliografiche – I beni della Famiglia Pucci, 36.

18 married his first wife Maddalena di Bartolomeo Gini in 1440, also stored emeralds, rubies, and loose gems in his rooms and owned clothing decorated with silver buttons, a berretta adorned with pearls, and a pair of sleeves ( ghuanciali) bordered with gold brocade.43 The contents of the camera occupied by Puccio’s younger son, Francesco

(1420-1483), who was twenty-nine and recently wed to Bartolommea di Giovanni di

Francesco Spini, included his wife’s velvet hat and a particularly expensive shirt ( una ciopppa di ueluto chermisj a ghozi della Bartolomea, stima fiorini 60 ). 44 Little

Tommaso (1437-1527), not yet twelve when his father died, did not yet own anything of particular value but did manage to outlive his brothers.

The armory in Puccio’s Florentine townhouse in Florence was something of an anomaly even in a city still reeling from the anti-Medici conspiracy of 1434 and the continued enmity of Siena in the south and Pisa to the north. 45 Puccio’s cache of armor and weaponry (ermadure nell’armario ) was fitted with seventy long lances, seven cross bows, and six breastplates ( panziere ). 46 There were also eight suits of armor, an old

43 Merkel, Notizie bibliografiche – I beni della Famiglia Pucci, 45-46. Rubin, Images and Identity in Fifteenth-Century Florence, 244 identifies her as Maddalena di Berto di Giuliano Gini while Merkel, Notizie bibliografiche – I beni della Famiglia Pucci , 44 and Litta, “ Pucci di Firenze ,” vol. 15, table III, reports her name as Maddalena di Giramonte Gini.

44 Merkel, Notizie bibliografiche – I beni della Famiglia Pucci, 40. Their wardrobe also included handkerchiefs, silver belts, three ( aghoraiuoli ), one of pearl and two of silver, and a libriccino covered with pearls (Merkel, Notizie bibliografiche – I beni della Famiglia Pucci, 40-43).

45 Merkel, Notizie bibliografiche – I beni della Famiglia Pucci, 53-54. The Medici’s private militia armory is documented in the inventory of Lorenzo de’ Medici’s belongings at the time of his death in 1492. See Richard Stapleford, ed. and trans., Lorenzo de’ Medici at Home: The Inventory of the Palazzo Medici in 1492 (University Park: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 2013), 38. The full inventory of Lorenzo de’ Medici’s possessions is also transcribed by Marco Spallanzani and Giovanna Bertela , Libro D’Inventario dei beni di Lorenzo Il Magnifico (Florence: Associazione ‘Amici del ,’ Studio per Edizioni Scelte, 1992).

46 Merkel, Notizie bibliografiche – I beni della Famiglia Pucci, 53.

19 shield, four , eighteen sets of d’arnesi and sixteen pairs of armbands. 47 Another , this one decorated with the stemma of the Saracen, the family’s heraldic device, was displayed in Antonio’s room along with a pendant decorated with the insignia of

Pisa. 48 Considering the close proximity of the Pucci townhouse to the city palace built by Cosimo de’ Medici and the existence of what appears to be a fully stocked military arsenal on a street leading straight into the heart of the city, Puccio’s relationship with the ruling family of Florence was at least as martial as it was political.

By later Renaissance standards, Puccio’s ten-room house was sparsely furnished.49 Aside from beds and mattresses, two tables, and four walnut desks

(deschetti) and another desk per lla gredenza (sic) there was little in the way of portable furniture. 50 The inventory lists a pair of painted strong chests and another two strong boxes in the office (da uficio .)”51 The only paintings in the catalogue are a Madonna painted on wood ( tavola di Nostra Donna ) hanging in Piero’s room, and another devotional image of the Mary (Nostra Donna con un chandelliere ) in

Francesco’s. 52 On the other hand, Puccio’s townhouse was furnished with numerous

47 Merkel, Notizie bibliografiche – I beni della Famiglia Pucci, 53.

48 Merkel, Notizie bibliografiche – I beni della Famiglia Pucci, 47-48.

49 The most recent literature on Renaissance interiors includes Erin J. Campbell, Stephanie R. Miller, and Elizabeth Carroll Consavari, The Early Modern Italian Domestic Interior, 1400-1700 (Farnham: Ashgate, 2013). Jacqueline Marie Musacchio, Art, Marriage, & Family in the Renaissance Palace (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2008) is a particularly useful study that features the Pucci spalliere panels by Botticelli as its frontspiece. See also Peter Thornton, Interni del Rinascimento Italiano: 1400-1600 (Rome: Leonardo Editore, 1992) and its English translation, as well as Elizabeth Currie, Inside the Renaissance House (London: Victoria & Albert Publications, 2006).

50 Merkel, Notizie bibliografiche – I beni della Famiglia Pucci, 25-54.

51 Merkel, Notizie bibliografiche – I beni della Famiglia Pucci, 39.

52 Merkel, Notizie bibliografiche – I beni della Famiglia Pucci, 40 and 44.

20 wall hangings and a great deal of silver, suggesting that textiles and finely wrought metalwork were utilitarian luxury goods in early modern patrician households that were more sought after than collections of paintings and sculpture. Thirty-six silver forks and six silver cups ( taze d’ariento ) are listed among the belongings in the rooms occupied by Puccio’s oldest son Antonio .53 The 1449 inventory also catalogues a silver cup gifted to Antonio’s wife Maddalena Gini at the time of her marriage, a ceremony presided over by Cardinal Morinense, whose nuptial gifts included a chandelier. 54

Although silverware was just making an appearance in the Renaissance, Puccio’s widow Bartolomea di Tommaso Spinellini, whom he married in 1425 after the death of his first wife, stored another thirty-five silver spoons and forks in the room she shared with their youngest children Dionigi and Ginevra, as well as a little silver altar table. 55

Bartolomea’s father, a self-made financier who established the Borromei-

Spinelli Bank in Rome, seems to have been an important role model for his son-in- law.56 Tommaso Spinelli’s climb to the upper rungs of Florentine society was framed by construction of an impressive palazzo in Borgo Santa Croce designed by

Michelozzo di Bartolomeo, formerly the Medici house architect.57 Tommaso’s

53 Merkel, Notizie bibliografiche – I beni della Famiglia Pucci, 49.

54 Merkel Notizie bibliografiche – I beni della Famiglia Pucci , 48. See also Patricia Rubin’s chapter “Happy Endings” in Images and Identity in Fifteenth-Century Florence, 244 for the tally of Maddalena Gini’s dowry of 1,550 florins.

55 Merkel, Notizie bibliografiche – I beni della Famiglia Pucci, 51-52. Dionigi was just seven and Ginerva fourteen at the time of their father’s death in 1449.

56 Philip Jacks and William Caferro, The Spinelli of Florence: Fortunes of a Renaissance Merchant Family (University Park: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 2001), chapter 2, provides an account of Tommaso Spinelli’s career in banking and his ownership of wool and silk firms.

21 generous donations to Santa Croce, the church that gave its name to the neighborhood where he lived, was ostensibly an atonement for the sin of usury that functioned as a symbol of his wealth and social stature.58 The wealthy banker commissioned intarsiated cabinets lining one wall and shallow benches with high backs and footrests on another of the sacristy walls in Santa Croce from the prestigious bottega of Giuliano (1432-

1490) and (1442-1497), the same decorative woodworkers hired by Puccio’s son Antonio to work on the Pucci oratory in Santissima Annunziata thirty years later.59 Like other wealthy Florentine merchant bankers of his time, Tommaso

Spinelli acquired an impressive portfolio of landholdings concentrated in a single area of Tuscany on which he constructed a villa where he lived surrounded by luxury goods commissioned from the most important artists of the . 60

Following in his father-in-law’s footsteps, Puccio acquired thirty-seven properties in the Tuscan countryside, one of which was purchased in 1443 from Palla

Strozzi, reputedly the richest man in Florence.61 According to the list of rural properties

57 Jacks and Caferro, The Spinelli of Florence, 114-134 covers Michelozzo’s role as tagliatore of the palazzo and the loss of his position as the preferred architect of the Medici: “By March of that year (1461), Michelozzo, in dire financial straights, had already left Florence. Cosimo had suspended his employment as capomaestro on the Palazzo Medici and San Lorenzo for unknown reasons in 1452, just as Maso di Bartolomeo was completing the sgraffito frieze around the courtyard.”

58 Jacks and Caferro, The Spinelli of Florence, 115-214 documents Tommaso Spinelli’s donations to Santa Croce.

59 Barbara Scantamburlo, “ La Formazione e Gli Anni Fiorntini: All’Ombra del Cantiere della Sagrestia Delle Messe in Santa Maria del Fiore ,” in La Tarsia Rinascimentale Fiorentina (Pisa: PACINIeditore, 2003), 20-23. See also Jacks and Caferro, The Spinelli of Florence , 167-168, figures 71 and 72.

60 See also Amanda Lillie’s study of the Strozzi family in Florentine Villas in the Fifteenth Century: An Architectural and Social History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005) and James S. Ackerman, The Villa: Form and Idology of Country Houses (New York: Thames and Hudson, 1990).

61 Merkel, Notizie bibliografiche – I beni della Famiglia Pucci , 63-67. Footnote 5 on page 67 has an account of Palla Strozzi’s influence in Florentine politics. Ann Crabb, The Strozzi of Florence:

22 appended to the inventory of his estate, the majority of these agricultural land holdings were in the Val d’Elsa, the river valley southwest of Florence that held considerable strategic value as a territorial buffer against Florence’s historic rival, Siena, a rich and powerful city-state in constant economic and political conflict with the Medici and the allies.62 Puccio also acquired land closer to the city of Florence. Casignano, discussed at greater length in chapter six, was a small farm in the popolo of San Zanobi some five miles outside the city walls that Puccio purchased from the Bardi family in 1427.63

From an economic standpoint, this network of small farms, olive groves, granaries and vineyards in and around , , Castelnuovo, and

Castello di Coiano generated grain, cattle feed ( biade d’ogni ragione ), rye and barley

(orzo ), wine, oil, capers, and other fresh agricultural products that provided the family with fresh produce and could be sold as surplus.64 Viewed as a secure and obvious form of material identity, upper class and politically well-connected Florentines actively invested surplus capital in farmland, rendering an already wealthy segment of society agriculturally self-sufficient. 65 As Giovanni Rucellai (1403-1481) explains in his

Zibaldone , diversification into sharecropping worked as a hedge against economic and

Widowhood and Family Solidarity in the Renaissance (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2000) notes that the banker Palla Strozzi reported fifty-four farms and thirty houses in his catasto of 1427.

62 Socrate Isolani, La Villa di Uliveto in Valdelsa (Castelfiorentino: Tipografia Giovannelli e Carpitelli, 1928), 16-17 includes an account of the ongoing enmity between Florence and Siena.

63 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 387, insert 3, unpaginated is an account of Puccio’s landholdings.

64 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 387, insert 3, lists the agricultural production of these estates. Various documents note the exchange ( in barato ) of a vineyard for grain and of grain for other services. Grazia Gobbi Sica begins her chapter on the “Origins and Development of the Villa” in The Florentine Villa: The Architecture History Society (Oxon: Routledge, 2007), 9 with a discussion of the feudally inspired manorial order.

65 Sica, The Florentine Villa, 11-12 discusses the material identity of rural landholdings by Florentine patricians.

23 political uncertainty: “Therefore, I like neither all money nor all possessions, but some in this and some in that, and placed in different areas.” 66 Equally evident from the Pucci payment records is the family’s deployment of these agricultural resources as payments-in-kind for goods and services that included the architectural and decorative work they contracted to aggrandize their patrimonial estates. 67

As important as these rural sharecropping arrangements were to the family’s physical wellbeing was the security afforded by the physical and visual continuity of an increasingly self-contained landscape. A virtual network of estates, the Pucci properties advertised their physical and symbolic command over a particularly strategically important area of southern Tuscany. Castelnuovo, which bordered Coiano on one side and Granaiolo on the other, were properties acquired by Puccio and his heirs accessed by the same road (fig. 3).68 Taking their cue from the martial defense afforded by the feudal manor system of the previous century, these large blocks of contiguous properties amounted to a buffer zone stretched across politically sensitive areas south of

Florence, where the city’s historical enmity with Siena continued to play itself out.

History validated Puccio’s decision to build up a presence in this region of southwest

Tuscany. The Pucci estates in the Val d’Elsa were at the vortex of the pro-Guelph

66 See Giovanni Rucellai ed il suo Zibaldone, vol. 2, A Florentine Patrician and His Palace , F.W. Kent, Alessandro Perosa, Brenda Preyer, Piero Sanpaolesi, Roberto Salvini, and Nicolai Rubinstein (London: The Warburg Institute, 1981 ). Rucellai’s explanation of his strategy for hedging his economic investments is also quoted in Sica, The Florentine Villa, 13.

67 This study establishes that Giuliano da Sangallo, Baccio da Montelupo, Baccio D’Agnolo and the workshop managed by Antonio da Sangallo the Younger all received compensation from the Pucci in the form of agricultural products.

68 In addition to Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 609, an inventory of Cardinal Lorenzo’s holdings in southern Tuscany at the time of his death in 1531, there is another account of the family’s agricultural patrimony in unpublished ASF, MGR 387, insert 3.

24 towns in and around the valley just to the north of the pro-Ghibelline territories allied with Siena and commandeered by Pandolfo Petrucci in 1487, overtaken by French and

Imperial forces following his death in 1512, and ultimately defeated by Duke Cosimo de’ Medici, who officially purchased control of the city from the Spanish in 1557. 69

The area was also considered of strategic importance by the pro-Medici Imperial troops during the Siege of Florence in 1529-1530. 70

Il Maxerizie da Uliveto in 1449

The most important of Puccio’s portfolio of properties in the Val d’Elsa was the land on which he built a fortified garrison known as Uliveto (fig. 4). Sited on the road to Siena between Montesportoli and Castelfiorentino in the heart of this fertile colle , the farmland (poderetto chiamatto Uliveto ) on which Puccio constructed the castello of

Uliveto was purchased in 1424 from Giovanni di Bartolomeo da Monte Arone.71

Named for the olive groves surrounding the property, the fattoria of Uliveto in the

69 The bibliography on the history of this region includes F. Benelli and P. Rossi, Lo scenario storico della Valdelsa , in M.S.V . 249/250, XCIV (1988); S. Borghini, Castelfiorentino: un castello valdesano nel Basso Medioevo (Societa Storica della Valdelsa, 1989); M. Cioni, Sommario della storia di Castlefiorentino , M.S.V . 17, VI (1898); and G. Mori, Storia di Castelfiorentino , vol. 4. (Castelfiorentino: Pacini Editore, 1997).

70 Isolani, La Villa di Uliveto in Valdelsa , 25-26. Isolani dates the construction of Uliveto to 1424 but this is the year that the property was purchased; in the catasto of 1427 the property is still described as a small farm.

71 AP, Miscellanea, no. 144, fasc. 2, c. 1 r. See also Merkel, Notizie bibliografiche – I beni della Famiglia Pucci, 63. The inventory also covers the Pucci property in Uliveto and dates the purchase of the land in Uliveto to 1424 from one “ Giouanni di Bartolomeo da Monte Arone ” (sic) and makes note of the notary in the “ carta per mano di ser Chanaffo da Chastelfiorentino, a chontrattj, a libro X.95. 170 .” Puccio’s catasto of 1427, on the other hand, describes the property as “ un podere a castello fiorentino Popolo Santa Lucia con casa da lavoratore, e capanna .” APF, Miscellanea, no. 144 fasc. 2.c l r. The fattoria is identified as Oliveto (Uliveto) in other family documents. Unpublished, ASF, MGR 383 includes an inventory of Uliveto made in 1612 when Puccio’s line of the family died out. By this time, Uliveto was furnished with a room designated for the pope ( nella camera del papa ), as was the family villa known as Granaiolo, which is also described in an inventory dated 1613 in this same collection of documents.

25 Comune di Castelfiorentino sits high on a hill overlooking the river valley connecting

Florence with Siena. As with Puccio’s weapons room in the city, the turreted stronghold gives architectural expression to Puccio’s role as an armed defender of

Medici interests. 72 A strategic outpost fitted with fortified curtain walls, four projecting watchtowers, and an underground escape route, the castello was host to a visit in 1432 by the Sigismund (1368-1437) during his march across the Val d’Elsa in the company of the duke of Milan, an event that implies a completion date for the oldest part of the building sometime between 1427 when Puccio filed a catasto describing the property as a simple farm, and 1432, when it appears to have been occupied by the emperor’s retinue.73

While the tax declaration filed by Puccio in 1427 still describes Uliveto as a podere , the inventory of his possessions made at the time of his death twenty-two years later lists the contents of the manor house within the turreted stronghold that still

72 Merkel, Notizie bibliografiche – I beni della Famiglia Pucci, 63 provides the location of the property. As one scholar explains the situation: “Florence was nearly constantly at war between 1390 and 1454, except in the decade 1414-1423.” On pp. 194-195 Najemy lists the Florentine wars leading up to the factional divisions between the ruling oligarchy and the Medici that dominated the 1420s and 30s, a fiscal crisis that necessitated the introduction of the catasto and the Dowry Fund. These included war with the Visconti until the signing of a peace agreement in 1398 that was broken in 1428. The establishment of regional hegemony by Florence as the capital of a regional empire was established with the conquest of Montepulciano (1404), the brutal siege of Pisa (1406), the purchase of Cortona from King Ladislaus of (1411), and the purchase of Livorno from (1421)” (Najemy, A History of Florence, 188).

73 Isolani, La Villa di Uliveto in Valdelsa, 34. Isolani gives an account of the occupation of this territory in 1432 and the presence of Tolentino and the Holy Roman Emperor at Uliveto. Isolani is also cited in an unpublished thesis by Stella Conti and Andrea Tesi, “ Il Castello di Uliveto a Castel Fiorentino: Rilievi e studi per un intervento di restauro,” (Tesi di Laurea in Restauro Architettonico , Universita Degli Studi di Firenze, Facolta Di Architettura, 2001-2002). Their study, focused on the architectural restoration of the building, makes note of the history of the castello . See also Claudio Rendina, I capitani di ventura (Rome: Newton Compton, 1999) for the life and career of Niccolo Maurizi, better known as Niccol ò da Tolentino, who served as the head of the Florentine armies from 1423 to 1434. My thanks to the current owners of Uliveto, Carlo Borgeoli and his daughter Caterina, for access to the palazzo and for providing me with information on its provenance.

26 presides over the surrounding countryside (maxerizie da Uliveto ). 74 Unfortunately, neither Puccio’s tax declarations nor the catalogue of his worldly belongings reveal the name of the architect of the castello . Massimo Ricci has persuasively argued that the oldest parts of the structure – the exterior crenellated walls and the cluster of apartments on the northern side of the castello – are attributable to Filippo

Brunelleschi, singling out the sophisticated brickwork, cleverly engineered clock tower, and underground passageway as Brunelleschian innovations.75 He has also noted the architectural conceit of the cantilevered in the interior courtyard as an element more likely produced by Brunelleschi than any other architect of the age. Ricci’s speculation as to the architect of the defensive ramparts also takes into account their structural conformity with the military architecture elsewhere in Tuscany designed by

Brunelleschi, whose lifelong interest in urban and rural defense systems has long been overlooked. Between 1424 and 1427 Brunelleschi was engaged in a series of missions aimed at reinforcing the structural fortifications in the Val d’Arno in and around Pisa,

Castellina, Staggia and Rencina. Brunelleschi’s reorganization of the Florentine militia was a response to the threat of invasion by Milan and a succession of assignments designed to buttress the city’s defenses against war with the neighboring territory of

Siena to the south and Lucca to the north. 76 There are obvious architectural similarities between his design for the new Rocca and Torre of Vicopisano Brunelleschi

74 AP, Miscellanea, no. 144, fasc. 2, c. 1 r. and Merkel, Notizie bibliografiche – I beni della Famiglia Pucci, 54-63.

75 See also Massimo Ricci, Il genio di Filippo Brunelleschi e la costruzione della cupola di Santa Maria del Fiore (Livorno: Sillabe, 2014).

76 Eugenio Battisti’s study Filippo Brunelleschi (Milan: Electa, 1976) also includes a general discussion of Brunelleschi’s work on fortifications, (pp. 230-47), a study of Brunelleschi’s fortifications in Signe outside of Pisa to the Chianti region in the south (pp. 308-20), and the citadel near Pisa (pp. 235-37).

27 constructed in 1434, for example, and the stone watch towers and high crenelated ramparts ringing the nucleus of Uliveto.

A closer visual examination of other stylistic elements on the interior of the building, on the other hand, makes clear that the vaulted loggia and the stately apartments lining the southern end of the building were later fifteenth-century improvements (fig. 5a). Comparisons with family inventories and payment records to other Renaissance artisans confirm that these additions were the first of the numerous stages by which the building was adapted from a utilitarian fortification with defensive ramparts to an increasingly luxurious suburban villa fit for entertaining dignitaries and princely deputations. The family’s engagement of Michelozzo di Bartolomeo to design and oversee the construction of the family chapel in Santissima Annunziata in Florence lends additional support to consideration of the stylistic similarities between the loggia and the rooms behind the cortile in Uliveto and Michelozzo’s residential renovations elsewhere in Tuscany. Differences in the depth of the walls and the slight step between the pavement on the courtyard the floor of the loggia are other signs that this wing of the building was an amendment to the castello’s original plan, a rectangular block wrapped around an open-air interior courtyard (fig. 5b).

As in Cafaggiolo and Trebbio, the two in the mountainous northern valley of Tuscany where Michelozzo also adapted pre-existing structures, the classical trope of an internal atrium has been inserted into a crenellated shell with a distinctly medieval feel (fig. 6). 77 Uliveto shares with other of Michelozzo’s designs an

77 Ackerman, “The Early Villas of the Medici,” 66 describes the Medici villas in the . Ottavio Morisani, Michelozzo architetto (Turin: Giulio Einaudi editore, 1951), 42-43 discusses the architect’s work on the Medici villas. In 1434 Michelozzo accompanied Cosimo de’ Medici into exile in Venice.

28 irregularly shaped courtyard whose spatial incongruities include an arcade on only one of its sides (fig. 5b). 78 The all’antica courtyard decorated with heraldic carvings and over-doors fitted with niches for statuary are other features of the building reminiscent of Michelozzo’s designs for Cafaggiolo, Careggi, and Trebbio that is equally conspicuous in the courtyard of his design for Palazzo Medici in Florence. The fortified garden also echoes essential architectural elements of Michelozzo’s improvements at the Medici villa at Trebbio, probably rebuilt in the 1420s or early 1430s, where the older stone bastions surrounding the residential section of the estate were modified to accommodate more spacious living quarters and access to the gardens.79 Not until his work on the Medici villa at Fiesole in the 1450s when he designed the building fa çades to access the views and terraced plantings did Michelozzo break from the typology of the fortified villa established by the oldest Medici villas in northern Tuscany.80

78 Jacks and Caferro, The Spinelli of Florence , 120 make note of a similar asymmetrical configuration in Michelozzo’s design for Palazzo Spinelli.

79 Sica, The Florentine Villa , 46 describes Michelozzo’s expansion of the pre-existing building at Trebbio. Amanda Lillie, Florentine Villas in the Fifteenth Century, 109 makes note of the renovations to Trebbio and Cafaggiolo. A thorough study of the evolution of Italian country villas in the Renaissance is contained in Howard Burns, La villa italiana del el Rinascimento, Forma e funzione delle residenze di campagna, dal castello alla villa palladiana (Venice: Colla Editore, 2012). See also James S. Ackerman, “The Early Villas of the Medici,” in The Villa: Form and Ideology of Country Houses (London: Thames and Hudson, 1995).

80 Lillie, Florentine Villas in the Fifteenth Century , 71 notes that the design of the façade of the Medici villa opening onto the gardens at Fiesole (built between 1453 and 1457) represents a point of departure from the older defensive typology of Careggi. Ackerman, “The Early Villas of the Medici,” 78 also discusses this aspect of the design of the villa at Fiesole. Christoph Frommel, on the other hand, attributes the Medici villa in Fiesole to in his study a Fiesole e la nascità della villa rinascimentale , in Architettura e committenza da Alberti a Bramante (Florence: Olschki, 2006). Fortified villas in the Renaissance are analyzed by Sabine Frommel, “ Piacevolezza e difesa: Peruzzi e la villa fortificata ,” in Baldassarre Peruzzi 1481- 1536 , ed. C.L. Frommel, A. Bruschi, H. Burns, F.P. Fiore, and P.N. Pagliara (: Centro Internazionale di Studi di Architettura Andrea Palladio, 2005): 333-351 and 597-606.

29 Beyond the quotation of a distinctive mixture of classicism with medieval crenellation and heavy rustication characteristic of Michelozzo’s renovations of the

Medici villas in the Mugello, the corbel at the corner of the courtyard in Uliveto where it meets the entryway is stylistically attributable to the architect’s work at San Marco in

Florence. Hanging at the end of the ribs supporting the vaulted ceiling over the covered loggia, the peducci decorating the center block of the castello are set on thick, un-fluted bases adorned with a simple egg and dart motif (fig. 7a). As is typical of floating architectural brackets, these corbels mirror the scrolled volutes on the Ionic capitals in the interior courtyard, virtually identical to those designed by Michelozzo for the cloister of the Dominican church he constructed between 1437 and 1444, and the capitals in the library interior, begun in 1442 (fig. 8b).81 The corbels in the cross- vaulted androne are considerably more refined than the simpler hanging brackets in the courtyard, suggesting that the architectural motifs in the entryway were by a different artisan at a later date. Since they are a close facsimile of the corbels in the refectory of

San Michele a in Florence attributed to Baccio d’Agnolo, a tentative attribution of the peducci in the vaulted entrance at Uliveto to an artisan associated with

Baccio’s workshop is also consistent with the discovery of Baccio’s work on Casa

Pucci in Florence in the first decade of the sixteenth century, a project examined in chapter four (fig. 7b). 82 Considerably more refined than the architectural elements installed in the courtyard, the body of the bracket has been elongated, a rosette has been

81 Morisani, Michelozzo architetto , figures 93 and 100.

82 Antonio Natali, (New York and London: Abbeville Press, 1999), 50, plate 37. It is worth noting the payment records for improvements at Uliveto dated to the period in which the family compensated Giuliano da Sangallo for his work at the Pucci villa in Casignano and the close collaboration of the Sangallo workshop with Baccio’s bottega in the early sixteenth century.

30 inserted over the banding running across the top, and a stringcourse of beading underlines the egg and dart decoration. Swags swinging from each of the “eyes” of the scrolls fold gracefully over a fluted neck.

In addition to these interventions, Puccio’s grandsons later reinforced the martial aspects of the original fortified-castle residence with the installation of terracotta statues of Roman emperors in the over-doors and niches running along the long cross-vaulted androne (fig. 9).83 A stylistic dating of these improvements to the first half of the sixteenth century is supported by written inventories of the building’s contents. While the account of its interior furnishings made in 1484 by Puccio’s son

Antonio describes an entryway fitted with four iron chandeliers, litigation filed by the widow of Antonio’s great-grandson Bali Roberto indicates that the tondi cut into the walls of the entryway featured by Raffaello da Montelupo (1505/6-1566/7). 84

83 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 383, contains an inventory of Uliveto dated to 1612. It documents a head of a Moor in terra cotta and four heads of emperors in terra cotta at the entrance to the “palazzo” in the Val d’Elsa. It also documents a room especially reserved for the pope’s visit to Uliveto. Insert 6 in this same folio lists the payments to Raffaello da Montelupo for Cardinal Roberto’s tomb in 1547, discussed in chapter seven. The Pucci family were repeat patrons of the Montelupo family of sculptors, both father and son. As Louis Waldman discusses in his article, “ The Patronage of a Favorite of Leo X,” 105-28, Raffaello d’Alessandro d’Antonio Pucci took over payments to Baccio Montelupo for the tomb commissioned by the of Pistoia, Niccolo Pandolfini, another Medici loyalist, at the time of his death in 1518. It is worth noting that the Pucci’s close association with the Pandolfini included completion of Villa Igno, the bishop’s palace in the rolling hills outside of Pistoia. Beginning in 1574 the Pucci also built the villa known as Bellosquardo at Signa where Villa Pandolfini is located. Waldman observes that Baccio (1468/69-in or before 1536) fabricated the Medici arms hanging from the corner of Palazzo Pucci in Florence. Raffaello da Montelupo, who was among the refugees in Castel Sant’Angelo with Cardinal Lorenzo and his cardinal nephew Antonio Pucci (Pastor, The History of the Popes from the Close of the Middle Ages , vol. 9, 395) fabricated a tomb for Cardinal Lorenzo Pucci in 1545 (Unpublished, ASF, MGR 391, insert 11) and another for his brother Roberto in 1547 (unpublished, ASF, MGR 383, insert 6, c. 68). Unpublished, ASF, MGR 391 also documents Pandolfo Pucci’s commission in 1547 to Raffaello da Montelupo for the sepulcher in which his father, Cardinal Roberto Pucci, was interred. Litigation filed by Ottavia Capponi, the widow of Bali Roberto, the last male member of this line of the family, identifies the terracotta emperors over the entrance to Uliveto as sculptures by Raffaello da Montelupo. In addition to these sculptures, the terra cotta in the chapel and the corner tabernacle outside the castello both bear a strong stylistic resemblance to works by Montelupo.

31 Whether some of the portrait busts still on display in the overdoors to the entryway to the castello are the original terracotta busts of Roman emperors is unclear, but in view of the family’s long-standing patronage of the Montelupo family of sculptors it is worth noting the stylistic affinities of the crucifix in the chapel in Uliveto and the tabernacle outside the castello walls, both of which appear to be original and badly in need of restoration, with the extensive sculptural repertoire of terracotta crucifixions fabricated in the Montelupo workshop (fig. 10).

The loggia on the south side of the trapezoidal courtyard, four bays formed by arches springing from Ionic columns, is complemented by classicizing sgrafitti incised with colored patterns and heraldic devices on the other walls typical of the fifteenth century (fig. 11). A visual device used to help balance the irregularly shaped space, the lively bichromy works to distract the viewer from the differing axis on the long sides of the courtyard. In referencing the hybridized vernacular of the oldest of the Medici villas, the fortified castle-typology at Uliveto relies on this transversal courtyard to access the living quarters within. From the 1449 inventory it is possible to ascertain that the original structure was limited to the ground floor rooms on the north side of the castello: a kitchen, store rooms, several communal spaces, and three separate bedrooms (fig. 12).85 Although the tally of furnishings does not provide a description of the original cucina , the list includes a great number of cooking utensils and an enormous amount of crockery, along with more than seventy bowls and plates,

84 The literature on Baccio Montelupo includes an article on his many crucifixes by Anne Markham Schulz, “An Unknown Crucifix by Baccio da Montelupo ,” Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorischen Institutes in Florenz 42 (1998): 190-97.

85 Merkel, Notizie bibliografiche – I beni della Famiglia Pucci, 55-62.

32 enough to feed a small army. 86 The catalogue also lists wine, oil, and fifty barrels for storing the olive oil produced in the fattoria below. There were three crossbows in one of the storerooms as well as an iron pitchfork and a rake. 87 Each of the separate sleeping quarters -- bedrooms designated for Puccio’s widow, Bartolomea di Tommaso

Spinelli, and two of her older sons, Antonio and Bartolomeo (1426-1512) -- was well stocked with linens and warm clothes. 88

While the terse terms of the inventory provide little in the way of material details about other aspects of Uliveto’s interiors, documentary and visual evidence of other agricultural estates owned by upper class Florentines suggests that the furniture and equipment stored at Uliveto mirrored its function, which was defensive and agricultural in equal measure. Generally regarded as a means of channeling capital into a more stable form of savings, country estates in the first half of the Quattrocento were typically furnished simply and conservatively. 89 The inventory supports the practice among Florentines wealthy enough to maintain a country estate of keeping little in the way of expensive furniture and artwork in the country, reserving valuable belongings for display in the city.90 Aside from mattresses and bed-stands, one of which was in the kitchen, the clerk who administered the inventory of Uliveto recorded three daybeds

86 Merkel, Notizie bibliografiche – I beni della Famiglia Pucci, 58-59.

87 Merkel, Notizie bibliografiche – I beni della Famiglia Pucci, 52.

88 Merkel, Notizie bibliografiche – I beni della Famiglia Pucci , 55-62.

89 Lillie, Florentine Villas in the Fifteenth Century , 9 discusses the economic motivations behind territorial association and repeatedly notes in her study of the Strozzi villas in the fifteenth century that lavish display was not a primary objective (p. 103). Moreover, the tax records of these estates carry few hints of grandeur or formality either inside or out.

90 Lillie, Florentine Villas of the Fifteenth Century , 144 notes that the Strozzi and other prominent Florentine families prioritized their urban lives and displayed their important artifacts at their homes in the city.

33 (lettiera ), two built-in storage chests ( predelle ) two stools, several chandeliers, baskets, a few tables, and three desks. 91 There were also three wooden chests ( cassoni) in

Bartolomea’s room and two old treasure chests where the family stored three small forks, ten new tablecloths ( appicchate ) and no fewer than seventy napkins

(touagliolini).92 These chests were also used for storage of other table linens and shawls, as well as Bartolomea’s many articles of clothing. 93 There was another cassone in her room where the inventory of the family possessions documents a strongbox and a devotional image of the Virgin Mary. 94

While the standards for country living were more relaxed than those in the city, the decision by Puccio’s son Antonio to add a new wing to his fortified house and furnish these grander living quarters more formally was consistent with the shift toward a less defensive and more refined content of rural patrimony beginning in the second half of the fifteenth century. 95 Moreover, the litany of illustrious visitors to the palazzo over the course of the Renaissance gives evidence of its increasing social import. The family archive records a visit of Pope Julius II in 1512 for which the palazzo interiors

91 Merkel, Notizie bibliografiche – I beni della Famiglia Pucci, 55-62.

92 Merkel, Notizie bibliografiche – I beni della Famiglia Pucci, 57.

93 Merkel, Notizie bibliografiche – I beni della Famiglia Pucci, 57.

94 Merkel, Notizie bibliografiche – I beni della Famiglia Pucci, 56-57.

95 Sica, The Florentine Villa, traces these developments in chapter three of her work “Typological Research and Renaissance Treatises,” 37-61, noting the increasing awareness of Roman literary sources and their incorporation into architectural theories of the period.

34 were adorned with gold brocade and other sumptuous decorations. 96 Given the expulsion of the Medici from Florence and the refusal of the Florentines to join the papal league until August of 1512, it is likely that the visit was staged late in the year.97

Over the years the flat-towered stronghold also counted both Medici popes among its renowned guests. 98 The elegant epitaph on the chapel wall penned by Puccio’s grandson Cardinal Antonio Pucci commemorates a seventeen-day visit by Pope Paul III in 1538 and again in September 1541 (fig. 13). 99 In a world of high-stakes diplomacy,

Uliveto was a country retreat with important strategic implications for the Florentine state. Here the Pucci hosted some of the most powerful men of the age, representing both their house and the interests of the Florentine nation (fig. 14).

96 Unpublished. AP, filza 2, no. 2 Memoria of the Pucci family records the decorations commissioned for the visit to the castello by Pope Julius II, the pope who named Antonio’s son Lorenzo to the post of papal datary.

97 Pastor, The History of the Popes, volume 6, 420.

98 Isolani, La Villa di Uliveto in Valdelsa , 28-31 and ASF, Catasto 929, dated 1470 provide additional information about the Pucci Palazzo in Uliveto. Clement VII’s visit to Uliveto in 1533 is documented in S. Marconcini, “ Pontefici in Valdelsa ,” in Note sulla Valdelsa (Castelfiorentino: Tipografia Zanini, 1973). Clement’s host was Cardinal Antonio Pucci, whose brother Raffaello commissioned the interventions to the castello in 1532-33. There is a room in Uliveto with a canopied Renaissance bed reputedly occupied by Clement VII that is known as the camera del Papa .

99 Mario Bruschi, Lo Scalabrino, Sebastiano Vini e I Gimignani a Pistoia: Opere d’Arte Alla Villa di Igno e al Palazzo Vesovile (1507-1621) (Pistoia: 2014), 45 documents the visit of Paul III and the coat of arms ( un’arme ) painted for the occasion. Isolani, La Villa di Uliveto in Valdelsa, 29 notes Pope Paul III’s residency at Uliveto in 1541. The epigraph in the sacristy of the chapel at Uliveto reads: “ Memoriae aeternae/Paulus III. Pont. Max. An. Sal. M.D.XLI/Diebus XVII,/In Oliveto quiescens multoties/Hic sacra libavit .” The epigraph in the large salon on the ground floor reads: “ Suasori Pacis Paulo III Ponte.Ma./A Congressu Caesaris reduci/Pacis ut ad umbram quiesceret/Magnifica amoenitate plantarum/Oliveti hoc sacravit Hospitium/Antonius Pucci S.R.E. Card. Ma./Poenit./Anno M.D. LXI .” A letter in the Mediceo del Principato (Medici Granducal Archival Collection), ASF , dated September 3, 1541 documents the pope’s itinerary through Castelfiorentino, Fucecchio, and Lucca (unpublished ASF, MAP, vol. 3264, folio 38).

35

Figure 3. Santissima Annunziata in the Seventeenth Century, Archivio di Stato, Florence.

Chapter II. The Oratory of Saint Sebastian in Santissima Annunziata

In addition to the acquisition of the tract of arable land on which he built a fortified castello in southern Tuscany, Puccio Pucci followed in the footsteps of his father-in-law Tommaso di Leonardo Spinelli by committing himself to the improvements to the most important church in the parish where he lived and worshipped.100 Dedicated to the Virgin Mary, Santissima Annunziata is located at the head of Via dei Servi where Puccio and three of his brothers owned homes. The close association of the Pucci family with the Marian church is documented to March 21,

1404, if not before, when Puccio signed an agreement formalizing his financial support for the single-aisle basilica the Servites planned to build over the site of an existing

100 Jacks and Caferro, The Spinelli of Florence, 144-214.

36 medieval structure. 101 Orlando Ghini de’ Medici, Puccio’s neighbor and the owner of two houses on either side of the casa purchased by Puccio’s younger brother down the street, was among the four lay members of Santissima Annunziata involved in underwriting the Servite’s construction campaign.102 Bernardo Rossellino sculpted

Orlando de’ Medici’s tomb inside the church, down the aisle from the tabernacle designed by Michelozzo to house the miraculous of the Virgin Mary ( .

15).103

By the time construction began on the new basilica in 1444, the original patrons of the Servite’s new mother church had passed down their obligations for the building campaign to the next generation of donors. Piero di Cosimo de’ Medici (1416-1469) took over his father’s role as the order’s most prominent benefactor with an agreement to fund the cost of building the marble-clad Cappella della Nunziata at the entrance. 104

101 AP, Filza 7, no. 22 is an agreement entitled “ Pucci e Serviti di Firenze .” This document is also cited in Arnetoli, La Famiglia Pucci, 10. The financial commitment of the Pucci family to Santissima Annunziata is also documented in “ Convenzione di obligae justa patronale di S. Annunziata ,” a contract notarized by Giovanni Cecchi dated February 25, 1465 preserved in the family archives. Beverly Louise Brown , “ The Patronage and Building History of the Tribuna of SS. Annunziata in Florence: A Reappraisal in Light of New Documentation,” Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorischen Institutes in Florenz 25 (1981), 86 and document 23 also cites records preserved in the Archivio di Stato di Firenze: ASF, Corp. Sopp. 119, folio 227r, b58, Libro di spogli di Padre Tozzi : “ 1464 cappella delsoccorso cominciate da Puccio Pucci, ceduta al convento .” Brown also cites ASF, Corp. Soppr. 119, fol. 18r “ Libro delle memorie di Padre Biffoli, 1587 .” “ L’anno 1465 essendo Antonio di Puccio Pucci in practica dell’orotorio di S. Bastiano detto Antonio cede a frati ogni ragione del successo sopra la cappella del soccorso .”

102 Brown, "The Patronage and Building History of the Tribuna of SS. Annunziata in Florence,” 62. ASF, Corp. Sopp. 119, c. 696 also documents donations by Giovanni de’ Medici and a Medici in-law, Filippo Tornabuoni.

103 Waldman, “The Patronage of a Favorite of Leo X,” 114, figure 9 provides an image of the red and white marble tomb sculpted for Orlando de’ Medici by Bernardo Rossellino and his assistants after 1456. Anne Markham Schulz, The Sculpture of Bernardo Rossellino and his Workshop , (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1976) provides a full bibliography on the sculptor born in Settignano in 1409 and died in Florence in 1464.

104 S. Lang, “The Programme of the SS. Annunziata in Florence ,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 17 (1954): 288-300 begins her discussion of Michelozzo’s work beginning in 1444 with the

37 Puccio’s son Antonio also took up where his father’s obligations to the Servites left off and was chief among the distinguished Florentine families who followed Piero de’

Medici’s suit in underwriting the new basilica.105 Antonio’s original agreement called for construction of the chapel at the head of the circular tribunal that was slightly larger than the other apsidal ringing the circular oratory (fig. 16).106 Families who subscribed to the smaller chapels in the new tribunal included the Giocondo, who agreed to underwrite the chapel next to the Pucci; the Borromei, partners with Puccio’s father-in-law in their Roman bank; the da Rabatta, who owned a house down the street from the Pucci on Via dei Calderai; the Portinari, Medici bankers who traveled in the same social circles; the Rinieri; and (after 1456), the Romolo. 107

observation that Piero de’ Medici was acting on behalf of his father Cosimo in taking over general responsibiity for the building campaign. Beverly Louise Brown, "The Patronage and Building History of the Tribuna of SS. Annunziata in Florence,” 60 points out that Piero de’ Medici was only directly responsible for the tabernacle and the accompanying chapel. Casalini, Michelozzo di Bartolommeo e L’Annunziata di Firenze , 187, folio 174v MCCCCLIJ provides archival evidence for construction of Piero’s chapel: “ E a di detto undici, s. tredici porto e detto per gli embrici del tetto della capella di Piero di Cosimo, a uscita c. 161, lire xj. S. xiij … 72.17.9 .” A.SS.A.F., Campione Nero ed Anticagle , the master book of the administration of the debits and credits of Santissima Annunziata in Florence, is cited by Eugenio M. Casalini, Michelozzo di Bartolommeo e L’Annunziata di Firenze (Convento della SS. Annunziata, 1995) and includes a transcription of the Ragione dirimpetto . This entry is one example of the relationship between Medici patronage of the church and the Pucci: “ Paolo di Francesco de’avere per saldo fatto d’acordo co’llui questo di 2 di dicembre lire settantadue, s. diciasette, d. 9 sono per 1312 embrici a mandato da di primo di settembre 1452 a tutto di 2 dicembre detto, a lire 5, s. 10 el cento, per tetto della capella di Santo Bastiano, de’quali embrici dugento ne sono messi in sul tetto della capella di Piero di Cosimo, e quali costorono lire 5, s. 17 el cento … lire lxxij. S. 17, d. 9 .” For Medici control of the miraculous image of the Virgin see Diane Finiello Zervas, “ ’quos volent et eo modo quo volent ’: Piero de’ Medici and the Operai of ss. Annnunziata, 1445-55,” in Florence and Italy: Renaissance Studies in Honour of Nicolai Rubenstein , ed. Peter Denley and Caroline Elam (London: Committee for Medieval Studies, Westfield College, University of London, 1988), 465-479.

105 Brown, "The Patronage and Building History of the Tribuna of SS. Annunziata in Florence,” 62 makes note of Antonio di Puccio Pucci’s pledge to contribute to the building campaign by agreeing to fund construction of the new main chapel in the . Tozzi, Memorie della Chiesa, 35n provides evidence of Puccio’s involvement in the church: “ Antonio di Puccio Pucci … cede ogni ragione, ch’egli havesse sopra la Cappella della Vergine dietro al Coro, detta la Madonna del Soccorso. Condotta gia da Puccio suo Padre .”

106 Brown, "The Patronage and Building History of the Tribuna of SS. Annunziata in Florence,” 62.

107 Brown, "The Patronage and Building History of the Tribuna of SS. Annunziata in Florence,” 68.

38 Paying for the Pucci chapel in Santissima Annunziata and its related liturgical and economic commitments was a family affair. While the inventory of Antonio’s possessions made on his deathbed lists two notarized agreements with the Pollaiuolo brothers, one in 1463 for an unidentified project and another in 1474, the date the altarpiece was delivered to the oratory, the record of the Entrate e Uscite del

Camerlingo adds Antonio di Puccio’s son Puccio (1452/3-1494) to the list of contributors to the church coffers. 108 Puccio d’Antonio’s substantial contribution to

Santissima Anunziata in 1474 poses the possibility that the altarpiece’s martial iconography relates at least as closely to his role in the Florentine armed forces as his father’s suppression of various anti-Medici uprisings. Commessario of Faenza, Puccio’s correspondence with the captain of the Medici-supported armies has been preserved, tense missives during the stressful years leading up to the expulsion of the Medici from

Florence that may have contributed to his premature death in 1494. Puccio’s involvement in important matters of state is further attested to in a letter written regarding the negotiation of the 3,000 ducati d’oro involved in the marriage contract involving mna Biancha al Ser. Mo Re d’Romani , by which Puccio refers to Bianca

108 Unpublished, ASF, Carte Strozziane 341, Serie Prima, c. 40 and 44 is Antonio Pucci’s last will and testament. This document includes notations of a transaction concluded with Pollaiuolo in 1463 and another payment made in 1464 infino that are not annotated as payments related to the altarpiece for the family oratory in Santissima Annunziata delivered ten years later. Unpublished, ASF, Corp. Sopp. 119, folio 695, c.1a and 4a document payments to the church of 550 florins dated to July 1474 and another 360 florins in January 1474 from Puccio d’Antonio. ASF, Corp. Sopp. 119, folio 695, Entrate e Uscite del Camarlingo , c. 63b, November1474 documents the payment by Antonio: “ Antonio Pucci per parte da … due tappeti y 56 .” This payment is also cited by Wright, p. 467f 127: “ A Antonio Pucci a di 11 detto (novembre) fiorini dieci larghi sono per parte di fiorini 50 o circha avere della chasa di p[agamento[ di due tappeti si comperorono dallui per la sagrestia e per lui porto Piero di Jacopo dipintore a quaderno di chasa p[?resente] c. 53 e a l-go [libro giallo] cc. 19 a libro rosso c. 135 .”

39 Sforza of Milan, the third wife of the Holy Roman Emperor, Maximilian I. 109 Puccio’s own marriage to Gerolama Farnese in 1483, the sister of Alessandro Farnese (1468-

1549), known as Cardinale prior to his ascension to the papal throne as Pope Paul III in 1534, involved a similarly impressive dowry approaching

5,000 scudi .110

Other members of the Pucci family were important contributors to the church.

The Libro del camerlingo (sic) records a series of large payments to Santissima

Annunziata in 1472 from Antonio’s younger brother, Bartolommeo di Puccio (1426-

1512), who also served as gonfaloniere di giustizia. 111 Bartolommeo’s contributions to the church coffers totaled 917 lire in 1472 and were followed by a similar expenditure a year later. Since the church accounts also record a payment of 166 lire to Giuliano da

Maiano in 1472, Bartolommeo’s payments may have related to the decorative woodcarving the Maiano workshop produced for the chapel and the sacristy.112 In 1478,

Giuliano da Maiano was paid for a wooden reliquary tabernacle of Saint Sebastian.113

109 Unpublished, ASF, Carte Strozziane 352, Serie Prima, “ Lettere Scritte a Mr. Puccio Pucci commessario a Faenza, ” November 16, 1493.

110 Unpublished, AP, Filza 2 records that Gerolama’s dote of 4,897 ( scudi ) was paid from the bank of SS. Agnolo in Bologna by her father PierLuigi di Farnese.

111 Unpublished, ASF, Corp. Sopp. 119, folio 196 (1451-1470), “ Questo Libro e de frati capitol e convento di Santa Maria de Servii di Firenze ,” 55a and 55b: “ Giuliano di Nardo da Maiano legnaiuolo deve dare 166 lire .”

112 Unpublished, ASF, Corp. Sopp. 119, folio 196, 55a and 55b: “ Bartolomeo di Puccio d’Antonio Pucci deve dare …” His payments to the church in 1473 are listed on p. 111a and 111b. For Bartolomeo’s distinguished career see Litta, “ Pucci di Firenze ,” vol. 15, table III.

113 Tozzi, Memorie della Chiesa, 51. Wright also cites the payment document for the tabernacle as ASF, Corp. Sopp. 119, folio 1048 ( Ricevute da 1477 al 1481 ), ff. 60r, 96r and ( Debitori e Creditori, Libro Giallo, Segnato C ), 106r, published by von Fabriczy, “Giuliano da Sangallo,” 170. Wright also summarizes the literature on the tabernacle on page 467, ff. 117: “The documents state that Benedetto da Maiano was paid, ‘ per manifattura e dipintura d’uno tabernacolo ci a fatto per la erelequia di Sancto Bastiano’, ‘con un pidistallo.’ Benedetto da Maiano’s document of receipt (ASF Corp. Sopp. 119, folio

40 In that same year, another of Antonio’s sons, Piero, delivered a payment of 5 florins to

Santissima Annunziata. 114 While again the format of the fifteenth-century church payment records does not specify the wood tabernacle for the reliquary of the saint’s arm displayed on the altar as a Pucci commission, the family signed a contract in 1597 in which the church conceded their right to house the reliquary, provided they gave the prior and the sacristan a key to the chapel and free access to the oratory. 115

Other of Antonio’s brothers, cousins, and uncles were contributors to the Marian church. In 1469 Saracino Pucci commissioned a floor tomb in the oratory from

Bernardo di Simone de Fiesole scharpellatore (sic) , the stonemason documented as working on the houses the Pucci were building for the Servites on the piazza facing the church.116 Cosimo di Silvestro Pucci’s gifts to the frati were recorded by the

1048, f 96r): also, published by Bulman, ‘Artistic Patronage’, chapter 2, referring to ‘ manifattura e dipintura d’un braccio di San Bastiano chonn un pidistalla ’.”

114 Unpublished, ASF, Corp. Sopp. 199, folio 697, c. 7b records the payment by Piero Pucci in 1478. This same payment book records payments to the da Maiano workshop. On c. 24a, for example, there is a payment for a laborer in the workshop: Giuliano da Maiano ad decembre 1477 addi detto 11 fflorini … per Giuliano di Simone lavori di legname and on c. 21b Stefano d’Antonio da Maiano is paid per vetura di legna .

115 Tozzi, Memorie della Chiesa, 51 cites the contract notarized by Ser Domenico di Ser Matteo di Ser Battista (Libro 3 Contratti a 144) conceding to the Pucci family the right to display the reliquary in their chapel providing they gave a copy of the key to the prior. Wright, The Pollaiuolo Brothers , 467, f. 117: “By a contract of 1597 (also mentioned by Andreucci, Il Fiorentino , p. 142) the relic is said to be kept in a luogo honorato in the oratory of which both the friars and the Pucci held the key. The document, which also concerns masses for deceased Pucci benefactors, is preserved as ASF Not. Moderno, Protocolli 5466, f. 29v. By the late nineteenth century the reliquary, which had been remade in copper and then again in silver in 1608, had returned to the sole possession of the friars and was housed in the sacristy of the church.”

116 Unpublished, ASF, Corp. Sopp. 119, folio 692, September 1470, c. 80b and 84b are payments for the tomb. On c. 11 there is a payment of lire 60 soldi X to the same stonemason for a new table for the garden. Unpublished, ASF, Corp. Sopp. 119, folio 692, c. 51b are the payments for the house. Payments for Saracino’s sepulcher are also documented in folio 691, (1469-72). c. 2, August 17, 1469: “L’Opera e aconcime della chiesa fiorini otto larghi e quali porto Francesco di Simone da Fiesole scharpellatore sono per parte di lire 120 debba avere per fare una lapida di marmo alla sepultura di Saracino Pucci, portò lui decto al quaderno di chi porto, c.l ... l.45 s.12 .” On c. 4b, 6 September, 1469: “ L’Opera di chiesa, cioe alla sepultura si fa per Saracino Pucci fiorini sei larghi e quali danari porto Bernardo di

41 chamberlain’s office in August of 1477. 117 Antonio’s youngest brother, Dionigi (1442-

1494), made contributions to Santissima Annunziata of 6 lire in May 1473, October

1476, and again in May 1477. 118 An intimate of both Piero de’ Medici and his more distinguished son, Il Magnifico, Dionigi was elected gonfaloniere, named commissario in the Florentine wars against Siena, Genoa, and Faenza, and served as ambassador to

Naples. 119 He was also closely involved in Piero de’ Medici’s transformation of Piazza

Santa Croce into a wonderland for the entry of Francesco Giovan Galeazzo Sforza of

Milan (1401-1466) into Florence in 1459, a diplomatic triumph over a long-standing enemy. 120 In view of Dionigi’s donations to the church in 1476, it is worth noting that in October of that same year the camerlengo paid Piero del Pollaiuolo 1 lire and 3 soldi; two months later, the same church official compensated Giuliano da Maiano 28 lire and

10 soldi for another unspecified assignment. 121 The chamberlain’s records also record a

Simone da fiesole, sono per parte di piu opere a messo a lavorare detta lapida, al quaderno di chi porta, c. 1... l.34 s.4. ” On c. 9 A: “ Bernardo di Simone da Fiesole adi decto (October, 30, 1469), lire trentanove s. sedici sono per resto d’una sepultura a facta alla casa per Saracino Pucci , assi a sbattere el maestero della muratura, porto decti denari Bernardo decto, al quaderno, c. 2 l. 39 s.16 .” I am indebted to Doris Carl for sharing her transcriptions of these payments with me and for her generous help with this material.

117 Unpublished, ASF, Corp. Sopp. 119, folio 697, c. 18b is Cosimo di Silvestro’s payment.

118 Unpublished, ASF, Corp. Sopp. 119, folio 196. The donations on c. 55a and 55b relate to Bartolomeo’s contributions in 1472 and the entries on c. 111a and 111b relate to 1473. Dionigi’s payment in 1477 is recorded in Unpublished, ASF, Corp. Sopp. 119, folio 696 (1476-1477), c. 6b.

119 Litta, “Pucci di Firenze ,” vol. 15, table IV. In 1477 Dionigi was elected podesta of Castelfiorentino, the Tuscan province associated with the Pucci castello of Uliveto, but his next assignment, as commissario of Faenza, landed him in prison when the population revolted against Florentine domination. Dionigi was rewarded for his service to the Florentine republic when he was named gonfaloniere di giustizia in 1491, three years before his death.

120 Litta, “Pucci di Firenze ,” vol. 15, table IV.

121 Unpublished, ASF, Corp. Sopp. 119, folio 696 (1476-1477), c. 28b is the payment to Piero del Pollaiuolo. In July 1476 another member of the Pollaiuolo workshop, Garbriello di , was paid 4 lire and 6 soldi (22a); c. 31b records the payment to Giuliano da Maiano.

42 payment to for a cross and a diadema in January 1476. 122 While the patron of these precious liturgical objects is again not identified, Dionigi’s donations position the Pucci as likely candidates for the commission. More significant was the 2,000 scudi set aside in Dionigi’s will to cover the costs of the tomb he wanted to build in the family mausoleum. 123

The History of the Construction Project

On October 18, 1444, Bishop Biago Molin, the Patriarch of Jerusalem, who was in Florence for the ecumenical council aimed at uniting the Eastern and Western

Churches, celebrated a mass in honor of the laying of the cornerstone for the conversion of the medieval structure into the Order’s new mother church (fig. 17 and 18).124 The

122 Unpublished, ASF, Corp. Sopp. 119, folio 696 (1476-1477), c. 33b records the payment to Antonio del Pollaiolo.

123 Wright, The Pollaiuolo Brothers , 467, f. 124 cites ASF, Corp. Sopp. 119, folio 59, section 6, f. 7r for the bequest related to Dionigi’s tomb that she believes was never built. Unpublished, AP, filza 7 is the codicil to the will of Dionigi di Puccio d’Antonio dated 1492. In this codicil, Dionigi left 1,000 scudi to Santissima Annunziata for his new sepulcher. (ASF, Corp. Sopp. 119, folio 59, section 6, f. 7r, 1482 is cited by Wright, The Pollaiuolo Brothers , 467, ff. 124). Dionigi and his wife Giovanna commissioned Perugino’s Crucifixion in the chapter house of the church of Santa Maria Maddalena de’ Pazzi during this same period. (The literature on the church and its contents includes Alison Luchs, Cestello; a Cistercian Church of the Florentine Renaissance (New York: Garland Publishing Co., 1977). Unable to obtain space in the oratory of Santissima Annunziata, Dionigi’s nephew, Francesco di Giovanni, left careful instructions in his last will and testament for the painting he commissioned for one of the wall chapels of San Michele Visdomini, the parish church across the street from the Pucci compound further down Via dei Servi. Pontormo’s altarpiece of the Holy Family, painted in 1518, the year of Francesco’s death, featured a lyrical and unorthodox treatment of the Madonna and Child with Lateral . Innovatively drawing on the angle of the Virgin’s head and her pointed fingers, its composition highlights the fact that , with his gaze focused on heaven above, is cradling the Christ Child. (See David Franklin, “A Document for Pontormo’s S. Michele Visdomini altar-piece,” The Burlington Magazine 132 (1990): 487-89). Documents regarding this commission are preserved in the Pucci Archives, filza 1, no. 2. Preparatory drawings for the Sacra Conversazione are preserved in the Uffizi as 8976S, 6551, 6520R. 6554FR, 6744FR, and 654E. Franklin notes that his analysis is based on the codicil to the first testament of Francesco Pucci, 9 June 1528, contained in ASF, Notarile Antecosimiano, G489, Giovanbatista d’Antonio da Terranuova, 1517-18, fols. 156b-157b. See also fol. 102b, 17 January 1516 for Francesco’s declared preference for a chapel dedicated to in Santissima Annunziata. The payment records are located in ASF, Archivio dell’Arcispedale di Santa Maria Nuova, 58889, Debitori e Creditori , Maestro Verde H, 1521-24, fol. 80 dare, in the entry dated June 13, 1521).

43 plan by Michelozzo di Bartolommeo, paid as disegnatore of the project earlier that same month, called for an alteration of the exiting fourteenth-century Gothic church into a new, single-aisle basilica. 125 Michelozzo also added an atrium with a porch to the medieval nave that he raised by 14 braccie.126 In January of that same year (Florentine dating) Pope Eugenius IV consecrated the altar at the head of the old square choir.

For the better part of a decade work proceeded on the corpo of the new structure: the tabernacle built to house the miraculous image of the Virgin, the presbytery, the lateral chapels, the Chiostro dei Voti, the Chiostro Grande, and the

Stanza dei Tedeschi for the fraternity of Flemish and German artists .127 Between 1444 and 1455 teams of contractors also made progress on building a new convent for the frati and an adjacent library. 128 However, following a survey of the costs and progress of the construction contracted in 1455 to Nencio di Lapo, the supervisor of the construction project, work on the rotunda was interrupted by the controversy over its

124 Brown, "The Patronage and Building History of the Tribuna of SS. Annunziata in Florence,” 65. This article provides a history of the building project in light of the criticisms to Michelozzo’s designs and the subsequent amendments to his plans. Brown outlines Michelozzo’s plan for the new church and on p. 65 cites ASF Corp. Sopp. 119, folio 3v, b59, the document in which Michelozzo is recorded as the disegnatore of the new cappella grande , the tabernacle, the sacristy and other parts of the new basilica. See also Robert Tavenor, On Alberti and the Art of Building (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1998), 149 for a discussion of Alberti’s mentor, the Patriarch of Jerusalem, and the two different tribunes designed for the Annunziata.

125 Eugenio Casalini, Michelozzo di Bartolommeo e L’Annunziata di Firenze (Florence: Convento della SS. Annunziata, 1995), 16-17 reviews the history of the building campaign and the blessing of the cornerstone by Bishop Biagio Molino, the Patriarch of Jeruselem.

126 Lang, “The Programme of the SS. Annunziata in Florence ,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, 288 describes Michelozzo’s proposed interventions to the medieval church.

127 Casalini, Michelozzo di Bartolommeo e L’Annunziata di Firenze , 16 and 20. ASF, Corp. Sopp.119, folio 688, f. 136r (10 ottobre 1444) is cited by Casalini, p. 11ff: “ spese de la fabrica de la capella grande, fior. due di chamera che Michelozzo disegnatore per fatica che uso e usa mentre che si lavora a disegnare a capella grande del la Nuntiata e la sagrestia e moltre alter fatiche .”

128 Brown, "The Patronage and Building History of the Tribuna of SS. Annunziata in Florence,” 72-3. See also Tavenor, On Alberti and the Art of Building , 149.

44 novel circular structure. 129 Referred to in the church building records as the tondo, this aspect of Michelozzo’s original design was eventually modified by Leon Battista

Alberti (1404-1472), who added new side-chapels to an arrangement of radiating chapels around the circular choir in order to improve circulation between the tribunal and the main body of the basilica. 130

It may well be that Antonio Pucci’s decision to build the oratory dedicated to

Saint Sebastian related to the recognition of the flaws in Michelozzo’s plan for the main choir. Notwithstanding his claim to the centermost chapel behind the high altar,

Antonio di Puccio began funding construction of a much larger sanctuary than was originally called for in Michelozzo’s plan for a series of small chapels circling the choir behind the main altar. 131 As can be seen in the fifteenth-century illustration by the

129 On January 17, 1454 (Florentine dating) Nencio di Lapo summarized the work accomplished on the church and its costs (Brown, "The Patronage and Building History of the Tribuna of SS. Annunziata in Florence,” 74). After May 1460 work proceded under the direction of Antonio di Manetti Ciacchieri (Casalini, Michelozzo di Bartolommeo e L’Annunziata di Firenze, 26; Brown, "The Patronage and Building History of the Tribuna of SS. Annunziata in Florence,” 86; and Lang, “The Programme of the SS. Annunziata in Florence ,” 288). Casalini (11ff.) makes note of the conference held in 1977 in which Lang, Heidenreich, and Lotz contributed papers reconstructing the history of the tribunal. Since the official transfer of the main chapel behind the oratory from the Pucci back to the Servite friars did not take place until 1465, and the decorative program for their new chapel in an annex to the church did not begin until 1474, it appears that completion of their project for a new family mausoleum was bound up in the construction delays in completion of the main tribunal and the over the basilica. (Brown, "The Patronage and Building History of the Tribuna of SS. Annunziata in Florence,” 86).

130 Brown, "The Patronage and Building History of the Tribuna of SS. Annunziata in Florence,” 62 and Tavenor, On Alberti and the Art of Building , 149. See also A. Calzona, “ La tribuna della Santissima Annunziata di Firenze ,” in Leon Battista Alberti e l’architettura Leon Battista Alberti e l’architettura , Catalogo della mostra , ed. M. Bulgarelli, A. Calzona, M. Ceriana, F.P. Fiore, and Cinisello Balsamo (Venice: Silvana Editoriale, 2006): 402-17. The literature on the tribunal also includes Ludwig Heinrich Heidenreich, “ Die Tribuna der SS. Annunciata in Florenz ,” Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorischen Institutes in Florenz III (1930); W. Lotz, “ Michelozzo Umbau der SS. Annunziata in Florenz ,” Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorischen Institutes in Florenz V (1940): 401-422; and Piero Roselli , Coro e cupola della SS. Annunziata di Firenze (Florence: Universita degli Studi di Firenze, Architettura , 1971).

131 See ASF, Corp. Sopp. 119, folio 196 (1451-1470), 15b: “ Opera e fabrica della capella di San bastiano di havere adi 18 di Aprile 1451 .” In addition to these unpublished primary sources for the commencement of work on the oratory, the secondary literature on the Pucci chapel in SS. Annunziata also includes Maria Cecelia Fabbri’s study: “ La Sistemazione Seicentesca Dell’Oratorio di San

45 miniaturist Marco Rustici (where the oratory is penciled in to the right of the atrium), the chapel as it was built was an entirely separate rectangular annex to the eastern façade of the basilica (fig. 19). 132 Its arrangement as a small church unto itself, with a bell tower and a separate exit onto the piazza, was something of an architectural anomaly whose only Renaissance precedents were Brunelleschi’s sacristy in San

Lorenzo for Cosimo de’ Medici and the chapel he designed for the Pazzi family in

Santa Croce. 133 Unlike Brunelleschi’s religious architecture, however, Michelozzo’s longitudinal design does not aspire to a visual cohesion based on the geometric relationship of its parts. 134 Here the main body of the rectangular chapel divided by an arch on high pedestals relies on Michelozzo’s design for the sacristy of the main basilica (fig. 20 and 21).135 The north end of the Oratorio di San Sebastanio features a cappelletta , a raised floor currently centered with an altar capped by a small

Sebastiano Nella Santissima Annunziata ,” Rivista d’Arte (1992). Her research is focused on the seventeenth-century interventions to the chapel and relies on the documents contained in the Carte Riccardi and Carte Strozziane in the Archivio di Stato in Florence. Carte Strozziane 341, Serie Prima, Giungo 30 1605, c. 48 (26) r- 49v also sets out the instructions to Giovanni Battista Caccini and the sculptors engaged to decorate the chapel and fabricate the tombs for the three Pucci cardinals.

132 Casalini, Michelozzo di Bartolommeo e L’Annunziata di Firenze, 98: “ Nel 1450-51 si prolunga la muraglia esterna dell’altrio di m. 8,00 e quale e dell’Oratorio sopra la piazza; si alza il muro che e dirimpetto all’orto dello spedale degli , e quello … che risponde nell’antiporto, il quale e una parete di detta cappelletta; quindi si chiudue il quadrilatero con il muro che fa la testa verso el cimetero. La lunghezza complessiva di tre lati, esclusa la facciata, si puo avere con le 80 braccia di cornice che gira intorn le tre facce, cioe m. 46,40.”

133 Wright, The Pollaiuolo Brothers, 212 also discusses the architectural novelty of the Pucci chapel as di fuor chiesa . The door to the Pucci oratory is now ranked as one of the holy doors open during the Jubilee Year of Mercy.

134 Casalini, Michelozzo di Bartolommeo e L’Annunziata di Firenze, 97-98 identifies Michelozzo as the architect of the oratory and cites the relevant payment records. Lang, “The Programme of the SS. Annunziata in Florence ,” 59 makes note of the fact that the main body of Santissima Annunziata is neither mathematically proportioned nor geometrically lucid.

135 Wright, The Pollaiuolo Brothers , 212. Brown, “The Programme of the SS. Annunziata in Florence ,” 72 observes that Michelozzo would have planned an dome for the main crossing of the church because of its large size and the absence of pendentives owing to its circular form. See also Casalini, Michelozzo di Bartolommeo e L’Annunziata di Firenze, 16 for a discussion of the practical problem of where to transfer the new coro within the transversal church.

46 hemispheric dome of the type Michelozzo designed for Santa Maria della Grazie in

Pistoia (fig. 22). 136 In its original, somewhat smaller configuration, the cappelletta accessed two vaulted rooms on either side of the altar, an arrangement similar to

Michelozzo’s design for the at Trebbio. 137 The arrangement of the four freestanding columns surrounding the cappelletta is an erudite reference to the configuration of an ancient mausoleum that reappeared in San Salvatore al Monte in

Florence, the Corner Chapel in Santi Apostoli in Venice, and Francesco di Giorgio’s design for San Bernardino, the church near Urbino begun after the death of Duke

Federico da Montefeltro in 1482. 138

Built over an old cemetery, work was underway on the new chapel by the spring of 1451 if not before.139 In 1452, Antonio and his brothers agreed to reimburse the frati

136 Brown, “The Patronage and Building History of the Tribuna of SS. Annunziata in Florence,” 72.

137 Casalini, Michelozzo di Bartolommeo e L’Annunziata di Firenze, 164 provides a transcription containing information on the dome: “ E deono avere per ricordo fatto questo di primo di Maggio 1453 per braccia 495 di tetto fatto sopra la capella di Sacto Bastiano per s. 2 braccio, monto lire quarantanove, s. dieci per saldo fatto con Nencio detto … lire xliiij. S.x .” Wright, The Pollaiuolo Brothers , 212 describes the two small doors ( usciolini ) opening onto the side spaces leading to the cemetery. Giannozzo Pucci’s current restoration of the chapel has revealed the presence of a door in the rear of the cappelletta leading to the belltower, which was removed in the seventeenth-century renovation of the oratory.

138 San Salvatore al Monte in Florence was completed late in the fifteenth century to a design indebted to the work of Giuliano da Sangallo and Il Cronaca. See Cristina Acidini Luchinat, Storia, arte, fede nelle chiese di Firenze (Florence: Guinti, 2001). For the reference to an ancient mausoleum of Francesco di Giorgio’s design for the interior of San Bernardino see Francesco Paolo Fiore, “Siena e Urbino,” In Storia dell’architettura italiana: Il Quattrocento , 299 and Francesco di Giorgio architetto , Francesco Paolo Fiore and Manfredo Tafuri, eds. (Milan: Electa, 1993). See also the essay on the Corner chapel by Matteo Ceriana in All’ombra delle volte: architettura del Quattrocento a Firenze e Venezia, Massimo Bulgarelli and Matteo Ceriana eds. (Milan: Electa, 1996).

139 Unpublished, ASF, Corp. Sopp. 119, folio 196, 15b provides new dating for the commencement of work on the chapel: “ Opera e fabrica della capella di San bastiano ” as April 18, 1451 when the carmerlengo of Santissima Annunziata reported a payment of 197.6.0 florins. Casalini, Michelozzo di Bartolommeo e L’Annunziata di Firenze, 97 provides the transcription of the payments in 1452. Unpublished, ASF, Corp. Sopp. 119, folio 196, 22a also indicates that the Servite Order was building a

47 for construction costs in the sum of 500 lire, an amount that soon proved insufficient. 140

Surviving payment records give notice of the artisans working under Michelozzo di

Bartolomeo, identifying Salvi di Lorenzo Marochi as the sculptor who carved the arched entryway all’antica leading from the Chiostri di Voti into the Pucci’s private mausoleum.141 In addition to this stonemason, who also incised the stone plaque hanging in the courtyard just outside the oratory commemorating one of the important patrons of the church in the fourteenth century ( Memoria dei ‘diritti’ dei Falconieri ),

Nanni di Nanno di Lapo muratore was paid for work building the walls. 142 His moniker identifies him as a member of the workshop run by Nencio di Lapo, the general contractor of the work on the main body of the church paid for his general oversight over construction of the Pucci’s oratory. 143 Ventura di Moro dipintore painted the arches and the belfry. 144

house for the Parte Guelfa in the spring of 1451: “La parte guelpha de avere per ricordo si fa questo di b di giugno 1451 di cento equali aveno per fare uno armazio da te … tanto la cassa.”

140 Tozzi, Memorie della Chiesa , 50: “ L’Anno 1452 Antonio di Puccio Pucci, suoi Fratelli, e Consorti risolvono di fare una Cappella, o Oratorio Intitolato S. Bastiano fuori della Chiesa della Nunziata, e si obbligano percio a dare al Convento nostro l. 500 accio i PP. pensino alle Spese della Fabbrica (Nero C a 194). Fabbricarono i PP. la Cappella (Nero C a 124.223) ma perche si spese piu del ricevuto da Antonio, percio al detto Nero C a 194 si fanno debitori Antonio, e suoi fratelli di l. 138. 15 qual partita e conto non essendo stata sodisfatta, fu portata allo Specchio A a 7 dove al presente posa .”

141 Casalini, Michelozzo di Bartolommeo e L’Annunziata di Firenze, 185: “Salvi di Lorenzo Marochi scarpellatore de’avere per ricordo si fa questo di primo Maggio 1453 per una porticciuola all’antica e a bastone in arco pe’ lla capella di Sancto Bastiano, risponde nell’antiporto, di braccia xiiij per lire 2, s. 10 braccio … lire xxxv .” Salvi di Michele da Montemignaio sculpted the arches and Corinthian columns in the atrium to a design by Antonio Manetti (1423-1497).

142 Casalini, Michelozzo di Bartolommeo e L’Annunziata di Firenze, 86 illustrates the diritti now in the passage between the first and the second courtyard. Brown, "The Patronage and Building History of the Tribunal of SS. Annunziata in Florence,” 67 identifies Nencio di Lapo as the contractor who oversaw the work on the church and submitted a general survey of the costs and progress on the church in 1453. ASF, Corp. Sopp. 119, folio 196, 103a and 103b records the payments to Nani di Nanno di Lapo. Carte 16a also records one of the numerous payments to Nencio di Lapo Muratore : “ opera e fabrica della capella di San Bastiano di havere adi 21 di Lugho 1454 lire una eg’li cx erano massi abseti acotese di dea con pagla … alla ragione di ne.cio li lapo murate di piu non avena cicrv .”

48 The payments to Nencio di Lapo outlining the dimensions of the masonry shell of the original chapel further demonstrate that, with the exception of the expansion of the two rooms on either side of the raised cappelletta in the fifteenth century, the original rectangular shape of the domed oratory was essentially unchanged by the renovations undertaken by Antonio’s great grandsons in 1605. In addition to the hemispheric dome measuring 495 braccia , the walls measured 165 quadre di muro fatto dalle volte while the cornice measured 80 di cornice che gira atorno le tre face per s.6 braccio . The walls fronting the piazza measured 14 braccia and the walls at the head of the head of the cemetery measured 144 braccia : E deono avere detto di per braccia 14 di muro el quale e frontone sopra la piazza per s.4 braccio, monta lire due s. sedici, lire ij. s.xvj. E deono avere detto di per braccia 144 di muro che fa la testa verso el cimitero per s.4 braccio, monto lire ventotto s. sedici … lire xxviij. X.xvj .145

143 Brown, "The Patronage and Building History of the Tribuna of SS. Annunziata in Florence,” 67 notes that Nencio was the general contractor of the work at Santissima Annunziata and cites the survey of the work on the church that the frati commissioned in June 1453.

144 ASF, Corp. Sopp. 119, folio 196 (1451-1470), 16a: “ Opera e fabrica della capella di San bastiano di havere adi 21 di Lugho 1454 lira una eg’li cx erano massi abseti acotese di dea con pagla … alla ragione di nencio di lapo murate di piu non avena cicrv..” “E adi dicot re lire dicianove … alla ragione di ... di Lorenzo marochi scarpella .” “ Nencio di Lapo e compagni muratori deono avere lire una, sono per denari gli furono messi a lloro conto piu che non avevano ricevuto, a entrata s.b. c. 5 … lire 1 ” and a related payment “ E deono avere per ricordo fatto questo di primo di Maggio 1453 per braccia 495 di tetto fatto sopra la capella di Sacto Bastiano per s. 2 bracio, monto lire quarantanove, s. dieci per saldo fatto con Nencio detto ... lire xliiij, s.x ” are cited by Casalini on p. 164. On page 153 Casalini transcribes a payment to Marochi for the library: “ E a di 24 detto lire otto pagamo a Salvi di … Marochi scarpellatore come apare allo stracciafoglio s.a., c. 10, sono per parte di piu priete di concio a lavorate per la libraria, e per lui a Michele di … fornaio a Sangallo a per Michele a Angelo di Bartolo Manzuoli, posto Angnelo de’avere in questo c. 115 le dette lire 8 e in questo c. 156 ... lire viij .” The payment to Ventura di Moro dipintore is cited by Casalini on p. 191: “ Ventura di Moro dipintore de’avere per dipingnere gli archi e’l companile di Santo Bastiano per tutto lire venti, d’acordo … lire 22 .”

145 Casalini, Michelozzo di Bartolommeo e L’Annunziata di Firenze, 165.

49 An Architectural Status Symbol

The role of the architectural and decorative program of the Pucci oratory as a polemic in and of itself about civic harmony, the excellence associated with the standardized principles of classicism, and the philosophical ideals that transcend everyday life would not have been lost on the culturally elite, princes of the church, diplomats, and other honored visitors as they headed north from the center of the city to the Servite’s new mother church.146 Processions of pilgrims parading north on Via dei

Servi first passed the imposing walls of Antonio’s garden at the intersection of the street leading to the Medici palace (fig. 23). Upon entering the aisle-less church through the dedicated to the Virgin’s hospitality, the devout arranged themselves in front of the tabernacle sculpted by Michelozzo to house a fourteenth-century image of the Virgin reputed to possess miraculous healing powers.147 On solemn occasions a door was left open to the oratory dedicated to the third-century plague saint, so large by the standards of the day that it vied with Cosimo de’ Medici’s sacristy in San Lorenzo nearby for both size and grandeur (fig. 24). The relationship of the Pucci chapel to humanist colloquies of the period was visually reinforced by the chapel’s proximity to the Cappella della Santissima Annunziata , the marble-clad chapel left of the main portal of the basilica, and other examples of Medici civic generosity in evidence nearby, especially the public library built to house Cosimo de’ Medici’s collection of rare

146 Kathleen Weil-Garris Brandt, “The Relation of Sculpture and Architecture in the Renaissance” in Architecture: From Brunelleschi to Michelangelo, ed. Henry A. Millon (New York: Thames and Hudson, 1994), 87.

147 Tozzi , Memorie della Chiesa, 41 provides archival references for Manneti’s work on the atrium. For the history of SS. Annunziata in the first half of the fifteenth century see Paola Ircanni Menichini, Vita quotidiana e storia della SS. Annunziata di Firenze nella prima meta del Quattrocento (Florence: Biblioteca della Provincia Toscana dei Servi di Maria, 2004).

50 manuscripts in the Dominican monastery of San Marco around the corner. 148 Emulating the patronage practices of the Medici, who built San Lorenzo as their personal shrine, the Pucci mausoleum dedicated to Saint Sebastian established the area around the church as a kind of religious citadel controlled by the family. 149

Architectural patronage was as of much a signifier of social status in

Renaissance Italy as it was in antiquity, and the chapel’s sophisticated allusions to ancient religious and military architecture were another feature of its design that set the

Pucci apart from the merely wealthy. 150 Scholars have speculated that the main tribunal of Santissima Annunziata as it was originally envisioned quoted an imperial mausoleum and referenced the fourth-century chronicles by the Roman historian

Ammianus Marcellinus of a mausoleum’s sacred function. 151 Knowledge of other

148 Wright, The Pollaiuolo Brothers, 213 makes the connection between the location of the chapel funded by the Medici and the Pucci oratorio. The carmelengo’s payment records document Medici support for the church by Lorenzo and Giuliano di Piero de’ Medici: (“ Giuliano di Lorenzo de’ Medici de dare adi da costo 1472 … lire 10 ”), Unpublished, ASF, Corp. Soppr . 119, folio 196 (1451-1470), c. 49a.) The political sympathies of the are indicated by the funding for the construction of a house for the Parte Guelfa in the same parish: “ La parte guelpha de avere per ricordo si fa questo di b di giugno 1451 di cento equali aveno per fare uno armazio da te ... tanto la cassa ” (c. 22a). Orlando di Lazaro de’ Medici, a neighbor of Antonio Pucci’s, was the patron of one of the side chapels lining the nave completed by Michelozzo (Casalini, Michelozzo di Bartolommeo e L’Annunziata di Firenze , 18 and 35).

149 Caroline Elam, “Cosimo de’ Medici and San Lorenzo,” in Cosimo ‘il Vecchio’ de’ Medici , ed. Frances Ames-Lewis (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992).

150 The literature on Renaissance chapels and their social and economic implications includes Andrew Butterfield, “Social Structure and the Typology of Funerary Monuments in Early Renaissance Florence,” Anthropology and Aesthetics 26 (1994): 47-67 and Jonathan K. Nelson and Richard J. Zeckhauser, The Patron’s Payoff: Conspicuous Commissions in Italian (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2008), especially chapter two, “The Patron’s Payoff .” See also Jonathan K. Nelson, “Memorial Chapels in Churches: The Privatization and Transformation of Sacred Spaces,” in Renaissance Florence: A Social History , ed. Roger J. Crum and John T. Paoletti, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), Chapter 14.

151 Lang, “The Programme of the SS. Annunziata in Florence ,” 289. On page 90 Lang also observes that Eusebius’s tenth book of the Church History, known throughout the Middle Ages, was a likely inspiration for the atrium and points to its description of the “loftiness” of the “royal house” in the decision to raise the roof of the nave of Santissima Annunziata.

51 funerary Roman monuments -- especially the free-standing mausoleums of Annia

Regilla on the and the funeral memorial at for Marcus

Vergilius Eurysaces, an imperial freedman living in Augustan Rome (fig. 25), along with the multi-storied burial chambers commissioned by the emperors and

Hadrian in what had been the Campus Martius -- appear to have informed the conclusion by Michelozzo and his classically-minded patrons that ancient funerary practices privileged the expression of wealth, social rank, and status. 152 Roman literary biographers affirmed these commemorative monuments as visual symbols of success.

As Cicero wrote in De Officiis , a treatise written after the fall of the Republic in 46

BCE, a man of rank ( princeps ) requires a domus that reflects his social standing

(dignitas ). 153 Nor could this esteemed Roman moralist help observing that architectural patronage won Romans of less than noble rank badly needed votes when they stood for the office of consul. 154 Evidently, in late Republican Rome and certainly by the first century, lavish expenditures on domestic and funerary architecture were a means for elevating social status rather than merely asserting social rank. 155 The ruling class in fifteenth-century Florence, equally proud of its republican traditions, upheld an intellectual tradition that harkened back to the golden age of the .

152 See Andrew Wallace-Hadrill, “Reading the Roman House” in Houses and Society in and (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996) for a discussion of the social function of imperial domestic architecture and its decoration. Castel Sant’Angelo is now in the Vatican borgo.

153 Wallace-Hadrill, “Reading the Roman House,” 4. Pucci inventories in the sixteenth century indicate that the Pucci cardinals and their heirs owned at least one copy of Cicero’s De Officiis .

154 Wallace-Hadrill, “Reading the Roman House,” 4.

155 Wallace-Hadrill, “Reading the Roman House,” 4.

52 By extracting and building upon prototypes derived from small Greek and

Roman temples, the Pucci oratory alludes to the philosophical tenets of humanism that took hold over the course of Antonio’s lifetime. 156 At the time that Pope Eugenius IV

(1383-1447) was in Florence presiding over a ceremonial mass for the Servite’s new church while waiting out the threats to Rome of an invasion by Milan, he was traveling in the company of Leon Battista Alberti, an intellectual polymath who published the first of his three treatises on the arts a year after Cosimo de’ Medici’s return to power.

Stylistically premised on the orations of Cicero recovered by Petrarch and made more widely available in printed form by 1467, Alberti’s essays functioned as philosophical manifestos for the scholars who congregated at the Neo-Platonic academy founded by

Cosimo de’ Medici and hosted at his country villa in the Mugello.157 Fundamental to

Alberti’s humanist precepts is the notion that the liberal arts are governed by a common set of aesthetic conditions whose rules could be discerned by means of a thorough study of the literary and artistic remains of antiquity. That same logic applies to Alberti’s ideas about Quattrocento architecture, beginning with the prismatic clarity of

156 Bianca de Divitiis, “PONTANVS FECIT: Inscriptions and Artistic Authorship in the Pontano Chapel,” California Italian Studies 3 (2012): 1-36 cites the mausoleum of Annia Regilla resting on a high base on the Appian Way. De Divitiis discusses the ancient inscriptions in Pontano’s chapel as “quintessentially Albertian” and cites Sigismondo Maltatesta, the Rucellai, and the Riario as erudite patrons who carved inscriptions in the manner of Roman temples into their personal buildings and chapels. She also cites the Temple of the Dioscuri in Naples (p. 12) and the Temple of Augustus in Pozzuoli, sketched by Giuliano da Sangallo (p. 23), as small Roman temples that served as models for the chapel designed by the humanist (1429-1503). Although built in 1490, half a century later than the Pucci oratory, the classical architectural models evident in the architecture and dedicatory inscriptions of the Pontano chapel are equally evident in the Pucci chapel in Santissima Annunziata and would have provided a model for Pontano’s funeral monument to his wife. See also Howard Burns, “Quattrocento Architecture and the Antique: Some Problems,” Classical Influences in European Culture, A.D. 500-1500 , ed. R.R. Bolgar (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1971), 269-87.

157 Casalini, Michelozzo di Bartolommeo e L’Annunziata di Firenze, 11. See also Anthony Grafton, Leon Battista Alberti: Master Builder of the Italian Renaissance (New York: Hill and Wang, 2000) as well as his study “Historia and Istoria: Alberti’s Terminology in Context,” I Tatti Studies 8 (1999): 37-68.

53 Brunelleschi’s resurrection of the classical orders and the adoption of their harmonic proportions to designs premised on ancient Roman prototypes. As much of a theoretician as a practicing architect, Alberti gave life to the overlay of a cultural theory about decorum in which architectural form properly calibrated to function translates into an ethical code for virtuous conduct and social order.158 Based on a resurrection of the democratic value system of the and Cicero’s exploration of the model citizen, humanism placed moral salvation in political reality and civic identity.

This new and powerful social concept, first imbedded in ’s narrative cycle in Florence’s , found expression in Antonio Pucci’s generous bequests to churches, chapels, and hospitals. 159 The choice of the ancient Roman mausoleums and cenotaphs lining the Appian Way and the rectangular form of small

Roman temples as inspirations for the design of his family mausoleum reflects an appreciation for Alberti’s discussion of the associative function of architecture and the way in which classical architectural idioms call up a set of ideals that serve as models for political and social behavior. 160 The classical syntax of the Pucci chapel may also

158 The literature on Leon Battista Alberti and the development of humanism includes Rudolf Wittkover, Architectural Principles in the Age of Humanism (New York: W.W. Norton & Co., 1971); Joseph Ryckwert, Neil Leach, and Robert Tavernor eds., The Art of Building in Ten Books (Cambridge: The MIT Press, Cambridge, 1988); and Manfredo Tafuri, Interpreting the Renaissance: Princes, Cities, Architects , Chapter II, “Cives Esse Non Licere: Nicholas V and Leon Battista Alberti,” (New Haven: Yale University Press and Harvard University Graduate School of Design, 2006). Alberti’s career is treated in Massimo Bulgarelli, Leon Battista Alberti 1404-1472: Architettura e Storia (Milan: Electa, 2008). See also Howard Burns, “Leon Battista Alberti,” in Storia dell' architettura italiana: il Quattrocento, ed. F. P. Fiore (Electa: Milan, 1998), 142–158.

159 While the history of Pucci family patronage of various churches and chapels certainly predates humanism and includes the sepulcher in Santa Croce commissioned by Benintendi Pucci, who died in 1323, their patronage practices in the fifteenth century were considerably more extensive.

160 See the chapter on Alberti by John Onians, Bearers of Meaning: The Classical Orders in Antiquity, the Middle Ages, and the Renaissance (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990), 147-58.

54 reference Antonio’s second marriage in 1459 to the daughter of Giannozzo Manetti

(1396-1459), a celebrated scholar who authored a biography on Nicholas V, the humanist pope to whom Alberti dedicated his theoretical treatise on classical architecture. 161 Giannozzo was also the author of On the Excellence and Dignity of

Man , a work that praises the enlightened social codes imbedded in Pollaiuolo’s altarpiece illustrating the martyrdom of the Roman soldier canonized as Saint Sebastian commissioned for the family oratory.162 While he hailed from a considerably older and more distinguished clan than the Pucci, Giannozzo assented to Cosimo de’ Medici’s arrangement of his daughter’s marriage to Antonio di Puccio with a view toward reinserting himself into the good graces of the Florentine signoria.163

The Decorative Program for the Oratory Dedicated to Saint Sebastian

Because the fifteenth-century decorative program for the interior of the oratory dedicated to Saint Sebastian was completely destroyed by the renovation begun by

Antonio’s great grandsons in 1605, it is only possible to hypothesize about the appearance of the interior of the oratory as it stood in Antonio’s day. Beyond the interplay of contemporary references with the all’antica motifs underlying its architectural form and function -- allegorical assertions of selfless wealth, noble interests, and humanist learning -- payment records and examples of the work of the

161 See Christine Smith and Joseph F. O’Connor, “Building the Kingdom: Giannozzo Manetti on the Material and Spiritual Edifice,” Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies 317 (Arizona Studies in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance in Collaboration with Brepols, 2007).

162 Wright, The Pollaiuolo Brothers , 117 notes the influence of Giannozzo Manetti’s writings on the painting. For Antonio di Lorenzo Manetti’s patronage of the church see the payment records of the camerlengo of Santissima Annunziata (Unpublished, ASF, Corp. Sopp. 119, folio 695, 70b, December 1475).

163 Rubin, Images and Identity , 245.

55 artisans who carved the decorative woodwork and painted the altarpiece that surmounted the intarsiated spalliere are the only clues as to its original appearance.164

Payments to members of the decorative wood workshop run by Giuliano di

Lionardo da Maiano and his younger brother Benedetto -- whose father fabricated the wooden candelabrum for the tabernacle in the basilica of Santissima Annunziata to house the miraculous image of the Annunciation in 1451 -- date the carved marquetry panels in the chapel and its small sacristy to 1474-1475 (appendix 1).165 Together the figliano di Lionardo de Maiano legniauolo ran a bottega celebrated for the realism of their perspectival designs executed in wood intarsia. 166 Benedetto di Luca legnaiuolo was another artisan associated with the da Maiano workshop compensated for his work in 1474 repairing the wooden palchetti in the Pucci oratory, a word variously used to refer to seats, shelves, or brackets. 167 Given these accounts of the repair of spalliere and

164 The license for the decorative program for the new loggia was granted to the Pucci in 1599 and work began on the interior six years later. (Tozzi, Memorie della Chiesa, 28 and 30). In 1605 an outline of the decorative program on the interior of the Pucci chapel was delivered to the Medici court sculptor, Giovanni di Michelangelo Caccini. These instructions have been published in Carlo Cresti editor, Architteture di Altari e Spazio Ecclesiale: Episodi a Firenze, Prato e Ferara nell’eta della Controriforma (Florence: Angelo Pontecorboli Editore, 1995), 93-111.

165 Wright, The Pollaiuolo Brothers , 467, f. 123 cites ASF Corp. Sopp. 119, folio 695, f.70r: “ A spese straordinarie a di 5 detto e adi 12 di detto (December 1474) fiorini quarto larghi e quali danari paghai a Benedetto di Luca legnaiouolo sta in bottegha di Giuliano da Maiano furno per fare rachonciare certe spalliere erono ghuaste nella chappella e sagrestia di Sancto Bastiano quali Antonio Pucci disse volerla fornire per detto Benedetto al quaderno di chi porta in due partite c. 53, e Libro g [iall ]o, c. [blank ] e al libro Rosso c. 65 a chonto di Giuliano da Maiano. ” Wright points out that despite the similarity of their names, it is not Giuliano’s brother Benedetto who has been asked to replace the spalliere paneling that was fabricated in two pieces. See also Doris Carl, Benedetto da Maiano: A Florentine Sculptor at the Threshold of the High Renaissance (: Brepols, 2006), vol. 1, 25. Between 1461 and 1462 Giuliano obtained the commission for the wooden furnishings for the Badia Fiesolana and the wood partition for Santa Croce: Barbara Scantamburlo, La Tarsia Rinascimentale Fiorentina: L’Opera di Giovanni di Michele da San Pietro a Monticelli (Pisa: PaciniEditore, 2003), 20.

166 Benedetto da Maiano later ran the part of the family workshop specializing in architecture and was involved in the construction of Florentine palaces for the Strozzi, Pitti, and Antinori.

167 According to Alison Wright, The Pollaiuolo Brothers , 213, prior to its enlargement in the , when Pollaiuolo’s altarpiece was most likely moved to the back wall of the chapel where the current

56 palchetti it is clear that the workshop installed decorative wood paneling that, as in other of the da Maiano religious projects, surrounded the altar at shoulder-height. 168

The reference to palchetti also suggest that some of the intarsia panels may have been shaped to frame benches for seating which doubled as storage ( cassapanca ), as in the sacristy of Santa Croce designed by the da Maiano brothers thirty years earlier (fig.

26).169 Since Puccio’s father-in-law Tommaso Spinelli was the patron of the paneled cabinetry articulated by fictive fluted pilasters and an inlaid running across the upper register decorated with a design of interlacing palmettes, it seems plausible to surmise that this ornamental program influenced both the choice of artisans and the design of the oratory in Santissima Annunziata.170 In Santa Croce, however, the panche with simple high wooden backs were considerably simpler than the da Maianos’ later work for the sacristy of Santa Maria del Fiore, which featured festoons running across the frieze.171

painting hangs now, the devotional image on display near the altar was positioned in front of the choir and held in place by inlaid spalliere panels. Wright, The Pollaiuolo Brothers, 467, f. 123 transcribes a payment in ASF, Corp. Sopp. 119, folio 695, f. 70r: “ A spese straordinarie a di 5 detto e adi 12 di detto (December 1474) fiorini quarto larghi e quali danari paghai a Benedetto di Luca legnaiuolo sta in bottegha di Giuliano da Maiano furno per fare rachonciare certe spalliere erono ghuaste nella chappela e sagrestia di Sancto Bastiano quali Antonio Pucci disse volerla fornire per detto Benedetto al quaderno di che porta in due partite c. 53, e Libro g[iall]o, c [blank] e al libro Rosso c. 65 a chonto di Giuliano da Maiano .” Unpublished, ASF, Corp. Sopp. 119, folio 697, 21b and 24a indicate that Giuliano da Maiano was in of the project and identifies other members of the Maiano workshop as Stephano d’Antonio da Maiano and Giuliano di Simone. This same folio includes payments to Piero di Bartolomeo legnaiuolo of 718 florins on April 13, 1478 from Lorenzo and Giuliano de’ Medici.

168 Wright, The Pollaiuolo Brothers , 213.

169 Barbara Scantamburlo, La Tarsia Rinascimentale Fiorentina: L’opera di Giovanni di Michel da San Pietro a Monticelli (Pisa: Pacinieditore, 2003), 20 and 28.

170 Jacks and Caferro, The Spinelli of Florence , 165 and Scantamburlo, La Tarsia Rinascimentale Fiorentina, 28.

171 Scantamburlo, La Tarsia Rinascimentale Fiorentina, 20-1 and 23. See also Joanne Allen, Choir Stalls in Venice and Northern Italy: Furniture, Ritual and Space in the Renaissance Church Interior (PhD

57 These trends suggest that the decorative woodwork fabricated for the Pucci oratory by the da Maiano workshop was at least as sophisticated as the inlaid perspectival scenes carved for the north wall of the sacristy of Santa Maria del Fiore between 1463 and 1468 (fig. 27). 172 Here the da Maiano workshop took up where

Antonio di Manetti Ciaccheri (1436-45) left off in his decorative program for the sacristy of the Florentine cathedral, adding faux cabinets (armari ) with illusionistic lattice shutters through which to admire intarsia shelves holding an arrangement of trompe-l’oeil books, chalices, candlesticks, and other liturgical objects. 173 The scenes in the upper zone feature biblical themes set in fluted architectural niches that include the

Old Testament prophets, saints, and scenes from the Mary.174 Framed within pilasters and decorated with palmettes, the three central panels with

Saints Zenobius, Eugenius, and Cresentius are surrounded by paneling decorated with wheel-shaped motifs. 175 Designed as the recessed backing for the wooden cabinets used to store liturgical objects and reliquaries, the panels are remarkable for their skillful

dissertation, University of Warwick 2010), 14 for an account of the construction of choir stalls separated by standards pierced with a quadrant fitted with elaborate foliated carvings on the armrests, an arrangement common by the second half of the fifteenth century.

172 Monica Franzolin, “Florence, The Sacrestia delle Messe in the Duomo,” 1436-45, 1463-68: Antonio Manetti, Agnolo di Lazzaro, and Giuliano da Maiano,” in Renaissance Intarsia: Masterpieces of Wood Inlay, ed. Luca Trevisan (New York and London: Abbeville Press Publishers, 2012), 38. See also Margaret Haines, “T he Sacrestia delle Messe" of the Florentine Cathedral (Florence: Cassa di Risparmio, 1983).

173 Olga Raggio, The Studiolo and Its Conservation: ’s Palace at Gubbio and Its Studiolo , vol 1. (New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1999), 91-92 illustrates the faux objects in the Duke of Urbino’s studiolo.

174 Franzolin, The Sacrestia Delle Messe in the Duomo , 38.

175 Raggio, The Gubbio Studiolo , 92-93.

58 combination of architectural motifs with geometric designs, landscapes, and figures. 176

By the time of their work on the Pucci oratory the wood paneling fabricated by the da Maiano workshop for private residences was no less renowned than their sacred projects. Giuliano da Maiano and his brother Benedetto are most closely identified with the fabrication of the studiolo created for Federico da Montefeltro in his ducal palaces in Urbino and Gubbio, projects contemporary with their campaign for the Pucci oratory, that is to say between 1474 and 1476 and 1478-82 (fig. 29). 177 The Sienese master Francesco di Giorgio Martini (1439-1501) has been put forward as the most likely candidate for the design of the perspectival inlays executed in different colored woods. 178 As in their work on the Duomo in Florence, skillfully modeled fictive figures are combined with naturalistic details set within shell-shaped vaults, receding

176 Despite its heightened compositional sophistication, the intarsia woodwork in Santa Maria del Fiore was fabricated using the same techniques as their earlier religious and secular projects. As in the intarsiated cassepanche and armari carved for the sacristy of Santa Croce, begun in the 1440s, the inlaid still lifes the da Maiano brothers created for the Sacrestia delle Messe in the Duomo were constructed of Tuscan walnut, poplar, black or blog oak, red pear, maple, and mulberry (Franzolin, The Sacrestia Delle Messe in the Duomo, 44). As in other of the religious projects completed by the da Maiano workshop, which included the pulpit in Sante Croce and the doors to the , each seat back is inlaid with another foliated design and surrounded by a toppo frieze, a technique in which tiny sections of different species of wood are glued together into a block and then sliced into thin strips. “Loaves” that were mass- produced by specialist workshops were frequently used in creating inlaid designs for domestic furniture (Allen, Choir Stalls in Venice and Northern Italy, 14.) While fillets of bone, known as tarsia alla certosina, were sometimes incised into wood furniture, the use of pale spindle-wood toppo (known as commesso di silio or buio tarsia ) or other colored woods to create the soft contrast with the walnut toppo was typically employed to render the geometric banding, moldings, friezes and other ornamental configurations framing figurative inlays (Antoine M. Wilmering, The Gubbio Studiolo and its Conservation, vol. II, Italian Renaissance Intarsia and the Conservation of the Gubbio Studiolo (New York: The Metropolitan Museum, 1999), 70-75). The frieze on the carved running across the row of benches in Santa Croce is fabricated of a larger strip of toppo decoration. Even more elaborate combinations of toppo and actual inlay came into play in later decorative campaigns in which the egg- and-dart moldings were combined with inserts of walnut, bog oak, and spindle-wood to create the effect of relief carving (Wilmering, The Gubbio Studiolo , 73).

177 Franzolin, The Sacrestia Delle Messe in the Duomo , 49, f. 20.

178 Raggio, The Gubbio Studiolo, 89 concludes that Francesco di Giorgio is the most likely designer of the studiolo , although Baccio Pontelli, Bramante, and Piero della Francesco are other artists put forth as designers of the scheme of the Duke of Urbino’s paneling by other scholars.

59 landscapes, and idealized architectural settings. Different perspectival vanishing points transform each scene into a still life, landscape, or faux piece of furniture designed to extend the viewer’s vision into a symbolic space of worship, contemplation, or ceremony. 179

The installation of the cycle of paintings over the wainscoting in Duke

Federico’s studioli in Urbino and Gubbio may also have served as a model for the arrangement of the altarpiece in the Pucci chapel in Florence (fig. 30).180 The single- panel tavola illustrating the martyrdom of Saint Sebastian was the centerpiece of the decorative program for the Cappella Pucci that took shape during this period, a painting for which Antonio del Pollaiuolo was paid 300 scudi in April of 1474 (fig. 31).181 Its ambitious scale suggests that the altarpiece was designed for contemplation from a vantage point on an orthogonal that ended well above the horizon line established by the wainscoting, its warm, earthy palette a complement to the rich tones of the wooden

179 Franzolin, The Sacrestia Delle Messe in the Duomo , 55.

180 The cycle by Justus van Ghent in the studiolo in Urbino was commissioned about 1476 and illustrated the uomini illustri , while the paintings in Gubbio were an allegorical representation of the liberal arts (Raggio, The Gubbio Studiolo , 45). A full description of the duke’s studiolo is included in Alessandro Marchi ed., Lo Studiolo del Duca: Il ritorno degli Uomini Illustri alla corte di Urbino (Milan: Skira: 2015). While altarpieces were typically arranged on the altar, the size of the Pollaiuolo altarpiece and its replacement with the cycle of paintings still in place suggest that it hung behind the altar.

181 Tozzi, Memorie della Chiesa, 51. Wright, The Pollaiuolo Brothers , 210. In July 1474 Giuliano received a series of payments per fare mastrice prima lui. Since the timing of this commission dovetails with the payments for the new altarpiece commissioned for the oratory it is not unreasonable to assume that the Maiano workshop was also entrusted with fabricating the carved framing for Pollaiuolo’s painting. Wright cites Antonio’s will dated to 1484 for an accounting of a second altarpiece with a predella that hung in his private chapel in Uliveto: ASF. Carte Strozziane 341, Serie Prima, f. 35. Wright further cites ASF, Conv. Sopp. 119, folio 59 (section 2. F. 5r and section 3, f. 34v) as records of the payments for the construction of the oratory. Antonio’s tax declaration of 1457 is also cited by Wright as ASF, Catasto, 833, Quartiere di S. Giovanni, Gonf. Vaio , f. 970. She cites the PhD dissertation by H. Teubner, “ Zur Entwicklung der Saakkirche in der Florentiner Fruhrenaissance ” (Heidelberg University, 1975) and notes that Rolf Bagemihl published the payment to Piero del Pollaiuolo in Prospettiva . It is worth adding that the inventory of Antonio Pucci’s belongings made in 1484 (ASF, Carte Strozziane 341, Serie Prima, transcribed in appendix 2) lists a notarized contract with Pollauiolo signed in 1463.

60 paneling below.182 The verticality of the panel is enforced by a perspectival composition that moves the viewer’s gaze ever upwards toward a point outside the bounds of the picture frame. Saint Sebastian is perched high on a tree stump, the archers arranged in a circle around him with their weapons aimed up. The arrows piercing the saint’s chest are tilted at an angle that maintain the steep perspective of the lateral orthogonals as they move toward his head. Shadows framing the left side of the saint’s face both emphasize its backwards tilt and contrast with the whites of his eyes, highlighting Sebastian’s devotional gaze into the heavens above. 183 The perspective underlying the design and the likelihood that the wood sheathing surrounding the panel was similarly executed around an illusionistic vanishing point both express the scientific principles set out in Leon Battista Alberti’s treatise on painting. 184 Alberti’s recommendations, as practical as they were theoretical, included the benefits of wood-

182 Raggio, The Gubbio Studiolo , 83 contains a description of the layout of the studiolo .

183 Vasari’s praise for the altarpiece created for the Pucci chapel inside the oratory introduces an element of realism into these artworks, identifying the handsome martyr as the likeness of Gino di Ludovico Capponi, a Medici agent and close business associate of the Pucci. Ludovico was related to Girolamo di Niccolo Capponi, who married Antonio’s daughter in 1486. Vasari, Le Vite , vol. III, 179: “ E nella Cappella de’ Pucci a San Sebastiano de’Servi fece la tavola dell’altare, che e cosa eccellente e rara, dove sono cavalla mirabili ignudi e figure bellissime iscorto ed il S. Sebastiano stesso ritratto dal vivo, cioe da Gino di Lodovico Capponi; e fu quest’opera la piu dotata che Antonio facesse giammai. Conciossacche per andare egli imitandi in natura il piu che possible fece in uno di quei saettatori, che appoggitasi la balestra al petto, si china a terra per caricarla, tutta quella forza che puo porre un forte di braccia in caricare quell’istrumento; imperroche si conosce in lui il gonfiare delle vene e dei muscoli ed il ritenere il fiato per fare piu forza. E non e questo solo ad essere condotto con avvertenza, ma tutti gli altri ancora con diverse attitudini assai chiarament dimonstrano l’ingegno e la considerazione che egli aveva posto in questo’opra. La qual fu certamente conosuita da Antonio Pucci che gli dono per questo 300 scudi, affermando che non gli pagava appena I colori; e fu finite l’anno 1475 .” The painting was removed for restoration by Antonio Gargalli and purchased by Carlo Tastalache, President of the Academy of Belle Arti and a director of the National Gallery of Art, London who bought the painting for 13500 francesconi in 1856. (Arnetoli, La famiglia Pucci , 11).

184 Leon Battista Alberti, On Painting , trans. John R. Spencer (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1956) and the revised edition published in 1966. Raggio, The Guggio Studiolo , 85 attributes the linear design of the Montefeltro studiolo to Alberti’s treatise Della pittura published in 1436.

61 paneling: "If you panel your walls with timber, and especially fir or even poplar, it will make the place healthier, warm enough in winter, and not too hot in summer."185

Antonio and Piero del Pollaiuolo were trained goldsmiths whose paintings for

Palazzo Medici depicting the Labors of and other mythological subjects borrowed from the writings of Ovid were enormously influential additions to the

Renaissance repertoire of all’antica themes. 186 Painted in walnut oil on poplar, the

Pucci altarpiece was likewise a collage of classical motifs befitting a family of well- educated humanists with a fine library. 187 The Medici court poet Agnolo penned a record of the contribution by Antonio’s younger brother Dionigi to the ornamental program created for the state visit of Galeazzo Maria Sforza to Florence in

1470, an occasion memorialized by Piero del Pollaiuolo’s famous portrait of the richly

185 Alberti, The Art of Building, 10.14.356.

186 Alison Wright has incorporated a detailed study of other aspects of the iconography of this painting in her study The Pollaiuolo Brothers , 212-25. See also Patricia Lee Rubin and Alison Wright, Renaissance Florence, the Art of the 1470s , ex. cat. (London: National Gallery Publications, 1999), 90 for a discussion of Antonio del Pollaiuolo’s treatment of the mythological figure of Hercules.

187 In addition to Puccio and his son Antonio’s close alignment with the Medicean ethos of humanism it is worth noting the rigorously classical education of the extended family. Francesco di Puccio Pucci (1436-1512) -- not to be confused with the son of Puccio’s brother Giovanni, Francesco di Giovanni, who was born in 1437 and died in 1518 -- studied with the Latin scholar and poet Angelo Poliziano before settling in Naples in 1485, where he became a friend of Giovanni Pontano. One of the few Greek translators of the period, Francesco corresponded with and was the author of a letter about the rebellion of the Neapolitans against the French occupation of the city as well as of a series of erudite orations, epistles, and commentaries on classical authors. A poem written to Federico da Montefeltro, the Duke of Urbino, suggests that young Pucci also spent several formative years in Urbino during the rule of this avid antiquarian. Francesco’s correspondence with Poliziano is also attested to in filza 7 in the Pucci Archives, which makes note of an epitaph for Puccio Pucci written in Greek. Francesco’s education is described by Joseph G. Fucilla, “Review of Mario Santuro’s “Uno Scolaro del Poliziano a Napoli: Francesco Pucci ,”” Italica (Naples: Libreria Scientifica Editrice , 1948). Louis Waldman has also cited M. Ficino, Opera, 898 f.; A. Poliziano, Opera, I (Lyons, 1550), 164-172; M. Pocciantius, Catalogusscriptorum florentinorum (Florence, 1589) 65; G. Negri, Istoria degli scrittori fiorentini (, 1722), 215; and M. E. Cosenza, Biographical and Bibliographical Dictionary of the Italian Humanists , 1962, vol. IV, 2968f. and volume V, 1486 f.

62 attired duke. 188 Dionigi’s involvement in the celebrations staged in 1470 may have strengthened the working relationship between the Pucci family and the goldsmith- turned-painter, especially since Piero fabricated the oversized altarpiece of Saint

Sebastian for the Pucci chapel just four years later. 189 Set against a background of romanticized Roman ruins, the painting features a triumphal arch modeled after the

Arch of Titus on in the with its interior frieze depicting the destruction of the Temple of Jerusalem. In Pollaiuolo’s take on the single-bay arch, however, the Latin inscription on the attic story has been replaced with a fictive representation of clementia .190 The Roman myth of forgiveness and mercy was a favorite theme of the Roman emperor Julius Caesar invoked by the Medici, whose emblem on the horse trappings in the background of the painting acknowledges the political and artistic alliance between the two families. 191 After Antonio’s death in

1484, the gilded pedestal on which his wax effigy was displayed in the Chiostro dei

188 Litta, “Pucci di Firenze ,” vol. 15, table IV. Towards the end of his life, Dionigi commissioned a Crucifixion from Pietro Perugino for the chapter house of the Cistercian monastery of Cestello patronized by another Medici loyalist, Bartolomeo Scala. The longest-serving chancellor of the Florentine Republic, Scala commissioned an enormous palace near Santa Maria del Pazzi from Lorenzo de’ Medici’s favorite architect, Giuliano da Sangallo, documented as a woodworker, or legniauolo, in the Pucci account books during the years that Giuliano was engaged in building Poggio a Caiano for Il Magnifico.

189 Litta, “Pucci di Firenze ,” vol. 15, table III.

190 For a discussion of clementia see David Konstan, “Clemency as a Virtue,” Classical Philology 100 (2005): 337-46.

191 Seneca famously addressed the young Emperor Nero on the subject of mercifulness in 55/56 ( On Clemency .1.11.3). In addition to Wright’s discussion of the iconography of the painting (which does not, however, make this association with clementia ) see Patricia Lee Rubin’s chapter “Happy Endings,” in Images and Identity for a discussion of the extensive interplay of other emblems linking the Pucci with the Medici.

63 Voti just outside the Pucci chapel was positioned near the wax portrait of Piero’s brilliant son, Lorenzo de’ Medici (fig. 32).192

The Financial Implications of the Oratory in the Fifteenth Century

From the loans Antonio took out to meet the financial obligations imposed by the frati it is clear that the cost of building and furnishing a private oratory-chapel in

Santissima Annunziata taxed even the Pucci’s ample resources. 193 Especially in the

Renaissance, the daunting expense of building and operating a family chapel bankrupted even the wealthiest families; most notably the heirs of Francesco Sassetti, a banker closely aligned with the Medici whose daughter married Antonio Pucci’s son. 194

In addition to construction costs, the crippling expense of financing a dedicated oratory attached to the new Servite basilica included the cost of performing mass. In 1464, for example, Antonio signed an agreement with the monks to fund an honorable mass in honor of Cosimo de’ Medici, dubbed Pater Patriae by an appreciative public. 195 In this early church document Antonio specifies that thirty masses dedicated to a benefactor of the city were to be held each year on the anniversary of the chapel: 30 Messe piane, e

192 Wright, The Pollaiuolo Brothers, 213 makes note of “Antonio Pucci’s wax effigy … standing on a silvered and gilded pedestal in the atrium, close to that of Lorenzo de’ Medici.”

193 Tozzi, Memorie della Chiesa, 51 document Antonio’s borrowings to finance the construction of the five houses included in his agreement with the Servites.

194 Nelson and Zeckhauser, The Patron’s Payoff , 80. See also Aby Warburg’s iconic study of the in Santa Trinita for the history of a wealthy family bankrupted by its obligations to building and financing a private chapel: “Francesco Sassetti’s Last Injunctions to his Sons,” in The Renewal of Pagan Antiquity: Contributions to the Cultural History of the European Renaissance (Los Angeles: The Getty Institute, 1999).

195 Tozzi, Memorie della Chiesa , 58.

64 lb. 24 Cera all’Altare … di gratitudine verso Cosimo Padre della Patria.196 The third article of the Convenzione of 1464 also calls for the celebration of the anniversary of his father Puccio’s death on or about the eighth of May, along with the feast days of

Saints Zanobi, Francesco, and . 197 Alison Wrights’s discussion of the chapel adds the annual costs of ten florins for liturgical offices. 198 She also notes that negotiations over the cost of endowing the chapel were inconclusive and that the

Pucci’s liturgical obligations were the subject of new contracts in 1467 and again in

1475. 199 Nor did the family’s financial obligations to the church end with Antonio’s death in 1484. His wife, five of his sons, and various uncles and cousins all left funds for masses to be said in perpetuity. 200 In 1516, Lorenzo d’Antonio, by then a cardinal, made a payment for plenary indulgences to be said in the oratory at first vespers on the feast day of the plague saint celebrated each year on the twentieth of January. 201

As was often the case in the Renaissance, other economic requirements

196 Tozzi, Memorie della Chiesa, 58.

197 Tozzi, Memorie della Chiesa, 58 and 60 .

198 Wright, The Pollaiuolo Brothers , 213 transcribes Antonio’s catasto in 1457 (ASF, Catasto 833, ff. 970): “ uno uficio alla nostra chapella de Serj che mi costa lanno 10 fiorini .”

199 Wright, The Pollaiuolo Brothers , 213 and 467 ff. 119 cites the notary for this document as Giovanni di Francesco di Neri Cecchi whose records of this transaction are preserved in ASF, Not. Ant., 4827, ff. 274-354, June 1475-1476. See also Tozzi, Memorie della Chiesa , 59 for a summary of the many negotiations during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries over the celebration of the feast of Saint Sebastian in the chapel.

200 Tozzi, Memorie della Chiesa, 61.

201 Tozzi, Memorie della Chiesa, 51. A.SS.A.F., Campione Nero ed Anticagle , the master book of the administration of the debits and credits of Santissima Annunziata in Florence, is cited by Tozzi who transcribes the Ragione dirimpetto . This entry is just one example of the relationship between the Medici chapel and the Pucci ff. 175r: “ Paolo di Francesco de’avere per saldo fatto d’acordo co’llui questo di 2 di dicembre lire settantadue, s. diciasette, d. 9 sono per 1312 embrici a mandato da di primo di settembre 1452 a tutto di 2 dicembre detto, a lire 5, s. 10 el cento, per tetto della capella di Santo Bastiano, de’quali embrici dugento ne sono messi in sul tetto della capella di Piero di Cosimo, e quali costorono lire 5, s. 17 el cento … lire lxxij. S. 17, d. 9 .”

65 associated with constructing and operating the chapel were framed as “donations” by the frati . The third article of the Convenzione that Antonio signed in 1464 included a clause that required Antonio Pucci to build five new houses along Piazza dei Servi, an obligation that necessitated arrangements for a loan ( prestanza ) totaling 835 florins in

August 1468. 202 Facing the loggia designed by Brunelleschi for the Ospedale degli

Innocenti , one of the new houses was designated for the presiding bishop (fig. 33).203

Here the Pucci held the right to display their distinctive coat of arms, the profile of a

Saracen wearing a white headband. 204 The financial burden of this agreement hung over

Antonio for the rest of his life. Church records dated 1481 again identifying him as a governor of the church works ( nostri degnissimi operai ) record a payment of 550 lire toward the new houses lining the western length of the piazza. 205 Payments in

Antonio’s name of 1,402 lire in 1481 and again in 1483 are also entered in the

202 This requirement was also documented in church records in 1454: “ Antonio di Puccio Pucci … s’obbligo d’edificare 5 case sopra la Piazza di d(i) frati sopra e fonamenti gia fatti da Capitani d’orto S. Michele, qual terreno, e fondamenti sono di d.(i) frati (e questo fu dov’e hoggi la casa dell’Altopasso ” (Tozzi, Memorie della Chiesa , 58). Paola Ircani Menichini, Vita quotidiana e storia della SS. Annunziata , 29 includes a discussion of the original bequest by maestro Michele, who died in 1441, to build five houses at the corner of the piazza where it meets Via dei Servi. Unpublished, ASF, Corp. Sopp. 119, folio 690 (1464-1469), c. 245a documents that the contract for the cash loan to Antonio Pucci to complete the case nuove was notarized by Ser Giovanni di Francesco in August 1468: “Antonio deve dare 835 fiorini quattro soldi dieci dette per prestanza per fare per formiri le case nuove incommencate in sulla nostra piazza come appiare per instrument o vero carta di mano di ser Giovanni di Francesco cartolaio e per lui porto Francesco di Ramando contanti a questo 102 e a libro grande.”

203 Tozzi, Memorie della Chiesa, 58.

204 Tozzi, Memorie della Chiesa, 57.

205 Unpublished, ASF, Corp. Sopp. 119, folio 197, c. 167b: “ Antonio di Puccio Pucci uno de’nostri degnissimi operai de’avere a di’XXXI d’ottobre 1480 florini cento larghi di grossoni a lire cinque soldi uno per fiorino larghi e’quali ci a’prestati pe’bisogni della muraglia della chiesa si’chome benefattore della nostra chasa a entrata segnato B c. 22, lire 555 soldi … de’grossoni e de’avere a di’VIIII di dicembre 1480 florini cinquanta larghi prestatotici chome di sopra e cio’il nostro padre vicario in florini 50 larghi d’oro in oro a entrata segnato C c. 24, lire 292, soldi 10. E de’avere a di’19 ottobre 1481 florini ciento larghi di conto(?) sonno per parte di una chasa chompero’ da noi i quali pagho’ per noi a Francesco di Martino Filarsi(?) e compagni banchieri posto debitori dare in questo a C. 286, lire 555. Lire 1402.10.0.”

66 carmerlengo’s payment books. 206

It may well be that the cost of constructing housing for the monks and the church fathers revented Antonio from exercicing the right to build a house of his own on the southwest corner of the piazza. Notwithstanding the repeated extension of the clause in the Convenzione related to the construction of nostra chasa for the frati , first to 1468, and then for another twelve years to 1480, Antonio passed on the opportunity to build a house facing the church he patronized so generously. 207 The fact that his uncle Saracino already owned a house next to the church -- rented out to the Captain of

Orsanmichele in 1480 -- may have factored into Antonio’s decision to forgo construction of a grand residence facing the basilica.208 The puzzle of the Pucci’s subsequent decision to modernize the cluster of houses on a narrow street just off Via dei Servi should also give consideration to their close physical proximity to Palazzo

Medici and their role as fully armed if deeply cultured advisors to the first family of

Florence. In any event, the rights held by Antonio Pucci to build a house on the corner of Via dei Servi where it intersects Piazza of Santissima Annunziata were allowed to expire four years before his death. 209 Nearly a century later, the mannerist architect

Bartolommeo Ammannati (1511-1592) completed construction of Palazzo Grifoni on the site of the house built for the Servite brother, Mariano Salvini, nostro Sagrestano , a

206 Unpublished, ASF, Corp. Sopp. 119, folio 198, c. 39 is a record of the payments in 1483.

207 Tozzi, Memorie della Chiesa, 57.

208 Saracino’s house and its tenant are documented in AP, Miscellanea, no. 144, fasc. 2, c 165 r.

209 Tozzi, Memorie della Chiesa, 57.

67 massive three-story city palace begun in 1563. 210

While the decision to allow the right to build a new house to expire may also have been dictated by the civil and political unrest that precipitated the of 1478, Antonio never ceased to be a generous patron of Santissima

Annunziata. 211 In December 1475 and again in 1477, Antonio made a payment for the cost of wax candles for the church.212 A reward for his life-long generosity, the splendid funeral procession that commemorated his death on December 4, 1484 at the age of seventy-six wound its way up the street where he lived and worshipped. 213

Antonio di Puccio was laid to rest in a grand mausoleum designed to showcase his civic and social accomplishments as much in death as they did in life. 214 The Pucci chapel and the pilgrimage church to which it was attached were not only highly visible expressions of piety and civic identity; they were the focus of the family’s artistic patronage and a site for picturing the Pucci’s most worldly ambitions.

210 Michael Kiene, (Milan: Electa, 2002), 74. Tozzi, Memorie della Chiesa, 44 identifies the sacrestan of the church as Mariano Salvini .

211 Wright, The Pollaiuolo Brothers , 213 cites the “civic troubles” in the negotiations over the endowment of the chapel in 1475 and identifies the document as ASF, Not. Ant., 4827, ff. 27r-35r (Ser Giovanni di Francesco di Neri Cecchi, June 1475-June 1476).

212 Unpublished, ASF, Corp. Sopp.119, folio 696, c. 4b: “Antonio di Puccio Pucci nostro operaio adi 31 detto fiorini uno lar(gho) reco’lui Orsino ceraiolo disse per cera arsiccia ebbe detto Antonio 1475 per insino adi’29 di dicembre florin 5 lire 1 .” Medici patronage of the church is documented in this same payment book which records a contribution of 718 florins from Lorenzo de’ Medici on the thirteenth of December 1477 (c. 7a) and another series of payments to the workshop run by Giuliano da Maiano for decorative woodwork (c. 42a).

213 Wright, The Pollaiuolo Brothers , 213.

214 Louisa M. Bulman, “The Artistic Patronage of SS. Annunziata, 1440-c.1520,” (PhD Diss., The Courtauld Institute of Art, 1971), 11, ff. 42.

68 The Financial Implications of the Oratory in the Sixteenth Century

Considering Pucci patronage of Santissima Annunziata, Antonio Pucci’s service as an administrator of the church, and his son Lorenzo’s exalted position within the

Vatican curia, it is hardly surprising that the fresco cycle by Andrea del Sarto (1486-

1530) and his workshop in the Chiostro dei Voti undertaken early in the early sixteenth century includes another metaphoric reference to the family. 215 The fresco on the side of the oratory wall facing the portico treats the theme of The Journey of the Magi (fig.

34).216 Here the entourage surrounding the princely visitors doubles as an allusion to the devout pilgrims journeying to the Servite basilica, in much the same way that the lavish gifts brought by the three kings metaphorically reference its aristocratic patrons.217 Heraldic portraits feature in several earlier versions of this bibilical story, most notably in The Adoration of the Magi painted for the Medici Chapel by Benozzo

Gozzoli (c.1421-1497). In Andrea del Sarto’s fresco, Balthazar, the Moor swathed in a

215 Antonio Natali’s chapter “The “School of the Annunziata,”” in Andrea del Sarto (New York: Abbeville Press Publishers, 1999) provides a thorough account of this period of Andrea del Sarto’s career. For the family’s patronage of SS. Annunziata, see chapter 1. See also John Shearman, Andrea del Sarto (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1965) for a discussion of the other artisans commissioned to paint frescoes in the Chiostrino dei voti, including Pontormo, , and .

216 See appendix 23, nos. 95-97, copies owned by the Pucci of paintings by Andrea del Sarto of The Three Magi and the Birth of the Virgin, the subject of two of the frescoes by the artist in the Chiostrino dei voti.

217 Medicean identification with the spiritual symbolism of the Magi by way of their close association with the Compagnia dei Magi , a religious confraternity attached to San Marco, was earlier reflected in the two famous tondi of the adoration commissioned from (1445-1510), a subject reflected in another tondo of the Adoration of the Kings by Botticelli, this one for the Pucci. In his life of Sandro Botticelli, Vasari also makes note of a tondo l’Epifania painted for the Pucci family. See Vasari, Le Vite , vol. III, 514. The iconography of Sandro Botticelli’s Adoration of the Kings is examined by Patricia Lee Rubin and Alison Wright in their work Renaissance Florence: The Art of the 1470s (New Haven: Yale University Presss, 1999). Pollaiuolo’s altarpiece hangs next to Botticelli’s tondo in the National Gallery of Art, London believed to be the painting referred to by Vasari in his account of the life of Sandro Botticelli. This early work (c. 1470) was originally attributed to . The painting was bought by the National Gallery London in 1878 for £800 from Fuller Maitland (see Alasdair Flint, “Sandro Botticelli, The Adoration of the Kings” in Building the Picture: Architecture in Italian Renaissance Painting (London: The National Gallery, 2014).

69 white at the head of the throng of noble wellwishers, serves as a visual pun on the distinctive Pucci stemma , a Saracen shown in profile. A second member of the royal deputation -- also depicted in profile and wearing a distinctive white headband -- is positioned on axis with the dark-skinned African king, reinforcing the allusion to the

Pucci coat of arms. At the risk of adding conjecture to conjecture, the gray-bearded man at the center of the composition with his armed raised in benediction bears a strong resemblance to portraits of Lorenzo Pucci, the powerful papal paymaster named

Bishop-Coadjutor of Pistoia in 1509.218 Assuming that the Magus holding a gold container in his outstretched arm is a stand-in for the Pucci’s historic generosity to the

Servites and the family’s rising stature within the church hierarchy, the fresco establishes an iconographic link with Pollaiuolo’s altarpiece in the oratory on the other side of the Chiostro wall. Here again the Pucci coat of arms, a blackamoor in profile wearing a white headband, is apparent on the triumphal arch in the background.

The link between Medici and Pucci beneficence was made even more explicit in the thirty years after Antonio’s death when the coat of arms of Pope Leo X was frescoed above the arch leading from the atrium of Santissima Annunziata into the basilica.219 Rosso Fiorentino (1494-1540) decorated the lunette in the chiostro that

218 Lorenzo Pucci was Bishop-Coadjutor of Pistoia from 1509 until 1518 when his nephew Antonio d’Alessandro assumed the powerful post as religious head of a territory under the administrative thumb of the Commissari appointed by the Signoria of Florence. See Louis Alexander Waldman, “The Painter as Sculptor: A New Relief by Andrea di Salvi Barili,” Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorischen Institutes in Florenz 43 (1999), 204.

219 Tozzi, Memorie della Chiesa, 35: “ Sopra la porta, che introduce nel Chiostro detto in oggi de’Voti, e anticamente l’antiporto, osservasi una Nunziata lavorata a mosaico nell’Anno 1509 da Davitte di Tommaso Dipintore detto Grillandaio a spese del Convento. Ricord.e A a/2 a 209. Dal che manifestatamente apparisce, che prima ancora dell’Anno 1513 in cui fu assunto al Pontificato Leone X era compita la volta onde se al di fuori vedesi la sua Arme, vi fu posta probabilmente da’PP. nell’Anno 1514, in cue pure fu fatta la pittura, e cio per gratitudine della Bolla di Giubbileo perpetuo concessa da detto Pontefice alla nostra Chiesa in questo stesso Anno. ”

70 faced the oratory of Saint Sebastian with the Pucci stemma ; a commemoration of

Lorenzo’s investiture as one of the four cardinals promoted to the purple by the new

Medici pope on September 23, 1513.220 Cardinal Lorenzo’s continued patronage of

Santissima Annunziata had enormous and unexpected repercussions for the architecture of the Marian church at the end of the century. The commission to Giovanni Battista

Caccini (1556-1613) to fabricate a new façade for the basilica in the Corinthian order was made in respect of the cardinal’s inter vivos bequest in 1522, a living will in which he donated land to the Servites in the vicinity of the Fattoria di Granaiolo and other acreage in the fiume della Torricella nearby.221

A papal bull issued in 1597 by Clement VIII (1536-1605) records the terms under which the Aldobrandini pope and Duke Ferdinand de’ Medici (1549-1609) deemed the cardinal’s generous bequests fully satisfied. 222 The papacy’s rejection of

Francesco Pucci’s (1543-1597) doctrine of a rational outlined in De Christi servatoris efficacitate and his unpublished work De Praedestinatione – heretical

220 Tozzi, Memorie della Chiesa provides the dates for the addition of the Pucci coat of arms in the Chiostro dei Voti painted by Rosso as recorded in the “Uscita del Camarlingo (sic) del 1513 a 112”: “Succede l’altra Lunetta, dove sopra la porta della Cappella/dell/di S. Sebastiano fu dipinta l’Arme del Cardinale Lorenzo Pucci da Gio: Battista detto il Rosso a spese del Convento, da cui ebbe scudi 5. ” See also Carlo Falciani and Antonio Natali, Pontormo and Rosso Fiorentino, Diverging Paths of (Florence: Mandragora, 2014), especially chapter 1, “Debut at the Chiostrino dell’Annunziata.” Appendix 23, no. 365 also documents a portrait by Rosso Fiorentino still in the Pucci collection in 1847.

221 Tozzi, Memorie della Chiesa, 63-64. Unpublished, AP, Fondo 11, fasc. 120 “ I frati Serviti della SS. Annunziata accettano da Alessandro Abate e Roberto Pucci una donazione di 1500 scudi per abbellire e rinnovare la Facciata della SS. Annunziata con una loggia, 18 April 1599. Ricordi relativi alle donazione di Alessandro di Pandolfo di Roberto Pucci Cardinale per la facciata e l’oratorio di S. Sebastiano 13 May 1628 .”

222 Unpublished, AP, Filza 11, fasc. no. 112. July 23 1597, “ Bolla per la Commutazione dell’Obbligo di fondare nove Cappelle .” The instructions dictated by Bali Roberto Pucci on the 30 th of June 1605 specifically cite the Gaddi Chapel in . They are outlined in Carte Strozziane 341, Serie Prima, c. 48.

71 disputations challenging papal authority that resulted in his arrest in Salzburg and condemnation to death in 1597 – would have greatly influenced Clement’s draconic reading of the cardinal’s will. 223 Copies of this papal document refer to another agreement dated March 1, 1527, in which Lorenzo Pucci set aside due M/XX di Julii X per ducato , in other words, 20,000 at one hundred percent, for bequests to

Santissima Annunziata, the Spedale di S. Maria Nuova , the Spedale degli Innocenti and other philanthrophic institutions to be administered by Ansaldo de Grimaldi and the cardinal’s nephew Antonio, by then presiding Bishop of Pistoia and a of the

Capitolo di San Pietro .224 In citing these earlier gifts, the reigning pope and the grand duke of Florence would also have known of the family’s patronage of the Loggia dei

Serviti on the western side of the piazza.225 Two letters written in 1516 position

Cardinal Pucci as the patron of the loggia built above the line of houses constructed during Antonio di Puccio’s lifetime. In a previously unknown letter dated July 26,

1516, the cardinal explains that he did not wish to buy the rights back from the authorities who purchased them from Duke Lorenzo de’ Medici for more than the 150 ducats than was previously paid for them in la buona memoria di Magnifico Lorenzo

223 Giorgio Caravale, The Italian Reformation Outside Italy: Francesco Pucci’s Heresy in Sixteenth- Century Europe (Leiden: Brill, 2015), 1-9. Francesco Pucci’s heretical doctrines on natural faith and universal salvation outlined in his writings of the 1580s were influenced by Savonarola, Pico della Mirandola, Dante’s spiritual writings, Petrarch, and ’s concept of mercy. Pucci, who opposed Calvin’s notion of an elect predestined for salvation, made an attempt to meet with King Henry IV before returning to Rome where he presented his convictions to Pope Clement III in 1593.

224 Tozzi, Memorie della Chiesa, 37 and 63. Unpublished, ASF, MGR 386, insert 1 contains a copy of the papal bull. AP, Filza 7, no. 36 is a copy of Lorenzo Pucci’s will and division of the family properties dated to 1531 in which he provided for both Santissima Annunziata and the adjacent charitable hospital for orphaned children.

225 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 386, insert 8. The cardinal’s letter to Piero Pucci is dated July 26, 1516.

72 because he wanted to build a house ad mio modo.226 Both the date of the letter and the phrase fare uno portichale sopra la piaza dinanti a la Annuntiata (sic) signal that the cardinal is referring to the Loggia dei Serviti by Antonio da Sangallo the Elder (1453-

1534) and Baccio d’Agnolo (1462-1543). Designed to mirror Brunelleschi’s cortile on the other side of Piazza della Santissima Annunziata, the loggia was an innovative urban design project designed to regularize the square in front of the church (fig.

17b).227 Another letter dated a month later records the cardinal’s response to Lanfredo

Lanfredini’s warning that the cardinal’s proposed building campaign for the piazza would prove offensive to the citizens of Florence, many of whom resented the return of the Medici to power in 1512. 228 In this second letter to his brother Piero, Cardinal Pucci indicates that he will postpone his work on the walled houses given prospects for public

226 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 386, insert 8: “Piero fratello charissimo. Havendo inteso chome se dessigna fare uno portichale sopra la piaza dinanti a la Annuntiata, desiderarei chiedesti di gratia al magnifico Lorenzo me lo facesse concedere a’ frati e qualli secondo intendo lo vendetero altre volte a la buona memoria del magnifico Lorenzo et poi pe’ casi occorsi mi pare lo ricomperassimo da’ sindachi per 150 ducati. Si’ che vorei facesti ogni opera che sua signoria ce la facesse havere pel medesimo pretio per murarvi una chasa per me ad mio modo. Et se farai cerchare a lo scrivano tienne le scripture troverai tutto quello scrivo. Del parentado non intesi poi altro. Havrei charo intendere il successo et se’l magnifico ha dessignato alochare le altre. Altro per questa non mi occorre. Christo ti guardi.

Romae ex palatio […] die XXVI iulii MDXVI

Spectabili viro Petro Puccio civi florentino fratri meo charissimo ”

227 For a study of the piazza, see Valeria Tomasi, “ L’organizzazione dei cantieri in epoca rinascimentale: I loggiati su piazza SS. Annunziata a Firenze ,” Mélanges de l’ École française de Rome. Italie et Méditerranée 2 (2008): 299-319 and “ I Loggiati su Piazza SS. Annunziata a Firenze: tre cantieri rinascimentali a confronto ,” in Città e Storia , anno IV, ed. Michela Barbot, Andrea Caracausi, and Paola Lanaro (2009), 227-34. Caroline Elam, “ Firenze 1500-50 ,” in Storia dell’architettura italiana: il primo Cinquecento , ed. Arnaldo Bruschi (Milan: Electa, 2002), 213 also outlines the project for the regularizatiaon of the piazza. See also Caroline Elam “Lorenzo de’ Medici and the Urban Development of Renaissance Florence,” Art History 1 (1978): 43-66 and Iodoco Del Badia, " La loggia a destra nella Piazza della Ss. Annunziata di Firenze ," Arte e storia 1 (1882): 82-3.

228 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 386, insert 10. August 20, 1516: “ Piero. Ho la tua per la qualle ho visto la buona volunta de lo Ill.mo Sig.re Lorenzo verso di noi. Del che habiamo di Ringratiare Idio, et su Sig.ria. Et intendendo la resolutione riscrisse Lanfredino che el tentare di havere quella piazza sarebbe offendere il pubblico. Per tanto mi fur risoluto non pensare al presente ad murare case, che in ogni modo non ceder al presente cun che .”

73 opposition to the project. Pucci patronage of both the Sangallo workshop and Baccio d’Agnolo outlined elsewhere in this study support a reading of the letters as evidence for the cardinal’s patronage of this important civic commission undertaken by the two

Florentine architects sometime after the summer of 1516 and completed in 1525. 229

The fulfillment of Cardinal Lorenzo’s generous bequests, coupled with the family’s long-standing patronage of Santissima Annunziata, motivated the joint decision by Alessandro Pucci, murdered by a madman in 1601, and his brother Roberto

(1569-1612), who carried out the commission before his own death eleven years later, to entrust Giovanni Battista Caccini, the Medici court sculptor, with a replacement of the medieval façade on the adjoining basilica.230 Notwithstanding his relative lack of experience as an architect, Giovanni Battista Caccini’s training in the workshop of

Giovanni Antonio Dosio (1533-1611), who designed the villa of Bellosquardo in Signa for the Pucci in 1574-75, recommended him as the perfect choice for the design of the new travertine arcade. 231 His strongly classicist bent is evident in the Latinized

229 Lanfredino Lanfredini had been Gonfaloniere di Giustizia in 1501 and served as one of the twelve Florentine ambassadors to the papal court during the pontificate of Leo X. His family also patronized the workshop of Baccio d’Agnolo and commissioned the family palazzo facing the Lungarno from Baccio d’Agnolo. While scholars have dated the commencement of the commission to 1516, these letters imply a later start to the project.

230 Unpublished, AP, Filza 11, fasc. 120 documents the donation on April 18 1599 of 1500 scudi to the church: “I frati Serviti della SS. Annunziata accettano da Alessandro Abbate e Roberto Pucci una donazione di 1500 scudi per abbellire e rinnovare la facciata della SS. Annunziata con una loggia .” The costly renovation of Santissima Annunziata by Antonio Pucci involved an equally elaborate new interior for the family chapel dedicated to Saint Sebastian embellished with exotic colored marbles. The interior replaced the existing family tombs. Caccini, whose contract with the Pucci is preserved in ASF, MGR 453, filza 5, emblazoned the new loggia with the Pucci coat of arms and a Latin inscription that runs across the architrave identifying the patrons of this architectural project.

231 Martin Weinberger, "Bronze Statuettes by Giovanni Caccini" The Burlington Magazine for Connoisseurs 58 (May 1931): 230-235. The literature on SS. Annunziata includes Maria Cecelia Fabbri’s study of the seventeenth-century renovations to the chapel, “La Sistemazione Seicentesca Dell’Oratorio di San Sebastiano Nella Santissima Annunziata ,” Rivista d’Arte 44 (1992): 71-152, which relies on the documents catalogued as Carte Riccardi in the Archivio di Stato in Florence. In 1605,

74 inscription ALEXANDER ET ROBERTUS PUCCII FRATRES DEI GENETRICI 1601 emblazoned across the architrave while the words ROBERTUS PUCCIUS PLATEAM

NUNTIATAE DECORI COMMODOQUE PUBLIC STRAVIT A. 1604 are inscribed under the door to the atrium. The distinctive Pucci stemma is plastered on the capitals and on the ceiling of the Corinthian cortile at every available opportunity, a well-earned branding of the family name given the cost of the project. If nothing else, the price tag was penance for their father’s political treachery and execution in 1560 for his alleged attempt to assassinate Duke Cosimo I. 232 Documents preserved in the family archives attest to a cost approaching 36,000 scud i for the decorative program, of which 3,997 was for the oratory, 9,129 was for construction of the new loggia and portico on the façade of the church, and 6,333 was Maestro Caccini’s cost for the fabbrica .233

A document states that Grand Duke Ferdinand first signed off on the installation of the arms of the house of Pucci and the inscription memorializing Abbate Alessandro and his brother Roberto that runs across the entablature in 1559. 234 Caccini then

Roberto Bali outlined the form and materials used in the renovation of the oratory of Saint Sebastian; these instructions are contained in ASF, Carte Strozziane 341, Serie Prima, c. 48-49.

232 See Carla D’Arista, “Slander and Sedition in the Cinquecento: The Price and Profit of Misinformation in Medici-Pucci Relations,” an unpublished paper delivered at the annual meeting of the Renaissance Society of American in New York on March 29, 2014 for an explanation of the alleged conspiracy of Pandolfo Pucci to assassinate Duke Cosimo I and his execution in 1559 (Florentine dating).

233 Unpublished, AP, Filza 2, unpaginated.

234 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 382, insert 9. In March 1600 Le Magistri Signori Capitani di Parte della Citta di Firenze insieme also signed off on the memorial proposed by Abbot Alessandro Pucci. Unpublished, AP, Filza 11, fasc. 120: “ I frati Serviti della SS. Annunziata accettano da Alessandro Abate e Roberto Pucci una donazione di 1500 scudi per abbellire e rinnovare la Facciata della SS. Annunziata con una loggia, 18 April 1599. Ricordi relaztivi alle donazione di Alessandro di Pandolfo di Roberto Pucci Cardinale per la facciata e l’oratorio di S. Sebastiano 13 May 1628 .” In 1605, Roberto Bali dictated instructions to the Medici court sculptor, Giovanni di Michelangelo Caccini for the renovation of the oratory of Saint Sebastian. See Unpublished, ASF, Carte Strozziane 351, Prema Serie, folios 48-49. The license for the decorative program for the new loggia was granted to the Pucci in 1599 and in 1604 work began on the loggia. (Tozzi, Memorie della Chiesa, 28 and 30). A version of these instructions has

75 developed the center archway designed by Antonio da Sangallo the Elder into a loggia that spanned the entire façade of the church (fig. 35).235 Designed for the triumphal re- entry of the Medici into Florence on November 30, 1515, Antonio the Elder intentionally mirrored the classically inspired rhythm of Corinthian columns that runs across the foundling hospital on the opposite side of the piazza designed by Filippo

Brunelleschi in 1419. 236 Brunelleschi’s first architectural commission, the portico for the inaugurated the revival of classical architecture in the

Renaissance with a simple series of arches that not only served as the template for the two other arcades on Piazza Santissima Annunziata but established an architectural prototype for the design of other classicizing for hundreds of years. 237

In much the same way that Caccini’s classical design harkens back to one of the most famous classically inspired themes of the Renaissance, the decoration of the Pucci chapel with a palette of rare and precious colored marbles deliberately invites comparisons with the Cappella dei Principi designed for the Medici Grand dukes (fig.

been published in C. Cresti, ed. Architetture di Altari e Spazio Ecclesiale: episodi a Firenze, Prato e Ferrara nell' età della Controriforma (Florence: A. Pontecorboli, 1995 ), 93-111. This chapter, focused on the Caccini’s interventions to the chapel, relies on documents from a collection of manuscripts preserved as ASF, Mannelli Galilei Riccardi. There is an additional set of instructions regarding the interior that are unpublished describing the exotic marbles overlaid over the original structure, which included four arches supporting the cupola, modeled after the Gaddi chapel in Santa Maria Novella. Preserved as ASF, Carte Strozziane 351, Serie Prima, c. 26, these instructions also call for a bronze cherub and a new altar. See appendix 2 for a full transcription of these instructions.

235 See also Tomasi, “ L’organizzazione dei cantieri in epoca rinascimentale: I loggiati su piazza SS. Annunziata a Firenze .”

236 See the discussion of the Ospedale degli Innocenti in Bruschi, Filippo Brunelleschi , 69-81. Saalman, Filippo Brunelleschi, 40 and Battisti, Filippo Brunelleschi, 46 also describe the novelty of Brunelleschi’s design.

237 Battisti, Filippo Brunelleschi , 46-68 examines the original commission and on p. 58 makes note of its relationship to SS. Annunziata.

76 36).238 The elaborate new interior for the family oratory involved the replacement of the fifteenth-century interior with colored stones on the floor and wainscoting fabricated at the Opificio delle Pietre Dure founded by Cosimo and Ferdinando de’ Medici in

1588. 239 Bali Roberto’s instructions, which rely on the artistic techniques of commessi to cut and polish the exotic revetment, specified African, alabaster, portasanta and other rare marbles for the walls at the head of the altar (appendix 2).240 Arranged behind the altar were the expensive porphyry wall tombs embellished with portrait heads of the three Pucci cardinals (fig. 37).

In addition to its stylistic and material relationship with the Cappella dei

Principi of San Lorenzo, the sixteenth-century renovation of the Pucci chapel echoes the decorative program of other chapels built by other prominent Florentines of the period. Dated June 30, 1605, the instructions to Giovanni di Michelangelo Caccini and

Lorenzo di Francesco Fancelli, a scalpellino from Fiesole, refer to the prototype of the

Cappella Gaddi in Santa Maria Novella created between 1575 and 1576 by Giovanni

Antonio Dosio, the mannerist architect trained by Antonio da Sangallo the Younger who designed the Pucci Villa at Signa (fig. 38).241 The directive cites several other

238 See Umberto Baldini, Anna Maria Giusti, and Annapaula Pampaloni Martelli, eds., La Cappella dei principi e le pietre dure a Firenze (Milan: Electa 1979) and Andrew Morrough “The Early History of the Cappella dei Principi, Florence,” 2 vols. (PhD Diss., Courtauld Institute, University of London, 1983). Created by Matteo Nigetti on the basis of an informal competition undertaken in 1602, this latest Medici chapel complementing the old sacristy designed by Brunelleschi and the new sacristy created by Michelangelo was originally conceived of by Duke Cosimo and managed by Ferdinando de’ Medici’s natural brother Don Giovanni de’ Medici.

239 ASF, Carte Strozziane 351, Serie Prima, c. 48-49, dated June 30, 1605, sets out the instructions for the decoration of the chapel to Giovanni Battista Caccini and the sculptors engaged to make the tombs.

240 Unpublished, ASF, Carte Strozziane 351, Serie Prima, June 30, 1605, c. 48 (26) r- 49v. This letter is transcribed as appendix 2.

77 Renaissance chapels for the configuration of the white marble altar, which was set into the middle of the domed space at the top of two steps and isolated as in the chapel dedicated to SS. Salviati: “L’altare sia isolato come quello della cappella de ss.

Salviati; di S. Antonino, di San Marco con due scalina attorno per salire di marmo bianco, et chiuso attorno attorno di marmi , et misti per riporvi dentro a detto altare la santissima reliquia et sopra l’altare la sua predella .”242

As it stands now, the Servite’s mother church is enveloped by an iconography attesting to the long-standing support of the Pucci for the Servite’s mendicant order and their enduring fealty to the Medici. Aside from the family coat of arms on the exterior and the Medici palla over the interior portal, Caccini’s new rectilinear arrangement for the piazza spread out in front of Santissima Annunziata is centered with ’s massive bronze equestrian statue of Grand Duke Cosimo de’ Medici, a configuration that invokes the Roman forum in justifying the duke’s authoritarian regime and his efforts to reclaim Medici control over this strategic part of the city (fig. 39).243

241 The instructions for the renovations to the oratory issued by Bali Roberto Pucci specifically cite the Gaddi Chapel in Santa Maria Novella. For the work of Giovan Antonio Dosio on the Pucci villa in Signa near Pisa, see Sara Bonavoglia and Francesca Parrini, “ La Villa di Bellosquardo a Lastra a Signa ,” in Giovan Antonio Dosio , ed. Emanuele Barletti (Florence: Cassa di Risparmio di Firenze, 2011), 507-29.

242 Unpublished, ASF, Carte Strozziane 341, Serie Prima, June 30 1605, c. 48 a-49b.

243 Tozzi, Memorie della Chiesa, 33 dates the installation of Giovan Bologna’s statue to October 4, 1608. See Roger J. Crum and John T. Paoletti, Renaissance Florence: A Social History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 88-103 for a discussion of the piazza as a symbol of Roman law and convocation.

78

Figure 4. Sassetti Chapel, Santa Trinita, Florence. Detail of the Portrait of Antonio Pucci with Lorenzo de’ Medici and Francesco Sassetti. Chapter III. Antonio di Puccio Pucci: Dynastic Promotion and Image-Building Antonio di Puccio was riding the crest of a career as a highly respected and well-rewarded Medici loyalist when he filed his catasto in 1469. 244 The family’s political and social ties to the Medici had gone from strength to strength. By the age of fifty-one Antonio had served as one of the nine priori of the Signoria and elected gonfaloniere di giustizia , the most important political position in the Florentine government.245 Cosimo de’ Medici had brokered his second marriage to Piera Manetti

244 AP, Miscellanea, no. 144, fasc. 2, c 68a is Antonio’s catasto .

245 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 453, dated December 12, 1562 is a document in the hand of the ducal secretary that identifies Antonio di Puccio as one of the nine members elected to the Florentine Signoria in March of 1452 and again in 1457. He was elected gonfaloniere di giustizia in January of 1462 and again in 1480. Wright, The Pollaiuolo Brothers , 211 notes that Antonio went on to defend Medici interests in the bloody uprising in Volterra in 1472 and the Pazzi uprising of 1478, where his treatment of the conspirators was equally ruthless. Rubin, Images and Identity , 244 observes that the family had become members of the guild of bankers known as the Cambio . In addition to Antonio’s prominence in the Florentine government, other members of the Pucci family served in the Vicario of Castello dei Conti Guidi, today the Palazzo Pretorio di Poppi. Jacopo Pucci served in this position twice prior to 1440 and

79 and his five healthy sons ranged in age from twenty-five to four. 246 Antonio’s political clout brought with it the financial wherewithal to build a private oratory in the church where he worshipped, buy a new house from Piero de’ Medici, add substantially to his patrimony in the countryside, and set aside a dowry of 1,200 florins for two of his daughters.247 He boasted a net worth of 6,219 florins. 248

The dynastic alliances arranged for Antonio’s thirteen children functioned as an important vehicle for advancing the family’s social status. The property declaration filed twenty years after his father Puccio’s death lists the three sons born of his first marriage to Maddalena Gini: Puccio, named after his grandfather; Alessandro, thirteen;

was succeeded by members of Florence’s most imminent families. In 1537 Piermaria Pucci became vicario and in 1555 Jacopo’s namesake was named to the same post. The Pucci stemma is still mounted on the walls of the ancient stronghold. See Francesco Pagnini, Il Castello Medievale dei Conti Guidi Oggi Palazzo Pretorio di Poppi (British Library Historical Print Editions, 1896).

246 A seventh son, Piero, was born in 1470.

247 Rubin, Images and Identity, 244. Her chapter “Happy Endings” discusses the Medici’s involvement in the arrangement of the Pucci marriages.

248 AP, Miscellanea, no. 144, fasc. 2, c 68a is Antonio’s catasto . The tally of Antonio’s net worth is recorded in Unpublished, ASF, MGR 387, insert 3. See Najemy, The History of Florence 1200-1575 , 229 for a discussion of upper class dowries, which ranged from 400 to 1,000 florins and were a major economic concern of the elite. See also H. Gregory, “Daughters, Dowries and the Family in Fifteenth- Century Florence,” Rinascimento 27 (1987): 215-37, Julius Kirshner and Anthony Molho “The Dowry Fund and the Marriage Market in Early Quattrocento Florence,” Journal of Modern History 50 (1978): 403-38 and Anthony Molho, Marriage Alliance in Late Medieval Florence (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1994). Antonio married Maddalena di Giramonte Gini, a widow of Francesco Serfranceschi in 1440, with whom he had seven children: Lucrezia, who was born in 1446 and married Francesco di Jacopo degli Agli; Puccio (1453-1494), married to Gerolama di Pierluigi Farnese; Lorenzo (1458-1531), the future cardinal; Alessandro (1485-1544), married to Sibilla di Francesco Sassetti: Selvaggia, who married Luca di Giovanni Ugolini in 1469 and died in 1496; Oretta, who wed Michele de Bernardo Niccolini in 1472 and died in 1483; and Giovanni, who died in infancy. Antonio married his second wife Piera di Giannozzo Mannetti in 1459, the year of Maddalena’s death, with whom he had another six children: Piero (1475-1518), married to Lucrezia di Lanfredino di Jacopo Lanfredini; Francesca, married to Francesco di Andrea Rucellai; Maddalena, married to Girolamo di Niccol òCapponi in 1486; Giannozzo, married to Lucrezia di Piero Bini in 1483; Alessandra, who marrried Piero Nerli in 1493 and died in 1538; and Nannina, married to Jacopo de’ Medici.

80 and Lorenzo, ten.249 Antonio’s second marriage had already produced another two male offspring, Giannozzo, named after his maternal grandfather, and Roberto.250 The catasto also identifies his three daughters (Vaggia, Oretta, and Lena) and two illegitimate children (Prando and Tommasa).251 Two of his sons, Lorenzo (1458-1531) and Roberto (1463-1547), were destined for brilliant careers in the Roman Catholic

Church. Along with their nephew, a son of Alessandro’s named after his grandfather, both Lorenzo and Roberto were elevated to the rank of cardinal- and served as heads of the Apostolic Penitentiary, a lifetime appointment to one of the three most powerful tribunals within the curia. 252 Particularly beneficial to their stature within the papal court was the marriage in Palazzo Orsini in Rome of Antonio’s oldest son Puccio to the sister of Alessandro Farnese, elected Pope Paul III in 1534. 253 The family’s connections with well-born and prosperous Florentine families were no less renowned.

As Rubin explains, in the parlance of the day, advantageous matches among loyal

“friends” were known as far parentado .254 Of Antonio’s seven daughters, his oldest,

Lucrezia, married Francesco Agli sometime around 1460, a widower previously

249 AP, Miscellanea, No. 144, fasc. 2, c. 68a. Lorenzo was born on August 10, 1458, the catasto is dated August 13, 1469, suggesting that Lorenzo was actually eleven at the time the tax declaration was filed.

250 Miscellanea, No. 144, fasc. 2, c. 68a. When Maddalena died in 1457 Antonio married a woman twenty years his junior. This marriage, to the daughter of the well-born humanist Giannozzo Manetti, was brokered by Cosimo de’ Medici (Rubin, Images and Identity , 245). Piera Manneti died in 1489, five years after Antonio. This geneology is outlined in Litta, Pucci di Firenze , vol. 15, table V.

251 AP, Miscellanea, No. 144, fasc. 2, c. 68a.

252 See Litta, “ Pucci di Firenze ,” vol. 15, table V and the entries on Lorenzo, Roberto, and Antonio Pucci in the digital resource created by Salvador Miranda, The Cardinals of the Holy Roman , a website maintained by the University of Florida.

253 Unpublished, ASF, Carte Strozziane 350, Serie Prima, unpaginated. At the time of the wedding, Palazzo Orsini was inhabited by the Orsini family; the Pucci did not purchase Palazzo Orsini in the Campo dei Fiori until 1536.

254 Rubin, Images and Identity, 239 and 245.

81 married to Margherita di Bernardo di Alamanno de’ Medici. 255 Nannina married Jacopo de’ Medici and Alessandra married a Nerli in 1471. A year later Oretta wed Michele di

Bernardo Niccolini, the son of a wealthy merchant from the Santa Croce quarter of the city. 256 Selvaggia wed a member of the politically-prominent Ugolini clan and

Maddalena, who brought with her a dowry of 2,000 florins, married Girolamo di

Niccolò Capponi in 1486, another ancient family with a long record of holding important public offices. 257 Francesca married a Rucellai, a member of the family that added Alberti’s façade to Santa Maria Novella and added the classicizing façade to their palazzo nearby. Armed with regal dowries and enormous landholdings, subsequent generations of the Pucci family married into the Aldobrandini, Albizzi,

Bartolini-Salimbeni, Carducci, Corsini, Frescobaldi, Gheradesca, Gucci, Guicciardini,

Gondi, Machiavelli, Manelli, Panciatichi, Pitti, Ridolfi, Strozzi, and Tornabuoni families (fig. 40).258

The catasto taken in 1451 reports that Antonio and his brother first lived together in a house farther up Via dei Servi in a house near the house occupied by a

255 Rubin, Images and Identity , 245. See also Litta, Pucci di Firenze , vol. 15, table V.

256 Rubin, Images and Identity , 245.

257 An in-law and close business associate, Niccolò Capponi wrote a letter in 1512 attesting to the particularly high regard in which the Medici held the Pucci family in the difficult years before the triumphal return of the first family of Florence to power. The proposal that a member of the Pucci clan, however elderly, be promoted to the office of the Gonfalonier of Justice in 1516, a post held by members of the Pucci family no fewer than eight times in the fifteenth century, is just one of many testimonials to their central role within the inner circle of Medici partisans. H. C. Butters cites this letter in Governors and Government in Early Sixteenth Century Florence, 207.

258 Litta, Pucci di Firenze , vol. 15, tables III and IV.

82 cousin, Francesco di Giovanni (1437-1518).259 One of Antonio’s neighbors was

Bencivenni Benivieni, also listed as Francesco di Giovanni’s neighbor, indicating that the house owned by the Benivieni family separated their respective homes. 260 The catasto Antonio filed in 1469 reports that he then moved his large brood of children to a house nearby, a residence pieced together from a larger house on the corner of Via dei

Servi and Via dei Calderai and three smaller casetti facing Via dei Calderai.261 Antonio

259 APF, Miscellanea, No. 144, fasc. 2, c. 16a and c. 20a: “ Nel catasto, o sia Filzetta all’anno 1451, Quartiere s. Giovanni Gonf. Vaio appare Antonio di Puccio d’Antonio Pucci, e fratelli [...] Sostanze Una casa per nostro abitare posta nel Popolo di S. Michele Bisdomini, da prima, 2 o via, 3 o Michele di Nofri Parenti, 4 o Bencivenni Benivieni .”

260 One of Francesco di Giovanni’s neighbors was Orlando de’ Medici. APF, Miscellanea, N. 144, fasc. 2, c. 18a: “ Francesco di Giovanni d’Antonio Pucci…Una casa per mio abitare nella Via de Servi, Popolo di S. Michele Viscomini, che da … via, a 2o di Bencivenni Benivieni a 3 o Orlando de’ Medici e piu altri confine che piu vi sono .”

261 Via dei Pucci was originally named Via dei Calderai. Unpublished, ASF, MGR 387, insert 3, c. 2a contains a copy of Antonio’s catasto of 1469:

Al nome di Dio amen XIII d’aghosto 1469 per chatasto

Quartiere san Giovanni Ghonfalone Vaio

Antonio di Puccio d’Antonio a’ di ventina fiorini

Nel chatasto 1458 fiorini

Nel valsente in nome suo e frategli fiorini

Nel chatasto del 27 in nome di Pucco(sic) fiorini

Sustanze

Una chasa per mio abitare posta nel popolo di san Michele Bisdomini chonperata da Michele Parenti charta per ser Antonio di ser Batista fatto di’ 18 di novembre 1461 in nome di Piero di Chosimo de’ Medici per fiorini 2500 netti

Una piazza al lato a detta chasa che oggi s’abita per orto chonperata da monna Lodovicha e figliuoli e di Lodovicho di Tomaso del Palago(sic) per fiorini 266 in tutto per abitare chon detta chasa

Un pezzuolo d’orto chonperato da messer Francesco della Chasa sotto di’ 28 di febraio 1462 charta ser Govanni di Francesco di Neri el quale hoggi e’ unito chol mio della chasa per mio abitare

Una chasetta posta nel popolo di san Michele Bisdomini al lato alla sopradetta chasa chonperata d’Antonio di Pagolo Charnesecchi per fiorini 140 netti charta per ser Antonio di ser Batista fatto di’ 10 di febraio 1463

83 paid 2,500 florins for the large house he purchased from Piero di Cosimo de’ Medici in

November 1461. 262 In addition to the piazza contingent to the property he converted into a garden, Antonio paid 266 florins to Roberto Palagio, the patriarch of another distinguished Florentine clan, for a second house with a cortile that touched this “old house.”263 A year later, in February 1462, Antonio purchased a garden ( orto ) that enabled him to unite the whole garden with this dwelling. Between 1461 and 1462

Antonio also bought the three smaller houses ( casette) and a courtyard that he united with these structures: “ le quali tutte case e cassette e orti e piazza le tengho oggi per mio abitationi con la mia famiglia.”264 This so-called “old” house along with the loggia, garden, and three smaller houses correspond to the residence of Antonio’s grandson,

Raffaello d’Alessandro, labeled on Antonio da Sangallo the Younger’s planimetric study, now catalogued as Uffizi 764A (fig. 41).

Una chasetta a lato a essa chonperata da Domenicho d’Angnolo pianelaio per fiorini 235 sotto di’ 28 di […] 1461 coe’ a di’ 28 di genaio roghato ser Antonio di ser Batista

Una chasetta a lato alla sopradetta chonperata da’ figliuoli di Domenicho del Voglia per fiorini 32 charta per ser Nicholo’ di ser Antonio da Romena sotto di’ 27 di settembre 1462

Tutte le sopradette chase e orti sono hunite insieme per mio abitare. ”

262 AP, Miscellanea, N. 144, fasc. 2, c. 68a: “ Una casa per mio abitare posta nel Popola di S. Michele Bisdomini (sic), comperata da Michele Parenti ‘Carta’ per d’Antonio di. G. Batista sotto di 18 di Novembre 1461; in nome al magnifico Piero di Cosimo per fiorini 2500 metti da primo, e 2 o via, 3 o Tommaso e Dionigi di Puccio, a 4 o erede di Benintendi Benivieni, una piazza contingente a detta casa, che oggi … abita per orto. Comperata da Ma Lodovica Donna fu di Benedetto dal Palagio e figliuoli di Roberto dal Palagio e da Marisano e Bernardo di Piero dal Palagio per fiorini 266 per abitare con detta casa e piu un cortile con detta loggia mi tocca alla casa vecchia .”

263 AP, Miscellanea, no. 144, fasc. 2, c. 68a. Najemy, The 1200-1600 , 228 notes that Guido di messer Tommaso del Palagio was “the most respected and influential man in the city.”

264 AP, Miscellanea, no. 144, fasc. 2, c. 68a. ASF, MGR 387, insert 3 is another document that describes the accumulation of the properties by Antonio Pucci. This record of Antonio’s net worth indicates that his daughters Sena and Alessandra each had a dowry of 1,200 florins. In this property history the street on which the small houses that Antonio purchased is identified as Via Chornacinni a posto di San Michele Visdomini . Via de Calderai was originally known as Via Cornacchiaia (see AP, Decimari, No. 190, cc. 246-247) and now known as Via dei Pucci.

84 In addition to the house next door shared by two of Antonio’s younger brothers,

Tommaso and Dionigi, most likely the house where his father Puccio raised his growing family, various uncles and cousins owned four other houses along Via dei

Servi, further evidence of Pucci domination over this crucial thoroughfare into the heart of Medici territory. 265 Two of these houses were owned by Antonio’s uncle Saracino, one of which he purchased from a son of Orlando de’ Medici. 266 Antonio’s cousins, sons of Benintendi d’Antonio, lived down the street from a fourth house owned by two other cousins, the sons of Puccio’s younger brother Giovanni. 267 Working backwards from the information provided in subsequent property records it is possible to conclude that since Alamanno Pucci was Jacopo di Giovanni’s son, listed in the bocche as six years old in 1469, the house owned by Antonio’s cousins Jacopo and Francesco di

Giovanni was the house located at the other end of the street.268

265 AP, Miscellanea, No. 144, fasc 2. c.115a is the catasto filed by Saracino d’Antonio Pucci (1405-1480) in 1469. In it he reported that he also bought a house on Via dei Servi for his use from Piero di Mse Cosimo dei Medici Gonfalone Vaio in 1459. AP, Miscellanea, No. 144, fasc. 2, c. 165a, Saracino’s catasto of 1480, indicates that he bought another house on Via dei Servi from Piero di Orlando de’ Medici. Saracino was a member of the L’arte legnaioli and also involved in the manufacture of silk. He served as castellano of Arezzo in 1429. Saracino’s sons Priore and Andrea, who married into the Frescobaldi family, were also involved in the silk business. AP, Miscellanea, no. 144, fasc. 3, c. 100a indicates that two of Saracino’s sons each owned houses on Via dei Servi. AP, Miscellanea, no. 144, fasc. 2, c. 110a is the catasto filed by Lodovico and Marco di Benitendi d’Antonio Pucci and Nanna, their mother, in 1469. A third house on Via de Servi in the Popolo di S. Michele Bisdomini (sic) was owned by Jacopo and Francesco di Giovanni, whose catasto filed in 1469 is contained in AP, Miscellanea, no. 144, fasc. 2, c. 105a. Puccio’s son Bartolomeo, eight years younger than Antonio, also lived in the parish of San Michele Visdomini (AP, Miscellanea, no. 144, fasc. 2, c. 160a).

266 Saracino’s catasto of 1480, indicates that he bought a house on Via dei Servi from Piero di Orlando de’ Medici. His nephew Antonio bought his house on the same street in 1461 from Piero di Cosimo de’ Medici. AP, Miscellanea, no. 144, fasc 2. c.165a: “Una casa con tutti sua abituri posta nella via dei Servi Popolo di S. Michele Bisdomini (sic) di Firenze. Comperai da Piero di Ms. Orlando de’ Medici per costo di fiorini 285 di sugg.o a Mezzza gabella, carta per mano di S. Giovanni di Francesco Cartolaio, la qual casa ho appigionata a Alessandro, e Francesco di Bernardo Ciacchi per mesi 18 per fiorini 15 l’hanno, carta per mano di S. Michele da Romena soto di Giugno 1480 .”

267 AP, Miscellanea, no. 144, fasc. 2, c. 165a.

85 In the catasto of 1469 Antonio Pucci again took stock of his other property holdings, which along with the garden on the corner of Via dei Servi and his large house around the corner on Via dei Calderai linked to three smaller ones, encompassed thirty-six farmsteads in the Tuscan countryside. 269 Antonio continued to invest in real estate for the rest of his life -- especially in the parish of San Michele Visdomini, where he recorded the purchase of another small house ( casetta ) for 225 florins in 1470 and two-thirds of a small house for 186 florins in March 1479. 270 The casetta that he acquired in 1477 was located on Via dei Cresci (now Via Bufalini), the block that links

Via dei Calderai with Santa Maria Nuova. 271 By 1498, Andrea di Francesco di Puccio and his brothers had another house near Santa Maria Nuova bordered by the building

268 AP, Miscellanea, no. 144, fasc. 2, c. 105a. This house is labeled no. 11 in Antonio the Younger’s Sangallo’s study of the Pucci compound of houses.

269 AP, Miscellanea, no. 144, fasc. 2, c. 68a is the catasto Antonio submitted in 1469. A copy of this tax declaration is included in Unpublished, ASF, MGR 387, insert 3, c. 2a. “ Al nome di Dio amen XIII d’aghosto 1469 per chatasto/Quartiere san Giovanni Ghonfalone Vaio/Antonio di Puccio d’Antonio a’ di ventina fiorini/Nel chatasto 1458 fiorini/Nel valsente in nome suo e frategli fiorini/Nel chatasto del 27 in nome di Pucco (sic) fiorini/Sustanze/Una chasa per mio abitare posta nel popolo di san Michele Bisdomini chonperata da Michele Parenti charta per ser Antonio di ser Batista fatto di’ 18 di novembre 1461 in nome di Piero di Chosimo de’ Medici per fiorini 2500 netti/Una piazza al lato a detta chasa che oggi s’abita per orto chonperata da monna Lodovicha e figliuoli e di Lodovicho di Tomaso del Palago(sic) per fiorini 266 in tutto per abitare chon detta chasa/Un pezzuolo d’orto chonperato da messer Francesco della Chasa sotto di’ 28 di febraio 1462 charta ser Govanni di Francesco di Neri el quale hoggi e’ unito chol mio della chasa per mio abitare/Una chasetta posta nel popolo di san Michele Bisdomini al lato alla sopradetta chasa chonperata d’Antonio di Pagolo Charnesecchi per fiorini 140 netti charta per ser Antonio di ser Batista fatto di’ 10 di febraio 1463/Una chasetta a lato a essa chonperata da Domenicho d’Angnolo pianelaio per fiorini 235 sotto di’ 28 di […] 1461 coe’ a di’ 28 di genaio roghato ser Antonio di ser Batista/Una chasetta a lato alla sopradetta chonperata da’ figliuoli di Domenicho del Voglia per fiorini 32 charta per ser Nicholo’ di ser Antonio da Romena sotto di’ 27 di settembre 1462/Tutte le sopradette chase e orti sono hunite insieme per mio abitare .”

270 AP, Miscellanea, no. 144, fasc. 2, c. 145a: “ Una casa posta nel Popolo di S. Michele Bisdomini, e in d. Gonfalone al Vaio, e nella deta via con piu casette, e pezzi d’orti, e Piazza come per la mia portata all’anno 1470 […] potete vedere, e piu comperai di poi una casetta, da Santa Maria nuova, a anero da Nofri di Jacopo di S: Nofri, per fiorini 255 d’oro. Rogato S. Lionardo da colle sotto di 11 d’aprile 1477; e piu 2/3 d’una casetta comperai fiorini 186 larghi da Sindachi d’Antonio cioe di Piero d‘Antonio Mattei, e Nero da Niccolo di Dardano rogato S. Giovanni Calandrini sotto di 6 di Marzo 1479; le quali tutte case, e casette, e orti, e Piazza le tengo oggi per mia abitazione colla mia famiglia .” A copy of this catasto is preserved in Unpublished, ASF, MGR 387, insert 3.

271 AP, Miscellanea, no. 144, fasc. 2, c. 145a. is the record of the purchase of “ una casetta, da Santa Maria Nuova ” on April 11, 1477.

86 that housed the general contractors for work on the Florentine cathedral of Santa Maria del Fiore ( Opera di Santa Maria del Fiore ).272 Two centuries later Ottavio Pucci, a younger son of Senator Niccolò (1556-1618), who inherited the property when Puccio’s line of the family died out in 1612, developed these smaller houses on Via Bufalini into a second Pucci palazzo.273

Antonio Pucci at Home in Florence: Material Culture and Domestic Magnificenza Three weeks before his death on November 30, 1484, Antonio Pucci commissioned an inventory of his wordly belongings (appendix 3). The catalogue lists the contents of his house in Florence with the casetta on Via dei Servi, a small house with its loggia that wrapped around the garden and connected with the rear of the large house with its garden at the intersection of Via dei Calderai, and the three smaller houses on Via dei Calderai adjacent to a house owned by the da Rabatta near the corner of what is now Via Ricasoli.274 The public official who prepared the ten-page folio of

272 AP, Miscellanea, no. 144, fasc. 3, c. 100a: “ Andrea e fratelli posta nel popolo di S. Michele Visdomini di Firenze […An] ogni anno per la sua parte […] alla qual casa a prima via detta S. Maria Nuova, a 2o Bastiano [… ], a 3o Opera di S. Maria del Fiore, a 4 o. M. Donato de bardi tiene a pigione Giuliano [… ] Curandaio apparisce al “Litro” di casa nostra. ”

273 Leonardo Ginori Lisci, The Palazzi of Florence: Their History and Art , trans. Jennifer Grillo, (Florence: Giunti Barbera, 1985), vol. 1, 433-38. This palazzo is now owned by the Cassa di Risparmio Firenze. During this same period, Ottavio’s older brother, Marchese Orazio Roberto (1625-1687), hired Paolo Falconieri to create a block-long palazzo from Raffaello d’Alessandro d’Antonio’s house, the smaller house next door owned by his uncle Roberto, and a house purchased from the da Rabatta family at the end of Via dei Calderai where it intersects Via Ricasoli.

274 ASF, Carte Strozziane 341, Serie Prima, Inventari Strozziane , c. 35-39. This inventory, dated November 10, 1484, is cited but not transcribed or analyzed by Alison Wright in her work The Pollaiuolo Brothers: The Arts of Florence and Rome, 466, ff. 90. The history of Antonio’s property transactions involving the house along the Via di Chorazzai (Via dei Pucci) are also outlined in Unpublished, ASF, MGR 387, insert 3: “ Una casa posta detta via con piu casetta e pezi di orti e piazza come per la mia portata chairo potete vedere e piu comperai di poi una cassetta da Santa Maria Nuova da Nonfri di Jacopo di ser Nonfri di Pucci per fiorini 225 di sugello rogato ser Lionardo da cholli sotto di de 11 d’april 1477 e piu 2/3 di una casetta comperata fiorini 186 largi da sindachi d’Antonio cioe di Piero d’Antonio Maltei compero di Nicolo di Dandano rogato ser Giovanni Chalendrini sotto di 6 di Marzo 1479 lequali tutte case e cassette e orti e piazza le tengho oggi per mio abitationi con la mia famiglia .”

87 Antonio’s belongings catalogued a rambling eighteen-room residence complete with a sala grande in sulla via looking out over the street which presumably doubled as a reception room for guests and led into the dining room ( saletta ) serviced by two kitchens, one on the piano nobile and another above. There were also two “new” living quarters in the house – an antechamber and a bedroom – designated for use by

Antonio’s second wife, Piera. 275 While the large number of public and private rooms was a luxury in a city where space was at a premium, the irregular organization of the living spaces reflects the process divined from the tax records by which Antonio’s house was cobbled together from the old house purchased from Piero de’ Medici and the smaller casette he bought over the next two years from his neighbors.276

Antonio’s city residence did not incorporate an armory and had a great deal more furniture and artwork than his father’s old house on Via dei Servi, indications of the family’s growing prosperity in a more stable political environment. There were carpets and tapestries to blunt the chill of winter, wainscoting and paintings on the walls, devotional images lit by silver chandeliers, and delicately carved furniture fitted with painted panels. Chests and cupboards were filled with large quantities of linen for entertaining, the women’s needlework, and textiles purchased for the trousseaux of

Antonio’s daughters. The Pucci coat of arms was inlaid into tabletops, woven into expensive bedding, and incised into the family silverware. The distinctive family stemma was also carved onto an elegant walnut wedding chest in the form of a Roman

275 ASF, Carte Strozziane 341, Serie Prima, c. 35-39.

276 The comparative size of houses and palaces owned by Florentine patricians is discussed in Musacchio , Art, Marriage, & Family in the Florentine Renaissance Palace , chapter 2, “In and Out of Palaces.”

88 sarcophagus decorated with protruding lion paws on the footrests and low-relief sculptural panels framed with classicizing devices.277 Its craftsmanship and austere but sophisticated design scheme points to the da Maiano workshop or, more likely given its dating and the payment records to Giuliano da Sangallo in 1485-87, a master woodworker in the Sangallo bottega.278 Beds and expensive bedding were standard fare throughout the house except for the rooms used for food preparation. In addition to the four-poster letto in Piera’s room, the inventory lists a number of bedsteads (lettiera ) and several lettucci , a kind of settee used as a daybed with a built-in storage chest. Even the family room contained two besteads piled high with three mattresses and a number of heavy bed covers. 279

Prosperity brought with it social practices that forged a genre of Renaissance décor painted into the backgrounds of works of art -- idealized settings that nonetheless offer insights into the taste for the sumptuously adorned interiors of the period. While no illustrations of the Pucci interiors in the fifteenth century have survived, the terracotta relief of the Birth of St. sculpted by Benedetto da Maiano, employed by the Pucci to create the intarsiated spalliere panels for their private chapel

277 The cassone is preserved in the family collection. Ellen Callmann, “William Blundell Spence and the Transformation of the Renaissance Cassoni,” The Burlington Magazine 141, (1999): 333-48 explains the shift over the course of the Renaissance from pictorial decoration to carved decorations exemplified by this beautifully crafted chest. See also Jacqueline Marie Musacchio, The Triumph of Marriage: Painted Cassone in the Renaissance (Pittsburgh: Periscope Publishing, 2008) and Paul Schubring, Truhen und Truhenbilder der italienischen frührenaissance (Leipzig, 1914), who provides an extensive survey of cassoni and cassoni panels.

278 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 605, Contracts of Casa Pucci 1479-1574, c.19a: “1487 … Grano per conto di messer Puccio proprio […] A Giuliano da Sangallo et Antonio della Rena moggia uno per ciascuno, staia 48/E piu a Antonio della Rena, staia 24. C. 19b: “1487 per messer Puccio proprio […]per tanto a Giuliano da Sangallo barili (olio) uno .” These payments are discussed more fully in the chapter on Antonio da Sangallo the Younger’s architectural commissions for the Pucci.

279 ASF, Carte Strozziane 341, Serie Prima, c. 36b.

89 in Santissima Annunziata in the 1470s, is just one example of the elaborately decorated rooms in demand by upper-class Florentines (fig. 42). 280 Benedetto’s walls are covered by wood decorated with carved decorative overlays simulating piers with Corinthian capitals indispersed with garlands. An embroidered panel stitched to a design by

Antonio del Pollaiuolo, the artist who painted the altarpiece for the Pucci oratory in

Santissima Annunziata in 1474, offers yet another depiction of these palatial settings which, judging by the inventory of the Pucci house taken in 1529, were still in vogue two generations later (fig. 43). 281 The monumental bed in which Elizabeth gives birth in the Nativity of Saint John is the only real piece of furniture in the room. 282 Raised high off the floor, the saint surveys the scene below from a multi-purpose lettiera designed for sleeping, seating, and storage. The base, decorated with wood spalliere , protrudes to form a row of cabinets and a step from which to climb off the outsized structure covered with a rich red bedcover trimmed with gold. Elizabeth leans her arm against one of the Corinthian piers carved into the enormous headboard while another woman rests against the back of the baseboard. This centralized vantage point offers a perspective on the ornate floor leading off to a paneled passageway adorned at the far end with a square picture frame. The cassone heaped with gifts and the mother’s trousseau, the large tray on which the saint is served her meal, the intarsiated shutters fitted into the windows, and the painted coffered ceiling are other virtuoso displays of

280 The terracotta relief by Benedetto da Maiano, dated to 1477 is now owned by the Victoria & Albert Museum in London. See Currie Inside the Renaissance House, 56.

281 Currie, Inside the Renaissance House, 47.

282 Currie, Inside the Renaissance House , 47. The embroidery rendered in colored silks and metal threads was fabricated in Florence sometime between 1466 and 1487 and is now on display in the Museo dell’ Opera del Duomo in Florence.

90 decorative woodwork. 283 While applying caution in the reading of these artistic renditions as accurate descriptions of decorative decors fashioned for families presiding over the social pyramid, the Pucci estate inventories repeatedly confirm that public rooms were fitted with beds and used as central spaces for the circulation and display of especially valuable possessions. 284 By all accounts, exhibiting and safekeeping family valuables were twin concerns in the design of carved cassoni, gilt-covered strong boxes, and decorated storage cabinets. 285

Commissioned by the Tornabuoni family from (1449-

1494), an artist who also worked for the Pucci, the fresco of The Birth of the Virgin created for the Cappella Maggiore of Santa Maria Novella begun in 1486 attests to the fashion for seating and storage built into benches running along wood-paneled walls or attached to the large bedsteads that typically centered these spaces (fig. 45).286 The fresco exemplifies the decorative programs applied to the lavishly furnished marital chambers that made an appearance in patrician households during the building boom of the 1480s.287 Along with the pilasters decorated with a candelabra motif, the all’antica inscription running across the architrave was an application of the classicizing motifs

283 See Musacchio, Art, Marriage and Family in the Renaissance Palace for a discussion of the gifts and artwork associated with the ritual of childbirth in Renaissance Italy.

284 Currie, Inside the Renaissance House , 13. See also Peter Thornton, The Italian Renaissance Interior, 1400-1600 (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1991); Richard Goldthwaite, Wealth and the Demand for Art in Italy, 1300-1600 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1993); Giovanni Ciapelli and Patricia Rubin, eds., Art, Memory and Family in Renaissance Florence , (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000); and Raffaella Sarti, Europe at Home: Family and Material Culture, 1500-1800 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2002).

285 Musacchio, Art, Marriage & Family , 105.

286 An unpublished inventory of the Pucci collection as it stood circa 1847 indicates that the Pucci owned four paintings by Domenico Ghirlandaio.

287 See Jean K. Codogan Domenico Ghirlandaio: Artist and Artisan (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2000) for a thorough discussion of this chapel and its decorative program.

91 popular with the Florentine magnates who patronized the most prestigious woodworking shops of the period.288 In this instance, the chamber was decorated with a gilded bas relief of dancing and music-making putti, the playful cherubs painted onto wedding chests and other bedroom furnishings ornamented with auspicious symbols of fertility. 289

While the fresco is undoubtedly a somewhat fanciful portrayal of the

Tornabuoni living quarters, Musacchio’s study of the early modern interior draws on the estate inventories of Giovanni Tornabuoni’s Florentine palazzo which, along with the Pucci inventories, are among the handful of surviving catalogues of early

Renaissance interiors, to describe how luxuriously appointed domestic quarters functioned as advertisements of social and political prominence. 290 Ambitious

Florentines commissioned rooms, furniture, and artwork decorated with their coat of arms and other dynastic symbolism; princely rulers and military statesmen of the period were known to take the didactic imagery of these domestic spaces to another semiotic level altogether. The complete transformation of studies and reception rooms into a

288 Ghirlandaio’s decorative program for the Sassetti Chapel in Santa Trinita, Florence and Giuliano da Sangallo’s frame for the sarcophagus designed for this same chapel are evidence of their collaboration, as is the tomb the da Maiano workshop carved for the decorated by Ghirlandaio in Santa Maria Novella. For the sculpture produced by the da Maiano family workshop see Doris Carl’s study of the life and work of Benedetto da Maiano (see ff. 164).

289 Currie, Inside the Renaissance House, 55 describes the symbolism of putti in the bedrooms of newly married and pregnant women. See also Jacqueline Marie Musacchio, The Art and Ritual of Childbirth in Renaissance Italy (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1999).

290 Mussacchio, Art, Marriage & Family , 105.

92 fantasyland was designed to enlighten an honored audience with allusions to a perfectly ordered realm. 291

Notwithstanding the prevalence of built-in furnishings, there were some portable household effects in Antonio’s house, including a stool with a low back

(panche atorno ), along with two tables, one of walnut and another of pine, both of which arranged in the large chamber facing the street ( sala grande in sulla via ).292 Four chandeliers were attached to the walls in this family room, also equipped with a cischranna (sic) for the fire. 293 The saletta contained three tables of varying sizes, two chandeliers, and two heads of Saracens (teste di saracini ), apparently a patronymic allusion to the Moor in profile illustrated on the family crest. 294 The kitchen on the second floor contained a wood credenza , a smaller sideboard of walnut inlaid with intarsia , a large pine table, a chandelier, and a walnut desk. 295 There were also two working tables in the larger kitchen on the ground floor, one of which was made of walnut and decorated with Pucci heraldry. 296 A storeroom contained four pairs of

291 Baldassare Peruzzi: Architetto: Commemorazione V Centenario della Nascita di Baldassare Peruzzi, Alessandro Biagi and Gianni Neri eds., (Sovicille: Comune di Sovicille, 1981), 29. See also Jack D’Amico, “Drama and the Court in La Calandria” Theater Journal 43 (March 1991): 93-106 for a discussion of the power of art to convey the political ideals of the court and the legitimation of the Gonzagas through an artistic identification with the ancient world.

292 ASF, Carte Strozziane 341, Serie Prima, c. 36a.

293 ASF, Carte Strozziane 341, Serie Prima, c. 36a.

294 ASF, Carte Strozziane 341, Serie Prima, c. 36a.

295 ASF, Carte Strozziane 341, Serie Prima, c. 36a.

296 ASF, Carte Strozziane 341, Serie Prima, c. 36a.

93 andirons, two pedestals, and twenty barrels of various sorts containing liquids, most likely casks for storing wine or oil. 297

Antonio’s suite of rooms on the ground floor of the house was particularly well appointed. These apartments were where the master of the house studied, conducted business, and received guests. Although rooms on the ground floor ( camere terrenna ) of Florentine houses were sometimes designated for the master’s summer accommodations, Antonio seems to have used these rooms as his principal apartments throughout the year.298 The anticamera was decorated with a silver saracino , presumably another reference to the Pucci insignia, as well as other rare and unusual objects designed to spark conversation: a unicorn fabricated of silver -- an image associated with the purification of Christ that may have been inspired by the imaginary animals described in Physiologus -- a painting of the Madonna with a gold cornice, and a branch of coral inlaid with pearls. 299 Often found in princely collections, coral was valued both for its natural beauty, apotropaic qualities, and supposed medicinal powers.300

297 ASF, Carte Strozziane 341, Serie Prima, c. 36b. A barile of wine was equal to 15.5 ounces; the volume of other liquids classified as barili equals 11.6 ounces. I have used the note on measurements included in the transcription of Lorenzo de’ Medici’s inventory by Richard Stapleford (see ff. 44).

298 Catherine Fletcher, “‘ Uno palaco belissimo’ : Town and Country Living in Renaissance Bologna” in The Early Modern Italian Domestic Interior, 1400-1700 ,” ed. Erin J. Campbell, Stephanie R. Miller, and Elizabeth Carroll Consavari (Burlington: Ashgate, 2013), 22.

299 ASF, Carte Strozziane 341, Prime Serie, c. 35a. The iconography of the unicorn horn, its derivation from the collection of stories compiled in Alexandria in the second century AD, and its role in religious narratives is outlined in Marina Belozerskaya, Luxury Arts of the Renaissance (Los Angeles: The J. Paul Getty Museum, 2005), 68-69.

300 Belozerskaya , Luxury Arts of the Renaissance , 27.

94 The four-poster bed and settee with a storage cabinet inside in Antonio’s anticamera were both fabricated of pine. 301 Two rugs were used as coverings for the day bed, one large and one small, along with a mattress and another carpet, this one described as threadbare ( loghoro ). 302 Here the paterfamilias stored a fair amount of over-clothing, the majority of which was tailored from black velvet or other kinds of rich black cloth. 303 Two knee-length capes ( lucchetto ), no fewer than eleven cioppe, a kind of patrician over-dress, and several versions of a ghonnellino, an informal overcoat consisting of a tight-fitting jacket with a longer skirt, were stored in these rooms.304 A visual sign of gravitas , Antonio’s austere but richly fabricated wardrobe was sometimes accessorized by a pair of large sleeves trimmed in brocade, eight gold tassels ( nappe d’oro da ghuanciali ), and a belt with a clasp. 305 There were also two lock boxes in this room and several pieces of expensive cloth (panna ), including a piece of red damask. 306 A large wardrobe of expensively understated clothing – a response to

Florentine sumptuary laws aimed at regulating the garments worn by the “honorably rich” in a cloth-sophisticated society -- was also stored in several large cassoni fitted with spalliere .307 While the clothing worn by Antonio’s children in Ghirlandaio’s

301 ASF, Carte Strozziane 341, Serie Prima, c. 35a.

302 ASF, Carte Strozziane 341, Serie Prima, c. 35a.

303 ASF, Carte Strozziane 341, Serie Prima, c. 35a –35b.

304 Stapleford, Lorenzo de’ Medici At Home: The Inventory of the Palazzo Medici in 1492, 18.

305 ASF, Carte Strozziane 341, Serie Prima, c. 35a.

306 ASF, Carte Strozziane 341, Serie Prima, c. 35b.

307 ASF, Carte Strozziane 341, Serie Prima, c. 35b. Quattrocento sumptuary laws are treated in Carole Collier Frick, Dressing Renaissance Florence: Families, Fortune and Fine Clothing (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2002), 91, 83 and 78.

95 fresco respects Alberti’s advice: “good clothing for civic life must be clean, suitable and wellmade – that’s the main thing. Joyous colors are proper to wear, whatever bright clolors suit the wearer best, and good cloth is imperative,” his own wardrobe, fabricated of the dark monachino fabrics worn by widows and mourners, solved for the honorable impression he made in public.308 As Frick points out in her study of Quattrocento clothing, “these values presented the corporeal family ideal: honor, authority, and

Christian modesty,” a powerful message about the serious business of dressing in a society where it was imperative that the family unit appear well-connected and civic- minded. 309

The chamera di nostro padre was more simply furnished than Antonio’s personal chambers.310 A pine bed and a day bed that was also made of pine were covered with two tapestries and two pairs of pillows.311 The pair of cassoni grandi in this room also held sheets and a white silk blanket in the Neapolitan style (alla napoletana grandona di seta biancha ).312 A pair of strongboxes is described as alla divisa degli Strozzi .313 Six tablecloths were stored in this chamber, perhaps a reflection of their considerable value. 314 Especially noteworthy are the other table linens recorded by the clerk in this room: seventy napkins ( tavagliolini di rensa di piu sorte ), some of

308 Frick, Dressing Renaissance Florence, 82.

309 Frick, Dressing Renaissance Florence, 218.

310 ASF, Carte Strozziane 341, Serie Prima, c. 37a.

311 ASF, Carte Strozziane 341, Serie Prima, c. 37a.

312 ASF, Carte Strozziane 341, Serie Prima, c. 37a.

313 ASF, Carte Strozziane 341, Serie Prima, c. 37a.

314 ASF, Carte Strozziane 341, Serie Prima c. 37a.

96 them especially fine ( chapitale tra grosse e fine ) along with four tavagliolucccie grosse .315

Another room above Antonio’s anticamera (una chamera di sopra al’antichamera d’Antonio ) contained two long boxes for storing other linens.316 These contained twenty-four sheets used by the family ( lenzuola da famiglia husate ), more bedding, and six other tablecloths ( tovagliette ). 317 In addition to two gold storage chests, this storeroom also contained a pair of large andirons, two sets of bells, one large and one small, a small rug, numerous pieces of fabric for display on walls and furniture, and four covers for the family mules. 318 There were two large sets of bowls

(schodelli ): one set of sixty-four bowls that were better than the others ( piu ragione ) and a second set of fifty smaller schoddellini .319 A large infraschatoio of majolica, eight other majolica plates, and another eighteen bowls described as infreschatoini di maiolicha were also stored in this upstairs chamber.320 Fitted with an enormous built-in chassone that ran around the basamento of the room, the room also contained twelve paintings on round panels (XII quadri tondi ) and another eighteen quadri.321

315 ASF, Carte Strozziane 341, Serie Prima, c. 37a.

316 ASF, Carte Strozziane 341, Serie Prima, c. 35b.

317 ASF, Carte Strozziane 341, Serie Prima, c. 35b.

318 ASF, Carte Strozziane 341, Serie Prima, c. 35b.

319 ASF, Carte Strozziane 341, Serie Prima, c. 36a.

320 ASF, Carte Strozziane 341, Serie Prima, c. 36a.

321 ASF, Carte Strozziane 341, Serie Prima, c. 36a.

97 The Pucci coat of arms – conspicuously painted into the background of paintings by both Botticelli and the Pollaiuolo brothers –were integrated into other of

Antonio’s belongings. In addition to the silver saracino on display in his anticamera , the four-poster bed (letto ) in another of the rooms opening onto the street was covered with a bedspread embroidered with the Pucci stemma .322 Another of the rooms on the ground floor was furnished with a large four-poster bed that was colorfully decorated with an azure bedcover, while the room next to it had another large bed and a lettuccio adorned with a bedcover embroidered with the Pucci coat of arms ( una coltre chon l’arme ). 323 The “new” bedroom occupied by Antonio’s second wife, Piera di Manetti, the daughter of the famed humanist with whom he had six of his thirteen children, also had a large bed in it, presumably with built-in storage below, since the inventory lists many articles of Piera’s clothing. 324

In the chamera terrena in sulla via the letto with its four built-in storage chambers was placed opposite a settle covered in comfortable bedding and surrounded by art work. The lettuccio in this room also doubled as a receptacle for the storage of clothing and other bedding. Clearly intended for public viewing, this room contained a pair of strongboxes with painted decorations and wainscoting decorated with spalliere panels. 325 This room was also decorated with three heads in an unidentified medium, possibly terracotta or painted stucco, and a marble Madonna ( una nostra donna di

322 ASF, Carte Strozziane 341, Serie Prima, c. 36a.

323 ASF, Carte Strozziane 341, Serie Prima, c. 36a.

324 ASF, Carte Strozziane 341, Serie Prima, c. 38a.

325 ASF, Carte Strozziane 341, Serie Prima, c. 36a.

98 marmo ) presumably on display on the three tables and four chests that furnished this living space. 326 The adjacent room in camera di testa also featured a pine bed, this one with four chests ( casse ) inside.327 In addition to the tapestry ( tappetto ) there was a devotional image, here identified as the Virgin ( nostra donna ). 328 As is evident from the subject matter of the artwork commissioned for his private rooms, Antonio’s estate inventories corroborate the display of rare and precious artifacts as self-reflexive narratives about wealth, political prestige, and social entitlement.

Antonio Pucci’s Inventory and the Botticelli Panels

In her study of Quattrocento painting, Patricia Rubin speculates that the four spalliere listed in this inventory of the chambers reserved for the head of the household refer to the poplar panels painted in tempera commissioned from Botticelli’s workshop for the nuptials of Antonio’s son Giannozzo to Lucrezia Bini in 1483/84 (fig. 45-48).329

Of the four wainscot wall panels on display in the anticamera d’Antonio , three are described as new (IIII spalliere a ffighure, 3 nuove e una husata soppannata ).”330

Although created as a set, this notation suggests that the three scenes illustrating

Boccaccio’s tale of Nostagio degli Onesti, a young from whose errant

326 ASF, Carte Strozziane 341, Serie Prima, c. 36a.

327 ASF, Carte Strozziane 341, Serie Prima, c. 36a.

328 ASF, Carte Strozziane 341, Serie Prima, c. 36a.

329 Rubin, Images and Identity , 211.

330 ASF, Carte Strozziane 341, Serie Prima, c. 35a. The four panels remained with the Pucci family until 1868, when they were sold to Alexander Barker. After passing through the collection of Frederick Leyland in London and the Aynard and Spiridon collections in , the first three panels were presented to the Prado in Madrid by Don Francisco Cambo in 1941. The fourth panel (illustrating the couple’s wedding banquet) was formerly in the Watney collection, London was sold at Christie’s in 1967 for £100,000 and is now in the family collection in Florence.

99 bride initially refused to marry him, were actually painted at some point after the fourth panel, an illustration of the wedding feast (fig. 48).331 While Nostagio’s suit had a happy outcome, the sub-text of the tale -- the horrific story of another proud woman whose rejected suitor fed her to his hunting houds -- positions the narrative as an admonition by an aging parent about the enduring values of patrilineage and benefits to society of two popolani families aligned with the Medici against the feudal magnates of the Trecento. 332 As it turned out, Botticelli’s illustration of the bloody tale from the eighth story of the fifth day of Boccaccio’s Decameron , a theme in line with Lorenzo de’ Medici’s fascination with moralizing fables, was a portent of the tragedy to come. 333 A notarial act dated January 1483 (Florentine dating) records the receipt of the dowry delivered by Lucrezia Bini’s father, the banker Piero di Giovanni Bini, a transaction that preceded Antonio’s death by less than a year. 334 Nor was Boccaccio’s

331 ASF, Carte Strozziane 341, Serie Prima, c. 35a.

332 Peter Francis Lynch, “Patriarchy and Narrative: The Borgherini Chamber Decorations (PhD diss., Yale University 1992), 16 makes this association with the spalliere created for the marriage of Pierfrancesco Borgherini in 1515, an argument that appears equally applicable to the Botticelli panels. See also Anne B. Barriault, Spalliera Panels of Renaissance Tuscany: Fables of Poets for Patrician Homes (University Park: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 1994).

333 Lorenzo de’ Medici was fascinated by allegories about the forces of nature, inscriptions, monuments to the dead, and the achievements of the ancients. Indeed, a portion of the frieze on the pediment of Poggio a Caiano, the Medici villa designed by Giuliano da Sangallo in the 1480s, was borrowed from the Hermes Psychopompos Sarcophagus, a Roman funereal vessel prominently positioned on the side of the Florentine Cathedral until its removal in the nineteenth century. See Graham Smith, “The Baptistery Sarcophagi in the Context of Medieval, Renaissance, and Modern Florence,” Artista: Critical dell’arte in Toscana 5 (2000), 57.

334 Rubin, Images and Identity , 301 ff. For Giannozzo’s fate see Litta, Pucci di Firenze , table V. Giannozzo’s participation in the plot hatched by Bernardo Del Nero to expel the anti-Medici government followed in the footsteps of his father’s martial opposition to the Pazzi conspirators in 1478. A cousin of Antonio’s, Puccio di Saracino (1449-1484) found himself on the wrong side of the Pazzi conspiracy, a violent skirmish in the city’s cathedral in which Lorenzo de’Medici’s beloved brother was stabbed to death on Easter Sunday.

100 cautionary tale enough to save the bridegroom, convicted of the conspiracy to return the

Medici to power and beheaded with Bernardo Del Nero in August of 1497. 335

In addition to dating the sequence of the painted wood panels, a closer reading of the inventories drawn up shortly before Antonio’s death reveals that the likeness of the Pucci paterfamilias , the rural setting for Botticelli’s illustration of the tragic novella, the banquet tables, and Lorenzo de’ Medici’s presence as the guest of honor at the wedding feast were painted from life. The portrayal of the host of the celebrations as a somberly attired man whose rather diminutive physicality belies his weighty responsibilities within the reggimento of Medici loyalists is corroborated by the inventory of Antonio’s expensive but understated wardrobe as well as by another portrait painted during this same period. Domenico Ghirlandaio, the most celebrated painter of his day, portrayed Antonio as the éminence grise standing to the immediate right of Lorenzo de’ Medici in the Cappella Sassetti (fig. 49). The inclusion of

Antonio’s portrait within the central fresco of the beautifully decorated chapel in the

Florentine church of Santa Trinita touched on relationships that extended well beyond

Pucci’s marriage into the wealthy banking family that commissioned the chapel in the

Vallombrosan church in the first place. 336 True, Antonio was Francesco Sassetti’s brother-in-law, the erudite and influential manager of the shown standing

335 Litta, “ Pucci di Firenze ,” volume 15, 5able V. Giannozzo’s first wife, Smelda di Ugolino Marchese del Monte Santa Maria, died in 1482 after just two years of marriage.

336 The bibliography on the Sassetti Chapel includes Eve Borsook and Johannes Offerhaus, Francesco Sassetti and Ghirlandaio at Santa Trinita, Florence: History and Legend in a Renaissance Chapel (Doornspijk: Davaco Publishers, 1981) and Jean K. Codogan’s fully illustrated work Domenico Ghirlandaio: Artist and Artisan (see ff. 285).The unpublished nineteenth- century inventory of the Pucci collection of paintings includes three works by Domenico Ghirlandaio: A Pieta with , The Raphael with Tobias , and another panel organized around five saints. This inventory, housed in the Pucci archives in Florence, also lists several works by Domenico’s brother Davide.

101 on Lorenzo de’ Medici’s left (fig. 50). 337 Moreover, Antonio’s son Alessandro had married Sibilla da Francesco Sassetti in 1483 (fig. 51). But the Pucci’s role in suppressing political uprisings staged against the ruling family of Florence by both the

Pazzi conspirators and the citizens of Volterra is also key to deciphering the double entendre of the fresco’s layered iconography. 338 Equally relevant to the inclusion of

Antonio Pucci in the fresco depicting the Confirmation of the Rule was his role as standard-bearer of justice ( gonfaloniere di giustizia ), a post held by members of the

Pucci family no fewer than eight times in the fifteenth century.339

Botticelli shared with Ghirlandaio the trope of a severely attired patriarch as a visual sign of gravitas and sobriety hat doubled as a foil for the more colorfully dressed bystanders. He then embellished on the allegorical portrait of Antonio Pucci as an esteemed consigliere to the Medici. In the panel illustrating the third episode of

Boccaccio’s novella, Antonio’s left arm reaches out to pacify an obviously distraught and disheartened wedding party, a role he must have played on numerous occasions during a long career defending his political benefactors from the violent skirmishes that undermined the Medici hold over Tuscany (fig. 52). The fourth spalliera, on the other hand, depicts the happy conclusion of the tale, a harmonious and well-ordered

337 Wright, The Pollaiuolo Brothers , 211 and 261. Antonio’s son Alessandro married Sibilla di Francesco Sassetti and Nannina, one of his six daughters, was married to Jacopo de’Medici (Litta, “ Pucci di Firenze ,” vol. 15, table V). See also Barsook and Offerhaus, Francesco Sassetti and Ghirlandaio at Santa Trinita , 36-37.

338 Unpublished, AP, filza 3, Notizie genealogiche , is dated 1600. See also Litta, “ Pucci di Firenze ,” vol. 15, table V. Antonio was involved in handling the rebellion in Volterra in 1472 and the Pazzi Conspiracy in 1478. He was elected a gonfaloniere of Florence in 1448 and again in 1470, was named podesta of Pistoia in 1458, and named gonfaloniere di giustizia for the first time in 1463.

339 In addition, to holding the post of gonfaloniere, members of the Pucci family served as vicario of il Castello dei Conti Guidi , today the Palazzo Pretorio di Poppi.

102 resolution to the conflict symbolically expressed through the classicizing loggia enclosing the wedding party. Here again Antonio functions as the stabilizing force in the narrative. His measured calm is a studied contrast with the dour expressions of the wedding guests, perhaps an allusion to a marriage brokered by the Medici that met with resistance from the bride or her socially prominent family.

The country setting for Botticelli’s illustration of the tragic novella and Lorenzo de’ Medici’s presence as the guest of honor at the wedding feast are also drawn from social and political realities documented in Pucci account books and inventories. As is discussed further in the next section of this chapter, the inventory of Antonio’s household belongings describes a full suite of rooms in Uliveto named after Il

Magnifico. A familiar and esteemed presence in the Pucci household, the de facto ruler of Florence is a literal and figurative presence in the painting. The scion of the first family of Florence makes an elegant cameo appearance at the wedding banquet: arms crossed, his downward gaze a mask of self-containment, Lorenzo de’ Medici is the personification of sovereignty and its perogatives. In this same metaphoric vein, the contrast between the formal plantings set against the elegant loggia with the wild forest and untamed dogs threatening the wedding party in the other panels illustrates to full effect the chaos held in abeyance by an enlightened, if authoritarian, government. Olive trees planted in stylized parterres in front of the classical pilasters -- an iconography of peace and triumph traditionally associated with the Medici that doubles as a reference to the lush olive groves for which Uliveto was named -- underscore the painting’s

103 function as a heraldic declaration of the Pucci’s social and political allegiance. 340 Not by chance, the architectural rhythms of the triumphal arch, a towering reminder of the

Medici victory over the upstart political factions that threatened Medici hegemony, were a signature of Lorenzo de’ Medici’s architect of choice, Giuliano da Sangallo (fig.

53).341 It is worth noting that there are payments to a woodworker by the name of

Doriano d’Orso for the installation of a bed and a lettuccio in Uliveto in a Pucci giornale containing reimbursements to Giuliano da Sangallo for a commission at

Casignano during this same period, payments that pose the possibility that Doriano was a member of the Sangallo workshop. 342 Chapter six reviews the payments in the Pucci

340 Janet Cox-Rearick treats this element of Medicean iconography in Dynasty and Denstiny: Pontormo, Leo X, and the Two Cosimos (see ff. 5) . The vast literature on Medici patronage is treated with extensive documentation and illustrations of the use of classical sculpture and artifacts as prototypes by Laurie Fusco and Gino Corti Lorenzo de' Medici, Collector and Antiquarian (see again ff. 5).

341 Botticelli’s panel of the Pucci wedding shares with the Pollaiuolo altarpiece for the family chapel a background dominated by a triumphal arch, a trademark of the Renaissance artists engaged in the study of antiquity. While the architectural rhythms of the triumphal arch was revived by Brunelleschi and more fully developed by Alberti, it was a form that Giuliano da Sangallo repeatedly reproduced in his architecture. Giuliano, whose studies of triumphal arches in France and Italy pepper his sketchbooks, was the Medici house architect who worked for the Pucci in Casignano. His name on the verso of a painting of the Virgin and Child with Saint John and an Angel in the National Gallery London, dated to 1490 is one example of his collaboration with Sandro Botticelli’s workshop. Botticelli’s Annunciation for the newly rebuilt church of the Castello, transferred to the Uffizi in 1872, still retains an original frame and predella fabricated by Giuliano da Sangallo.

342 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 253 includes payments to a woodworker in a giornale containing reimbursements to Giuliano da Sangallo, working at the family villa of Casignano during this same period (see ff. 764). C. 25b: MCCCCLXXXVI/ Giovanni Soldani de’ avere a di’ ad 10 di luglio fiorini uno in oro per noi a Doriano d’Orso legnaiuolo debitore in questo c. 32……lire 6 soldi 4 .”

C. 32 b: “ Yesus MCCCCLXXXVI/Doriano d’Orso de’ avere fiorini 6 ½ in oro per chonto di […] letto e lettuccio fatto a Chastelfiorentino d’achordo che monta fiorini 7 1/2 che fiorini uno ebbe in sul merchato che a chonto de la chassa a libro rosso c. 41, lire 40 soldi 6 Posto debitore in questo a c. 32 .”

104 account books to Giuliano da Sangallo identifying him with Casignano, the Pucci villa just outside of Florence.343

Whether or not the Pucci estates in the countryside were a staging ground for any part of the plein air feast commemorating the Pucci/Bini nuptuals in 1484, the inventories of Antonio’s many homes also support Botticelli’s depiction of banquet tables covered with expensively embroidered tablecloths, laden with an impressive collection of silverware, and adorned with displays of delicately glazed majolica. 344

These catalogues offer a lens through which the details of the table settings -- occluded by the obviously idealized representations of the bride and the fictitious triumphal arch in the background -- come into focus. 345 The artists in the Pucci employ documented the precious objects in the family’s grand sala , luxury goods charged with meaning and self-legitimation that reflected the Aristotelian notion of magnificence as a domestic and public virtue. The social code set out in book four of the Nicomachean Ethics was much in evidence in the Pucci household; although silverware was still something of a novelty in the fifteenth century, Antonio’s prized possessions included a velvet sack trimmed in gold that contained no fewer than eighty-four silver forks and seventy-six

343 See also Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 605,19a and 19b. The Pucci family accounts for 1487 register a payment to Giuliano da Sangallo and Antonio di Lana for uno moggia , a measure for grain worth 48 scudi that was to be distributed to each of them. The Vitruvian proportions of the capitals in the oldest part of Casignano are examined in the chapter on Pucci patronage of the Sangallo workshop. The same proportions are discernible in the capitals in the loggia of the Pucci townhouse in Florence.

344 While it is possible that the motif of the olives metaphorically describes the physical setting of some part of the wedding festivities another possibility is a reference to Uliveto’s historical role in defending Medici interests.

345 Litta, “ Pucci di Firenze ,” vol. 15, table V. Lucrezia Bini, the daughter of Piero Bini, whose family were bankers to the Pucci in Rome, married to Giannozzo Pucci sometime in 1483/1484.

105 spoons. 346 Another twelve silver spoons and twelve forks incised with the Pucci stemma were kept in a small room next to the chamera de’famigli in Florence along with three other twelve-piece place settings of silver, each stored in its own separate case. Here the Pucci stored another seven forks ( che s’adoprano a mano ) as well as silver cutlery engraved with the insignia of the Signoria and the coat of arms of the Manetti family. 347

The rooms designated for Antonio’s second wife Piera di Giannozzo Manetti also contained valuable silverware, including a silver cup chased with gold and fourteen saltshakers. 348 Piera kept three pitchers decorated with the arms of the Pucci family and two others with the stemma of the Pitti in her private quarters. 349

A room identified as the chamera di nostro padre contained as many nearly forty tablecloths of varying sizes, four tovaglioluccie grosse and another fifty napkins

(tovaglioline di rensa di piu sorte ). 350 While the terse language of the clerk’s tally does not provide details about these richly embroidered fabrics, both Botticelli’s spalliere and a newly discovered giornale documenting Pucci ownership of a bottega involved in dying imported fabric indicate that gold threads and tassels woven into brocades and

346 Aristotle's Nicomachean Ethics , trans. Robert C. Bartlett and Susan D. Collins (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2012), 67-89. Aristotle’s discussion of as a moral virtue would also have informed Antonio’s wardrobe and the dark, unadorned clothing that dominated his sartorial selections. ASF, Carte Strozziane 341, Serie Prima, c. 37a. For the use of cutlery, silverware and salt cellars in the Renaissance see the discussion of the royal table in Belozerskaya, Luxury Arts of the Renaissance, 79-83; Umberto Raffaelli, Antiche posate e argenti da tavola in Trentino – Alto Adige dal XIV al XX secolo (Rovereto: Edizioni Osiride, 2014); Flora Dennis, “Scattered knives and dismembered song: cutlery, music and the rituals of dining,” Renaissance Studies 24 (2010): 156-184; and Luciano Salvatici, Posate, pugnali, coltelli da caccia del Museo Nazionale del Bargello (Florence: Museo Nazionale del Bargello, 1999).

347 ASF, Carte Strozziane 341, Serie Prima, c. 37a.

348 ASF, Carte Strozziane 341, Serie Prima, c. 38b-39a.

349 ASF, Carte Strozziane 341, Serie Prima, c. 38b.

350 ASF, Carte Strozziane 341, Serie Prima, c. 37b.

106 fine linens were the order of the day. Along with the glazed tin-ware stacked in a room that accessed the family kitchen in Florence, a separate inventory of an unidentified manor house, undoubtedly Casignano, describes the kinds of large majolica plates displayed in Botticelli’s illustration of the happy finale of the celebrations. 351 Even the furnishings suggest a tableau painted from real life. A three-legged stool of the type found in Antonio’s anticamera is painted into the foreground of Botticelli’s illustration of the third episode of the story of Nostagio degli Onesti. The upholstered benches built into the paneled woodwork are reflected in the inventories and help explain the lack of other freestanding seating arrangements in the description of the furniture in Antonio townhouse in Florence. This was a family on the path to ennoblement that regularly entertained large groups of people with an eye to emulating the courtly culture depicted in Boccaccio’s moralizing tale.

Palazzo Uliveto in 1484

The account of the masserizie in Uliveto made at the time of Antonio’s death describes this residence as a palazzo, implying an aggrandizement of the Pucci stronghold in the Val d’Elsa during Antonio’s lifetime (appendix 5). 352 While the dates and structural scope of the interventions to the castello are difficult to ascertain, a comparison of this account of the interior with the inventory of the manor house taken at the time of his father Puccio’s death thirty-five years earlier indicates that Antonio

351 ASF, Carte Strozziane 341, Serie Prima, c. 46.

352 ASF, Carte Strozziane 341 also includes an inventory of Uliveto made on November 27, 1484 included as an appendix to this dissertation: “ Apresso fareni inventario di tuttte le cose ci troviano nel palazzo di Uliveto e per noi levato questo di XXVII di novembre 1484 per me Alexandro Gianno (?)…”

107 added the southern wing behind the loggia, new storerooms, and a stall.353 The new family chapel was furnished with a wooden cross, a spalliera , a gilded altar, a screen, a predella , and a marble font.

The series of rooms added to the south side of the palazzo, accessed through an

Ionic arcade stylistically attributable to Michelozzo, included a camera della loggia , a public room connected to the sala grande, and a related storeroom. 354 Both the form and function of the new wing in Uliveto anticipate the maxims of classical architecture contained in the treatise written by Leon Battista Alberti.355 In contributing to “a peaceful, tranquil and refined life,” Alberti draws parallels between the optimal flow of the rooms within a private residence and the organization of a well-ordered city. 356

Consistent with Alberti’s notions about the most efficient layout of a princely home in the manner of the ancients is the grandeur and careful sequencing of these new apartments, a marked contrast with the cluster of older, more utilitarian rooms on the other side of the portico built by Antonio’s father. 357 As Alberti observed in book five of On the Art of Building in Ten Books , “Each house, as we have already mentioned, is divided into public, semi-private, and private zones. Of these, the public ones should

353 ASF, Carte Strozziane 341, Serie Prima, Inventori Strozziane , Palazzo Uliveto , c. 45-46.

354 See the discussion of Uliveto in chapter one for the attribution of the atrium to Michelozzo. Unpublished, ASF, Carte Strozziane 341, Serie Prima, c. 46a is the inventory of Antonio’s wordly belongings taken at the time of his death. The loggia and the rooms are preserved in their original condition although the dating of the decorative program in these rooms is difficult to ascertain. As the inventory is restricted to household furnishings, the architectural elements are not included.

355 While Alberti’s was first published in 1485, it first became available in a manuscript dedicated to Pope Nicholas V in 1452. Lorenzo de’ Medici obtained a manuscript copy of Alberti’s treatise in 1480 and is said to have had it read to him every day.

356 Leon Battista Alberti, On the Art of Building in Ten Books, trans. Joseph Rykwert, Neil Leach, Robert Tavernor (Cambridge: The MIT Press, 1988), 140 .

357 Alberti, On the Art of Building in Ten Books, 146-49 discusses the proper arrangement of rooms, conditions evident in comparing the older wing of the house with Antonio’s additions.

108 imitate the house of a prince … The most important is that which we shall call the

‘bosom’ of the house, although you might refer to it as the ‘court’ or ‘atrium,’ next in importance comes the dining room, followed by private bedrooms, and finally living rooms .” 358 In line with this new humanist concept of the villa, the inventory of Uliveto outlines a staged sequence of rooms leading from the loggia, through the dining room into the scrittorio (study) , the inner sanctum at the heart of the ground floor presided over by the paterfamilias.

Luxuriously appointed spaces mediated between the most public spheres in the castello – the loggia spanning much of the ground floor and the reception rooms -- and the more private chambers, especially those in which the servants cooked and slept. All of the rooms in this wing of the family stronghold were fitted with intarsia doors and wood shutters inlaid with geometric, heraldic, and floral motifs, signaling the care and expense taken in crafting the palazzo’s architectural details (fig. 54).359 Many of the walls and doorways are still decorated with the family’s heraldic device, although it is unclear whether these embellishments are restorations of fifteenth-century originals or later additions. Nonetheless, it is possible to ascertain from the inventories that both the quality and quantity of furniture and artwork in these stately apartments were likewise a noticeable departure from the rustic interiors of Puccio’s day. The list of his worldly belongings also makes it clear that Antonio furnished his private apartments with

358 Alberti, On the Art of Building in Ten Books , 145. Alberti also describes the function of the atrium: “The portico and the vestibule were not reserved for servants, as Diodorus thinks, but are for citizens of all ranks … Within the house the corridors, yard, atrium, and salon ... are intended for general use, rather than solely for those who live there” (Alberti, On the Art of Building in Ten Books , 119 ).

359 These architectural elements are currently in place in the castello but not included in the inventory as catalogues of furnishings typically exclude finishes and non-portable objects.

109 artwork commissioned from foreign artists not yet common fare in Renaissance

Florence, a sign of inclusion within an elite mercantile class with ties to the Burgundian court. 360 As in Giovanni Tornabuoni’s private rooms in his Florentine palazzo, devotional images by Flemish masters replaced more common displays by local artists of Madonnas holding the Christ Child. 361 A small panel of Saint in His Study by and his workshop in Palazzo Tornabuoni thought to have been originally owned by Piero de’ Medici as early as 1456 and documented in Lorenzo de’

Medici’s estate inventory exemplifies the cachet attached to the ownership of Flemish oil paintings, valued for their precision and influence on both manuscript illuminators and Italian painters. 362 Status symbols, these artworks were considered along with the tapestries, jewelry, miniatures and other types of arte minori produced in the environs of the Burgundian court as imminently collectable by Florentine merchants.363 While the clerk who administered the Pucci inventory did not identify the Northern artists who created the paintings from Flanders at Uliveto, he did identify the panel with the Virgin

Mary in Antonio’s room as Flemish and cited another painting in the camera della loggia as the work of an artist from the Lowlands .364 Three images of the Virgin Mary

360 See Richard A. Goldthwaite, The Economy of Renaissance Florence (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2011).

361 Gert Jan van der Sman, Lorenzo and Giovannia: Timeless Art and Fleeting Lives in Renaissance Florence (Florence: Mandragora, 2010), 69.

362 van der Sman, Lorenzo and Giovannia, 69 and Paula Nuttall, From Flanders to Florence: The Impact of Netherlandish Painting (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2004).

363 Raggio, The Gubbio Studiolo , 69 and 124. See also Paula Nuttall, From Flanders to Florence: The Impact of Netherlandish Painting 1400-1500 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2004), especially Part Four.

364 ASF, Carte Strozziane 341, Serie Prima , Inventori Strozziane , Palazzo Uliveto , c. 46 is the inventory of Antonio’s belongings.

110 (Nostra donna ) in tabernacles, presumably fabricated by Florentine masters, were on display elsewhere in the family’s country stronghold. 365

Classically arranged, heraldically adorned, and decorated with a prized collection of imported art, the careful sequencing of these showrooms reinforced the family’s self-fashioned image as prosperous and cultured patricians. 366 Antonio’s study was designed as a suite of rooms: an anticamera separated la camera d’Antonio from the scrittorio.367 While the study has perished along with its original furnishings, this privileged space was undoubtedly finished in wood paneling, as was the fashion among wealthy humanists. 368 Again, the studioli created for the Duke of Urbino in Gubbio and

Urbino around 1476 by the same workshop that carved the wood revetment for the

Pucci chapel in Santissima Annunziata suggest what a wood-paneled chamber designated for reading, writing, and storing books might have looked like. 369 The intarsia cabinetry for the small but jewel-like space created for the Duke of Urbino was constructed of walnut, beech, and other fruitwoods carved with depictions of the duke’s

365 ASF, Carte Strozziane 341, Serie Prima, c. 45.

366 Morse, The Venetian Portego , 90 and 100 discusses how the display of religious objects and portraits in the entryways of Renaissance patrician homes reinforced the family’s image of themselves. For Italian villas in the Renaissance see Howard Burns, La villa italiana del Rinascimento. Forme e funzioni delle residenze di campagna, dal castello alla villa palladiana (Venice: Colla Editore, 2012). See also Maria DePrano, “ Chi vuol esser lieto, sia ,” 127-29.

367 Raggio, The Gubbio Studiolo, 11. Dora Thornton has also written about Renaissance studies and included a full bibliography of sources for her work The Scholar in His Study: Ownership and Experience in Renaissance Italy (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1998).

368 Unpublished, ASF, Carte Strozziane 341, Serie Prima, c. 45-46.

369 Currie, Inside the Renaisssance House , 70, observes that only great palaces were equipped with elaborately paneled studies in the early Renaissance, although they became more common and luxurious over the course of the sixteenth century.

111 books, writing utensils, and scientific instruments, all rendered in perspective.370 “The dignity of the signore manifests itself in all that is seen,” observed one member of the duke’s household, affirming these reading rooms as social and political portraits of their occupants. 371 Filarete (1400-1469), a sculptor whose expertise extended to the fabrication of bronze doors for St. Peter’s basilica in Rome, described the studiolo created for Piero de’ Medici in Palazzo Medici in Florence, a chamber well known to

Antonio Pucci, who acted as an advisor to the Medici and purchased a home from Piero in 1461:

He has effigies and portraits of all the emperors and noble men who have ever lived made in gold and silver, bronze, jewels, marble, or other materials. They are marvelous things to see. Their dignity is such that only looking at their portraits wrought in bronze—excluding those in gold, silver, and in other noble stones—fills his soul with delight and pleasure in their excellence. 372

Adding to the appearance of a treasure chest were the glazed terracotta tiles by on both the floor and the ceiling, surfaces that sent light streaming across a small space overflowing with statuary, rare cameos, antique coins, and other

370 Now on display in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, the studiolo is treated in its publication, The Gubbio Studiolo and its Conservation . A similar studiolo was constructed in situ for the duke’s palace in Urbino. As was true of Baccio d’Agnolo, this mastery of the faux interior was accompanied by a number of real-life architectural commissions. In addition to his work for the Strozzi, for whom Benedetto da Maiano designed Filippo’s tomb in Santa Maria Novella, Benedetto’s brother Giuliano built Palazzo Antinori and Villa di in Naples (Raggio, The Gubbio Studiolo and its Conservation, 5).

371 Jennifer D. Webb, “’All that is Seen’”: Ritual and Splendor at the Montefeltro Court in Urbino,” in The Early Modern Italian Domestic Interior, 1400-1700 , ed. Erin J. Campbell, Stephanie R. Miller, and Elizabeth Carroll Consavari (Burlington: Ashgate, 2013), 191.

372 Filarete's Treatise on Architecture: Being the Treatise by Antonio di Piero Averlino, Known as Filarete, trans. John R. Spencer (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1965). Filarete’s description of the Medici studiolo is included in Creighton E. Gilbert, ed. and trans., Italian Art, 1400–1500: Sources and Documents (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 1980), 172–73. See also Stephen Campbell, The Cabinet of Eros: Renaissance Mythological Painting and the Studiolo of Isabella d'Este (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2006), 29-31. Thornton, The Scholar in His Study, 32 also quotes Machiavelli’s description of his study and cites the Literary Works of Machiavelli: Mandragola, Clizia, A Dialogue on Language, and Belfagor, with Selections from the Private Correspondence , trans. by John R. Hale (Westport: Greenwood Press Reprint, 1979), 139.

112 examplars of the decorative arts. 373 Although in the fifteenth century the elaborate built- in desk, lecterns, and intarsia cabinets in the Duke of Urbino’s library or the specially- made tiles in the Medici studiolo were more often than not the preserve of princely patrons, the book-filled study illustrated by Domenico Ghirlandaio in his fresco of Saint

Jerome in the church of Ognissanti in Florence suggests a more modest room that may also have been a model for the Pucci study (fig. 55). 374

The Renaissance counterpart to the modern-day library, this part of the house was almost exclusively in the male domain: Leon Battista Alberti’s treatise Il Libro della Famiglia published in 1427 recommended that husbands ban their wives from these rooms altogether. 375 The display of books, paintings, artifacts, writing utensils and scientific instruments within these intellectual sanctuaries was designed to create an aura of cultured refinement aimed at provoking reflection, writing, and learned conversation. 376 Antonio’s estate inventories substantiate the display of rare and precious artifacts in his chambers in both the country and the city as objects charged with wealth, prestige, and entitlement. Although undoubtedly more modest than the art- filled studies created for the Medici, a comparative reading of Pucci payment records and inventories makes it possible to ascertain that curios, paintings, and sculpture were displayed on the walls or stored in specially-decorated wood cabinets and treasure

373 The inventory of Lorenzo’s studiolo is transcribed in Richard Stapleford’s study, Lorenzo de’ Medici at Home (see ff. 44).

374 Ghirlandaio’s fresco was completed in 1480.

375 Leon Battista Alberti, The Family in Renaissance Florence (Il Libro della Famiglia ), trans. Renee Neu Watkins (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1969), 209. See also Currie, Inside the Renaissance House, 74.

376 Susan Nalezyty, “From Padua to Rome: Pietro Bembo’s Mobile Objects and Convivial Interiors,” in The Early Modern Italian Domestic Interior, 33.

113 chests, an arrangement that prefigured the schema of later sixteenth-century curiosity cabinets enclosing rare and precious objects.

Adjacent to Antonio’s suite of rooms was another apartment with its own anticamera that the clerk identified by the name of the Pucci’s political benefactor,

Lorenzo de’ Medici. A signal of the family’s inclusion within the socially elite, the room named in honor of Il Magnifico Lorenzo featured a lettiera and lettuccio constructed of walnut accessorized with mattresses and warm bedcovers. 377 While freestanding seating arrangements were not yet common in fifteenth- century households except as exemplars of power and authority, five stools ( setole ) arranged along walls hung with six mirrors promoted aesthetic clarity within this exclusive space.378 A wood intarsia treasure chest (forziere grande d’arcipresso con tarsie a uso di sepoltura ) filled with linens was on display along with a tela di tovalgiolini lavorati …la quarta camera dell’arme.379 The elegant décor also included two devotional items, a missal ( uno Messale di carapecora in penna ), and a tabernacle made of ivory.380 In layering artistic virtuosity on the practical needs of everyday life, these richly appointed rooms helped shape the social rituals that took place in the more informal setting of the castello while asserting public and familial rank. 381

377 ASF, Carte Strozziane 341, Serie Prima, c. 46.

378 Stefanie Walker, “Toward a Unified Interior: Furnishings and the Evolution of Design,” in Display of Art in the Roman Palace 1550-1750 , ed. Gail Feigenbaum (Los Angeles: The Getty Resarch Institute, 2014), 60.

379 ASF, Carte Strozziane 341, Serie Prima, c. 46.

380 ASF, Carte Strozziane 341, Serie Prima, c. 46. Ivory imported from Africa was another sign of prestige among Florentine magnates.

114 Building the Family Patrimony: Other Properties in the Val d’Elsa

In addition to his renovations to Uliveto, Antonio’s inventory documents the large tracts of farmland added to his patrimony in the Tuscan countryside. 382 Three of these were small working farms ( poderi) abutting the property known as Casignano originally purchased in 1427 from Bernardo Bardi. 383 The first of the farmsteads acquired by Antonio was located in the comune of San Zanobi in the hills outside of

Florence and involved land with a house. 384 Three years later, in 1460, Antonio bought another podere in the same area that also had a house for the farmworkers on the property. 385 As is discussed later in this chapter, this farm was passed on to Antonio’s son Lorenzo in the settlement of Antonio’s estate between 1485 and 1487.386 Lorenzo oversaw its development into a villa suburbana by the sons of his brother Alessandro

(1454-1525) – his nephew Antonio, and Antonio’s younger brother Raffaello. 387

381 Magaret A. Morse, The Venetian Portego: Family Piety and Public Prestige,” in The Early Modern Italian Domestic Interior, 1400-1700 , ed. Erin J. Campbell, Stephanie R. Miller, and Elizabeth Carroll Consavari (Burlington: Ashgate, 2013), 90-1 and 101.

382 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 387, inserts 3 and 5 provides a valuation of Antonio’s land in 1480. In 1612 the so-called “big house” in Florence, inherited by Antonio’s great-grandsons was appraised at 6,400 florins.

383 Unpublished, ASF, MGR, inserts 3 and 5. Bernardo Bardi was a Florentine merchant who lived in France and Bruges in Flanders, which may explain the sale of these farmlands. Alison Brown notes that “the Bardi family were one of the oldest and riches merchant-banking famiies in Florence, proscribed as magnates in the late thirteenth century” (Alison Brown, Medicean and Savonarolan Florence: The Interplay of Politics, Humanism, and Religion (Turnhout: Brepols, 2011), 4.

384 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 387, inserts 3 and 5. This first transaction was concluded in 1457 and the second in 1460.

385 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 387, inserts 3 and 5.

386 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 387, insert 3.

387 The transfer of Lorenzo’s stake in Casignano and the expansion of this property by his nephew Antonio are documented in Unpublished, ASF, MGR 371, insert 6.

115 Among the other farms, mills, and vineyards that Antonio acquired over the course of his lifetime was a family property known as Granaiolo that was also developed into a palazzo sometime before Pandolfo di Roberto d’Antonio’s execution early in 1560 (fig. 56).388 Granaiolo and the family chapel were built on a fattoria purchased by Antonio and bequeathed to his son Lorenzo in the property division notarized by Giuliano da Ripa on March 30, 1487. 389 As with the other holdings in the family’s extensive portfolio of real estate, Granaiolo was an important source of grain.

A fungible commodity, wheat and other cereals were often exchanged for the architectural services associated with rebuilding the modest farmhouses on these properties into grand country estates. 390 Coiano was a region nearby where Antonio purchased land in 1468, 1473, and 1475. It was the site of another Pucci villa

388 Unpublished, ASF, Manoscritti 754 is an account of the conspiracy to assassinate Duke Cosimo de’ Medici by Cardinal Roberto’s son Pandolfo in 1548. In the official account of the confiscation of Pandolfo’s property in Florence, Granaiolo is referred to as a palazzo. It was “repurchased” by the family from Duke Ferdinand in 1585. Unpublished, ASF, MGR 387, insert 4, is an account of the properties and dowries confiscated by the Duke.

389 Unpublished, AP, filza 2, no. 5 is the division of property agreed to in 1487. AP, filza 7 contains Lorenzo’s will, which leaves funds for a church in Castelnuovo dedicated to S. Maria and a hospital nearby. The Pucci property known as Granaiolo is referred to as a fattoria in these documents. Included in Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 622, the account books maintained on behalf of Pandolfo Pucci’s heirs between 1560-1565 are numerous payments for the upkeep of a palazzo at Granaiolo. ASF, Carte Strozziane 339, Serie Prima, folio 688 is a letter addressed to Pandolfo’s father Cardinal Roberto at his palazzo in Granaiolo. From these references it appears likely that Cardinal Roberto built the family’s large country villa at Granaiolo although no known documentation supports this hypothesis. Unpublished, AP, filza 8, no. 8 is the “donation” by Cardinal Francesco de’ Medici to the Pucci brothers of the villa, first confiscated first by Duke Cosimo from Pandolfo Pucci in 1560 (modern dating) and again when his son Orazio attempted to avenge his father’s execution. ASF, MGR 457, filza 9 gives the value of the palazzo at Granaiolo as 5,200 florins in 1612 and the surrounding farmlands as worth another 5,760 florins.

390 In addition to the payment made in grain to Giuliano da Sangallo in 1487 recorded in Unpublished ASF, Riccardi 605, c. 9a and 9b, there are numerous records of payments in grain to Antonio da Sangallo the Younger in the Pucci family record books. These include a payment dated December 1528 with the notation: “ Maestro Antonio da Sangallo deve dare per… d’una soma di grano … da biagio ,” a debit held over from a previous payment book handled by the family’s administrator nostro Biagio . ASF, VGL 270, c. 16v documents una soma ½ grano, alle 30 da genaio to Maestro Antonio da Sangallo the Younger and 35v documents uno misuro di grano to Francesco and Bastiano Sangallo in 1529.

116 constructed later in sixteenth century, another project outside the scope of this study due to the absence of archival documents.391

Even as they stood in Antonio’s day, the simple manor houses on these properties were real estate assets that placed the Pucci at the forefront of an emerging social order. Beyond their strategic import to Florentine military and political interests, this extensive network of farmland in southwest Tuscany was an assertion of the family’s elevated political and social profile. In the humanist vernacular of the

Florentine elite, the Pucci villa of Uliveto in Castelfiorentino was part and parcel of a classical lifestyle that incorporated healthy doses of otium (leisure) and delectatio

(pleasure). 392 Equally relevant to the attainment of a virtuous life were the opportunities a country villa afforded for study and contemplation. 393 No doubt the Pucci were as much in the thrall of Leon Battista Alberti’s writings about the villa and surrounding farmlands as a humanist conceptualization of an aesthetic unity as the Medici,

Lanfredini, Strozzi, Capponi, Sassetti, Rucellai, and Tornabuoni families, several of whom were partners in the Medici bank, and all of whom were actively engaged in centering agricultural estates with country villas built around classical precepts of form

391 Unpublished, ASF, Doni 186, fondo 4, which contains a history of Ottavia Capponi’s lawsuit, beginning with her husband Roberto Pucci’s death in 1612, makes note of Antonio’s purchases of land in Coiano.

392 Sica, The Florentine Villa , 15. On page 39 Sica cites the classical literary sources for the role of the villa as a site of study and economic advancement. In addition to Boccaccio’s writings on the villa as a refuge from the plague, these literary references included Cicero, Catullus, Horace, Pliny the Younger, Cato, and Columella. Alberti’s translation of , first available in a manuscript dedicated to Pope Nicholas V in 1452, defined the location, siting, and architectural elements of the ideal country villa. See also James Ackerman’s article “ Il paradigma della villa ,” in Casabella XLIX (1985): 53-65.

393 Sica, The Florentine Villa , 19. Petrarch’s Vita solitaria was among the recently discovered classical sources for the humanist ideal of life in a suburban villa. The rediscovery of Plato’s works at the Council of Florence in 1438-39 and the study of ancient literary sources encouraged Cosimo de’ Medici to establish his Neo-Platonic academy at his villa in Careggi. See also Vespsiano da Bisticci, Vite degli uomini illustri del secolo XV , ed. P. D’ and E. Aeschlimann (Milan, 1951).

117 and function during this same period. 394 Alberti’s discussion of the villa and their

optimal scale, proportions, views, and exposure to the sun and wind set out in Book V

of his trattato on the art of building also appears as an influence on Antonio Pucci’s

architectural projects.395 In addition to the new wing in Uliveto, the renovation of other

of Pucci farmsteads into grand estates involved architects with a thorough grounding in

Alberti’s theories about the essential visual logic and operative dignitas of classical

architecture.

The Next Generation: Working Toward an Equitable Distribution of the Family Patrimony Amanda Lillie has analyzed the division of property by Quattrocento Florentine

patricians so as to provide each male heir with a fair share of the family patrimony, an

endeavor that all too frequently resulted in litigation over the ambiguity of these

divisions. This pattern was writ large in the history of the Pucci estates.396 For the most

part, however, the able and powerful stewardship of Cardinal Lorenzo Pucci organized

a large family into dynastic teams working to amass enough property to furnish each

son with the ideal combination of a city residence and a country estate.397 The

reinvestment of capital from the family’s commercial investments – a fabric businesses,

a mining concession, and related merchant banking investments -- into agricultural

394 Lillie, Florentine Villas in the Fifteenth Century , 24. Sarah Blake McHam, Pliny and the Artistic Culture of the Italian Renaissance (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2013), 8-10 also provides a discussion of the revival of ancient ideals and practices, particularly the influence of Pliny’s letters about Roman villas on rural architecture of the Renaissance. See also James Ackerman, The Villa: Form and Ideology of Country Houses (London: Thames and Hudson, 1990).

395 Sica, The Florentine Villa , 49.

396 Lillie, Florentine Villas in the Fifteenth Century , 24.

397 Lillie, Florentine Villas in the Fifteenth Century , 9.

118 estates ensured that the family patrimony was reliably be passed on from generation to generation. This system of family economy proved invaluable when, for example, the

Imperial forces ransacked Palazzo Pucci during the Sack of Rome in 1527 and the anti-

Medici government confiscated the Pucci townhouse in Florence two years later.398

Income from a large portfolio of agricultural holdings provided resources that ensured the family’s survival and full recovery from these devastating episodes in the family chronicles.

Antonio’s will was contested after his death in 1484 and the settlement among his male heirs laid the groundwork for the subsequent renovation of these properties by the four surviving sons born of his two wives. 399 Notarized on March 30, 1486, the final distribution of Antonio’s estate ceded the so-called “big house” ( casa grande ) in

Florence on the corner of the Via dei Servi ( sul canto della via dei Servi ) along with

398 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 289 is the inventory of the house occupied by Raffaello Pucci in Florence that was confiscated by the government of Florence in 1529. Andre Chastel’s study, The Sack of Rome, 1527 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1983), esp. 28, charts “the principal points of the seizure and occupation of Rome.” The two points of entry for the invading troops were through the western walls of the Vatican where Palazzo Pucci stood on the other side of the Porta Torrione and in the Gianicolo where the Pucci also owned several vineyards and smaller rental properties. A discussion of the Sack of Rome is also to be found in chapters four and five of Manfredi Tafuri, Interpreting the Renaissance: Princes, Cities, Architects (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2006).

399 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 487, insert 8 (unpaginated) is an account of a division proposed in 1485 between the four sons of Antonio di Puccio’s two wives signed in March 1486. Its terms provided for Puccio to inherit the big house in Florence sul canto della via de Servi with the garden and half of the big garden, the Mulino of Val’Elsa, and the beni of Empoli with a house posta nel Castello , and the small farm porto a Casignano . Lorenzo received the Palazzo di Casignano with podere and woods as it was in that time; all the beni of Granaiolo, et Cammiano posti di qual Val d’elsa and gave Alessandro 350 florins as compensation for his share of these properties. Alessandro received the beni di Coiano and all of its livelihoods in perpetuity as well as the Mulino della Dogana and all of the other beni in Val d’Elsa owned by Antonio di Puccio at that time of his death. The settlement included eleven small farms, ten of which were in Coiano, and included a property in Castelnuovo and another in Bagnuolo where Uliveto is located.

119 half of the big garden to his oldest son Puccio.400 Puccio, who died eight years later, also received the mill ( mulino ) of Val d’Elsa, the income (beni ) of Empoli with a house near castello Uliveto, and one of the small farms ( podere ) in Casignano. 401

Antonio’s younger brother Alessandro was awarded ten small farms and the beni in Coiano in the comune of Castelnuovo in the valley of Val d’Elsa along with the livelihoods of the family property in Bagnuolo, a podere located near Uliveto.402

Alessandro added to these properties in 1484 and again in 1493, buying a ruin of a house ( una casa rovinata ) in Chastel di coiano (sic) and recording the income from grain, cattle feed, wine, oil, eggs, capponi, and other produce associated with the work of harvesting and maintaining ( lavorata ) these farmlands. 403 When Alessandro’s son

Francesco died prematurely, Francesco’s son Giovanpaolo was compensated for his share of the family patrimony by way of several parcels of land and the old house in

Coiano, properties developed into a Renaissance villa sometime after 1550. 404

In the arbitration of 1485-87, Lorenzo, three years younger than Alessandro, received the main property in Casignano with the podere and woods “as it was at that

400 Unpublished, ASF, Carte Riccardi 605, Contracts of Casa Pucci , 1479-1574 and Unpublished, ASF, MGR 387, insert 8.

401 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 387, insert 8.

402 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 387, insert 8.

403 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 387, insert 3.

404 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 387, insert 8. See also Unpublished, ASF, VGL 299. This property was eventually inherited by Giovanpaolo di Francesco d’Antonio Pucci, whose payment records for 1550- 1551 indicate that employed Domenico da Batista da Pallai and Maestro Bertolomeo legnaiuolo to work on the villa at Coiano. Further research into Giovanpaolo’s share of the family patrimony may reveal whether he built the large villa on the property. His account books also indicate that he paid for a chapel to Saint Anthony at Coiano.

120 time,” all the beni of Granaiolo, and agricultural land in the Val d’Elsa. 405 Even prior to the time of the settlement of the family estate Lorenzo had begun acquiring parcels of undeveloped land in Tuscany on his own behalf, a practice he continued throughout the

1480s. 406 One of these transactions enlarged the podere of Granaiolo he owned in

Castelfiorentino. As previously noted, by the time his nephew Pandolfo was executed for his role in a Pucci conspiracy against the Medici grand duke, those woods and farmlands were organized around yet another country villa known as Granaiolo, referred to in Pandolfo’s holdings as a palazzo.407 Lorenzo, who received interest and repayments from Piero Capponi totaling more than 1,000 florins in the settlement of

1486, gave his brother Alessandro 350 florins as compensation for Alessandro’s share of Granaiolo. 408 Lorenzo also owned a share in the so-called big house on the corner of

Via dei Calderai and a smaller house around the corner on Via dei Servi that he rented to Filippo Bencivenni for 210 florins.409 The third house ceded to Lorenzo by his father,

405 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 387, insert 8. This document indicates that at the time of his death in November 1531 Granaiolo was still identified as a podere and was yet to be developed into the palazzo that would later be confiscated by Duke Cosimo de’ Medici.

406 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 387, insert 8. Lorenzo arranged to purchase several of these properties with grain and wine. Bernardo Vermigli notarized the document in which he agreed to acquire additional land in Granaiolo was notarized in 1482.

407 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 387, insert 3 is a history of the family properties. Purchased in 1482, Granaiolo, located near the river, is not described as a palazzo in documents prior to 1531 when it was ceded to Roberto Pucci in Cardinal Lorenzo’s will.

408 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 387, insert 8. Unpublished ASF, Riccardi 605 also contains an account of the settlement. c. 14a: “1487/Seque’ conti levati di Mano di detti arbitri in queste partite/ Messer Lorenzo de dare’ senza interesso fiorini settecento trenta d’oro papali per instrumento di mano di ser Zanobi………………..fiorini 730/E’ fiorini cinquecento settanta cinque d’oro di camera promese Francesco Sassetti a Gaddi…………...... fiorini 575/E’ fiorini quattro cento di fiorini 200 per Dionigi et 200 per Bernardo Guardi che gli prestorono a Antonio Puccio per l’ufitio di detto messer Lorenzo………….fiorini 400/E fiorini cinquecento d’oro di camera promessono e beni a messer Giudantonio Vespucci a tempo ad’ xxvi di giugno 1488……….…….fiorini 500 .”

409 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 387, insert 3 includes a distribution of Antonio Pucci’s beni to his sons. The house ceded to Lorenzo and rented out for 50 florins may be the Casa de Bencivenni comperata and Casa de Bencivenni recorded on U764 by Antonio da Sangallo the Younger as lots 9 and 10.

121 another neighboring dwelling on Via dei Servi, required renovation: la quale casa non e pigionata e aro pagato dette dota la varro per mi habitare .410

In 1490, the castello of Uliveto was the subject of litigation between two of

Antonio’s younger sons. 411 Giannozzo, four years younger than Lorenzo, took possession of part of the building, here described as a palazzo, and Roberto, seven years his junior, was given ownership of the large piazza, the chapel on the far end of the courtyard, and the chapel loggia. 412 The litigation very usefully describes the building with some of its furnishings at that time, which included a room for the farmer, a room for making bread, rooms for storing wine and oil, as well as the large rooms for eating and entertaining located behind the loggia.413 The legal tensions among members of a

410 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 387, insert 3.

411 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 605, c. 46b. “(1490 )/In prima parte quam obvenire volumus dicto Ioannoctio ponimus et assignamus inter alia infrascriptam eius partem et portione domus sive casamenti seu palatii et fortilitii positi in Valle Else Florentiae loco detto a Uliveto in populo sancti Iacobi a Voleggiano prout infra latius vulgari sermone descripti apparebit simul cum infrascriptis prediis et bonis videlicet .”

412 The litigation resolved on March 7, 1491 is also documented in Unpublished, ASF, Protocollo No. 65, c. 46. Both documents are cited in the previously noted unpublished dissertation by Stella Conti and Andrea Tesi on the restorations to the Pucci castello at Uliveto. On page 36 Conti and Tesi have transcribed the litigation which resulted in the division of Uliveto into a “ domus, sine casamenti, seu palatii et fortilitii positi in Valle Elsa loco dicto a Uliveto con alcuni poderi .” The second portion of the division was defined as a “ piazza che e fuori innanzi la porta e cosi la via che s’e fatta di nuovo e che questa s’abbi a mantenere a spese comuni; la piazza grande che e dentro all porta e cosi il rivellino di fuori alla porta e l’androne e tutta la corte e il pozzo overo cisterna e la loggia dalla Cappella e la Cappella e I paramenti e tutte le cose appartenenti all Chiesa .”

413 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 605, c. 46b: “la metà delle stalle di verso Monte Ulivo et così la metà delle vendemmie cioè dell luogo dove si fa la vendemia e tutto quello ch'è dall'androne all'entrare verso la man ritta cioè la stanza dove sta Piero fattore et la camera et anticamera della loggia e la loggia et la sala terrena con le camere et anticamere et con tutto quello è di sopra a dette habitationi et più la cucina terrena et la stanza del pane et la camera delli sparvieri et della volta e la volta grande da vino sotto la sala terrena et la ca[n]tina da man manca et le dua volte dall'olio che sono sotto la camera et anticamer della loggia et più la metà dell'orto per non diviso con la parte infrascritta di Ruberto et tutti i legnami da letto et sacconi et lettucci et panche et cassoni et altri legnami et candellieri di ferro et casse che et come al presenti si trovono in detta parte et luoghi et a detta parte appartenenti et spectandosi/[…]/c. 47r/[…]/In secunda vero parte quem obvenire volumus dicto Roberto ponimus et assignamus aliam infrascriptam partem et residuum dicti casamenti et seu fortilitii et palatii de Oliveto predicto simul cum

122 tight-knit family evince the import of an even distribution of the existing family patrimony and set the stage for the accumulation of additional property, the construction of new villas and city palaces, and ongoing improvements to existing family residences by members of the next generation. The sixteenth century was a pivotal time in the in which a fortuitous mix of wealth, status and patronage forged the aggrandizement of the Pucci residences both in Tuscany and in and around Rome.

infrascriptiis prediis et bonis prout infra latius vulgari sermone dicetur videlicet/l'altra metà delle stalle di verso Gabbiavoli et così l'altra metà del luogo delle vendemie di verso Gabbiavoli et così la metà dell'orto per non diviso con detto Giannozzo/Item la sala terrena da famiglia con le camere terrene e la sala in palco con le camere et anticamere et così la sala sopra l'androne e tutto quello di sopra a detti luoghi et più la torre grande/Item le volte sotto le camere et anticamere della sala e la cantina a man ritta e la volta dall'olio che è sotto l'androne/item la cucina che è in palco con sua apartenenze con tutti e' legnami dal letto e sacconi e lettucci, cassoni et panche et altri legnami si truovano in detti luoghi e a detti luoghi apartenenti et spectanti/[…].”

123

Figure 5. Uffizi 764A. Pianta del palazzo sul canto de Pucci di messer Rafaello Pucci di Firenze. Antonio da Sangallo The Younger, Gabinetto Disegni e Stampe degli Uffizi, Florence.

Legend : 1,2 Pianta del palazzo di Messer Rafaello Pucci; 3. Giardino del palazzo di Messer Rafaello Pucci 4. Via de Calderai 5. Via di Servi 6. Casa di Messer Roberto Pucci 7. Casa dei Da Rabatta 8. Casa di Maso Pucci grande e piccolo 9. Casa de Bencivenni comperata 10. Casa de Bencivenni 11. Casa di Alamanno Pucci, l’abita Girolamo del Cresta . Chapter IV. Casa Pucci in Florence, 1503-1537: Fashioning Social Hierarchies

Even prior to his lucrative appointment in 1509 as apostolic datary, Antonio di

Puccio’s son Lorenzo proved to be extremely generous with his extended family.414 In

414 Lorenzo Pucci served as papal datary from 1511 to 1513 and was elevated to the rank of cardinal priest in September 1513 (Litta, Pucci di Firenze , Table V). On curial offices see W. von Hoffman, Forschungen zur Geschichte der Kurialen Behörden, 2 vols. (Rome, 1914). Unpublished, ASF, MGR 392, insert 8 contains a letter from Cardinal Pucci dated September 24, 1518 regarding his payment of a debt of 7,000 scudi incurred by his deceased brother Piero, married to Lucretia Lanfredini. Unpublished,

124 July 1503, the Florentine cleric transferred his share of the family house on the corner of Via dei Calderai and Via dei Servi to his older brother Alessandro. 415 In addition to granting Alessandro the right to use the family’s casa grande for ten years, Lorenzo set aside 2,000 florins for the dowries of Alessandro’s daughters should they marry, with the proviso that the money revert to their father should they die before the wedding.416

Notwithstanding the exile of the Medici from Florence from 1494 until 1512, the Pucci family prospered, beneficiaries of Lorenzo’s prestigious posting as papal datary within the curia. By 1505, the opening date of one of three surviving double-

ASF, MGR 386, insert 12 includes another letter written by the cardinal on November 20, 1518 documenting his condolences to Mona Lucretia Pucci, whose husband Andrea Corsini had recently died, and ceding the house in Florence and Casignano to her brothers: “ Mona Lucretia Cognata honore Andrea Corsini mio cameriere mi ha fatto intendere le lamentation li havete fatte, lequali sono cose solite a donne che si trovano nel grado, che vi trovati al presente voi .” In February 1522 the cardinal gifted 671 scudi to his brother Roberto and 322 scudi to his other brother Alessandro and then paid 63 scudi on behalf of his nipoti . (Unpublished, ASF, Carte Riccardi 608, c. 8r). The cardinal’s banking books ( ricordi) document the payment on behalf of his nephews of membership dues on noble order of the of St. Peters, created by Cardinal Pucci to raise money for the papal coffers.

415 Unpublished, AP, Filza 3, folio 2 Notaio di Bernard di Domenico Vermigli Luglio 1503 . Lorenzo Pucci gave Alessandro the large house in Florence in SS Michele Visdomini for ten years to use productively and 2000 florini largi e grossi per dotti come sopre should his daughters marry. ASF, Riccardi 690, c. 140-149 contains a copy of the donatio inter vivos made by Cardinal Lorenzo in 1522 and again in 1525 reiterating the transfer of the large house in Florence to his brother Alessandro. The original act, in the protocollo of a notary, Bernardo di Domenico dei Vermigli, was written in the Castle of Coiano in Val d’Elsa. This Donazione Fidecommisso of the distribution of his effects between his brothers and nephews is also cited in Tozzi, Memorie della Chiesa, 63. ASF, Riccardi 690, c. 140b lists the properties bequeathed to his family and charitable bequests: the Palatium de Casignano in the popolo of San Zanobi at Casignano in the Florentine contado , with other dependencies of that palace in the popolo of San Leonardo alla Querciola, in the popolo of San Zanobi and in some other popoli ; the castle of Oliveto (or Olivetto) in the popolo of San Iacopo at Volteggiano in the Florentine contado ; properties and possessions in the commune of Castelnuovo in Val d’Elsa, also in the Florentine contado ; the Mulino della Dogana with its palmentiis, gualcheriis, piscaria et suppellectibus. These properties had been given in concession to the Florentine hospital of Santa Maria Nuova. Carte 143r/b lists the beneficiaries to a hospital ( manutenere ) that Cardinal Lorenzo hoped to build near Granaiolum . In addition, Lorenzo paid a sum of money to the Capitolo della Cattedrale of Florence in order to get back some properties in the Comune of Coiano; he paid 200 florenos largos in auro for the podere of Torricelle, and purchased a podere Orli near the Ebola river.

416 Unpublished, AP, filza 3, folio 2. Lorenzo’s donatio inter vivos in January 1522 (Florentine dating) reiterates the transfer of his share of the so-called casa grande in Florence to his brothers and their sons and also gave up his ownership in a smaller house next to the hospital of Santa Maria Nuova. Nera married Senator Alessandro di Gherardo Corsini in 1516 (Litta, “ Pucci di Firenze ,” vol. 15, table VI.)

125 entry account books from this period, his older brother Alessandro was living in the family townhome in the parish of San Michele Visdomini with his wife of twenty-two years, Sibilla di Francesco Sassetti, and their five children. 417 Alessandro’s giornali

(account records) document his involvement in an increasing number of family affairs following the departure for the papal court of reverendissimo Lorenzo and the death of his brother Puccio and Giannozzo, deceased in 1494 and 1497, respectively.418 In addition to collecting the rent ( pigione ) from the farmworkers on dozens of Pucci- owned farms in Tuscany, Alessandro was in close contact with another in-law based in the Eternal City, the family banker Piero di Bernardo Bini. 419 In 1506, for example,

Bini’s clerk recorded the receipt of a ruby (rubino legato con oro dato allor ) worth 25 florins to Alessandro’s son Francesco from his wealthy uncle in Rome: mio zio Lorenzo che fatto chreditore Francesco .420

417 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 294 are the account books of Alessandro d’Antonio Pucci from 1505 to 1507. Unpublished ASF, VGL 296 is an account book from 1513: “ Jesus MDXIII/Questo libro e’ di Francesco d’Alexandro d’Antonio Pucci et chiamasi debitori et creditori segnato B coregie verde in sul quale le si scriviernmanno tucti e debitori et creditori di detto Francesco tenuto per me Marcello di Lionardo de Narni .” Litta, Pucci di Firenze , table VI identifies Alessandro’s four children as Cardinal Antonio (1484-October 14, 1544); Francesco, whose marriage to Diamante Berlinghieri in 1508 produced Giovanpaolo, born in 1510, who survived him and married Sibilla del conte Andrea Bentivoglio of Bologna in 1534; Nera, who married Senator Alessandro Corsini in 1516 and died in 1547; and Raffaello (1490-1551) who outlived his wife Vittoria di Deifedo Piccolomini d’Aragona by 13 years.

418 Litta, “ Pucci di Firenze ,” vol. 15, table V.

419 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 294, c. xxiii. Giannozzo Pucci, executed in 1497, was married to Lucrezia di Piero Bini in 1483/84. Gretta, a daughter of Alessandro’s brother Piero d’Antonio (1475-1518), married the banker Piero di Bernardo Bini in 1519.

420 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 294, c.16. Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 625, c. 24: In May 1562 Pandolfo’s son Alessandro pawned a large ruby in a gold ring (uno rubino grande legato in uno anello doro smalto d’nero ) for which he received 700 gold scudi in cash.

126 The cardinal’s expensive gifts may have influenced the decision by Alessandro and his son Francesco to refurbish the décor of the family townhouse on the corner of

Via dei Servi. Although the furniture and wood paneling from this period in the history of the house have been lost -- the casualty of confiscations, repeated modernizations, and the expansion of the house into a palazzo -- payments between 1506 and 1512 reveal the nearly continuous presence in the Pucci residence of the master woodworker and aspiring architect Baccio d’Agnolo.421 These newly discovered payment records represent the only known account of a residential installation prior to 1515 when

Baccio fabricated the nuptial chambers honoring the marriage of Pierfrancesco

Borgherini to Margherita Acciaiuoli. 422 His work for the Borgherini was typical of the artistic commemorations associated with the ritual of marriage, which in Renaissance

Italy involved a dowry, a trousseau, great chests for storing gifts exchanged by the families of the bride and groom, expensive clothing worn for the procession of a bride

421 Leonardo Ginori Lisci, The Palazzi of Florence: Their History and Art , vol. 1, provides the history of the three houses on Via dei Pucci, nos. 2, 4, and 6. In addition to other corrections to Lisci’s study incorporated into this chapter, unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 625, c. 4 and 9, indicates that the house on the corner of Via del Cocomero and Via dei Servi was inherited by Pandolfo’s children when their father was executed and then rented out, first to Maestro Oreto, a tailor from Rome, beginning on May 1, 1560 (carte 10), before its lease to one Filippo Pancetti in June of 1571. This same account book documents the subsequent sale of the house with the stall. Pier Francesco Gagliani, a son of Cassandra Gagliani (who married Pandolfo Pucci in 1544) had a daughter by his marriage to Francesca Coromola (a daughter of Gherardo Corsini) who married Lorenzo Buondelmonte. Francesca’s heirs bought second house on the Via del Cocomero for 550 florins, a property that was part of the bottega d’arte di seta .

422 The biographical information on Baccio D’Agnolo is taken from the entry on the woodcarver, sculptor and architect in Treccani.it , L’Enciclopedia Italiana and Vasari’s life of Baccio d’Agnolo, vol. V, 349- 67. See also U. Thieme – F. Becker, Allgemeines Lexikon der Bildenden Kunster , (Leipzig,1908), 5, 202- 05, and L. Ginori Lisci, I Palazzi di Firenze nella storia e nell’arte , Florence (1972), I., 45-58. Caroline Elam cites these sources in her article, “Piazza Strozzi: Two Drawings by Baccio d’Agnolo and the Problems of a Private Renaissance Square,” I Tatti Studies in the Italian Renaissance 1 (1985), 105-35, 274-86. Since the publication of her article Michael Lingohr has published a study entitled “Dombaumeister und Hofkunstler: Kompetenzen an der Florentiner Dombauhutte unter Cosimo I ,” Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorischen Institutes in Florenz 50.3 (2006): 301-14.

127 to her new house, and resplendent nuptial chambers. 423 In the palace designed for the

Borgherini in the parish of Borgo San Apostoli, the en suite furnishings fabricated by

Baccio and his workshop included the wedding bed, marriage chests ( cassoni ), chairs, a daybed ( lettuccio ), and wainscoting. 424 While the wooden fittings in this much-admired marital chamber have also disappeared, the painted spalliere panels illustrated with the story of Joseph with In Egypt from the by Jacopo Pontormo

(1494-1557) are momentos of the sumptuous interiors commissioned by Florentines presiding over the top of the social pyramid. 425

Baccio d’Agnolo and Other Artistic Commissions

By March 1506, when Bartholomeo D’Agnolo legnaiuolo makes his first appearance in the Pucci account books, Baccio was already famous for the inlaid wood altar screens he fabricated for Santa Maria Novella in Florence and Sant’Agostino in

Perugia. 426 According to Vasari, these sacred projects and Baccio’s collaboration with

423 See Jacqueline Marie Musacchio, “Florentine Marriage and the Acquisition of Objects,” in Art, Marriage, & Family in the Florentine Renaissance Palace (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2008), 2- 61 and Andrea Bayer, “Introduction: Art and Love in Renaissance Italy,” in Art and Love in Renaissance Italy (New York: The Metropolitan Museum and New Haven: Yale University Press, 2008), 3-7.

424 Lynch, “Patriarchy and Narrative: The Borgherini Chamber Decorations,” 27. There is a lettuccio dubiously attributed to Baccio d’Agnolo, sometimes referred to as a trone for the gilded columns that support the elaborately carved cornice, in the Ringling Museum, Sarasota, Florida. Although the piece is now considered unlikely to be authentic, its heraldic decorations are intended to reference the wedding of Clarice de’ Medici and Filippo Strozzi in 1508. See also Melissa Bullard, “The Medici-Strozzi Alliance of 1508,” American Historical Review LXXIV (1979): 51-71.

425 The painted panels, one of which is attributed to Bachiacca, are currently at the National Gallery, London. The most up-to-date bibliography on Andrea del Sarto is to be found in Julian Brooks, Denise Allen, and Xavier F. Salomon, Andrea del Sarto: The Renaissance Workshop in Action (Los Angeles: Getty Publications, 2015).

426 Unpublished, VGL 294, c. 26. This information is contained is the account book maintained on behalf of Alessandro Pucci from 1504-1506. Payments to Baccio d’Agnolo are also recorded on c. 9, viiii, 15, 23, 26, 50 and L.

128 Antonio da Sangallo the Elder on the intricate figurative inlays in the main hall of the

Palazzo Vecchio earned him the post of capomaestro of Santa Maria del Fiore in

1507. 427 Decorative woodwork had by then achieved a degree of compositional sophistication that surpassed painting for its figural complexity and innovative manipulation of perspective. 428 Vasari’s account of Baccio’s career begins with praise for his understanding of the techniques for pictorial foreshortening in architecture and the ability to draw an accurate ground plan in which buildings, steps, and the surrounding cityscape are proportionally related. 429 These perspectival exercises allowed for multiple vanishing points in a single space or even a single scene. 430

Architectural cohesion was a related concern that likewise found its resolution in the creation of the kinds of idealized settings borrowed from the Vitruvian notion of scenografia outlined in Book One of , the ancient Roman technique for creating theatrical perspective defined as “the sketched outline of the front and the receding sides, the correspondence of all the lines to the center of the circle.” 431

Whether Baccio d’Agnolo’s intarsia work in the Pucci home incorporated the idealized cityscapes so admired by Vasari is unknown, although the ability to represent perspectival recession in still-lives and other scenes carved into paneling was by then a

427 Vasari, Le Vite , Baccio d’Agnolo, vol. V.

428 Alessandra Bigi Iotti and Giulio Zavatta, “Bologna, The Choir of the Basilica di San Domenico, 1528- 51: Fra Damiano Zambelli,” in Renaissance Intarsia: Masterpieces of Wood Inlay, ed. Luca Trevisan (New York and London: Abbeville Press Publishers, 2011), 226.

429 Vasari, Le Vite , vol. V, 349-350.

430 See Martin Kemp, “Making it Work: The Perspective Design of the Gubbio Studiolo ,” in Raggio, The Gubbio Studiolo , 169-177.

431 Sebastiano Serlio on Architecture, trans. Vaughan Hart and Peter Hicks (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1996), Vol. I, 432.

129 mainstay of decorative woodworking. 432 Increasingly sophisticated efforts at optic regularity within intarsiated compositions compensated for different pivot points in rooms and the difficulty of establishing a consistent viewing distance. 433 In addition to creating what Kemp terms a “ghost pavement” to set the vanishing point, carved wooden wall panels installed at shoulder-height designated a horizon line from which to read the perspective laid out in the figurative inlays. 434 Faux capitals, trompe l’oeil cornices, and illusionistic pilasters unified the architectural elements of these spaces. 435

Painted panels hung above the wainscoting, inserted into the framing surrounding bedsteads, or as replacements for the center panels of cabinetry and storage chests, were often inspired by the same all’antica imagery. Natural light intensified the polychromy of complementary decorative schemes on floors and ceilings.

Paintings and frescoes dated to the time of Baccio d’Agnolo’s work for the

Pucci convey the fashion for the installation of architectural framing around bespoke furniture, corresponding sequences of toppo patterns and matching textiles designed to create the effect of ensemble. An example of a consistent application of carved detailing in a grand early-Cinquecento nuptial chamber is the setting of The Birth of

Virgin by Andrea del Sarto in the Chiostro dei Voti in Santissima Annunziata (fig.

57). 436 Frescoed between 1513 and 1514, the narrative unfolds in a richly furnished

432 Kemp, “Making it Work”, 170.

433 Kemp, “Making it Work,” 170-71.

434 Kemp, “Making it Work,” 170 and 173.

435 Raggio, The Gubbio Studiolo , 83.

436 Peter Thorton, The Italian Renaissance Interior: 1400-170 (New York: Harry N. Abrams, 1991), 150 provides an illustration of this “grand furnishing suite.”

130 suite conceived of as a bel composta based on a collaborative treatment of textiles, furniture, and architectural elements. 437 The entablature spanning the day bed mirrors the frieze running across the tester suspended from the ceiling, an integrated treatment of the interior amplified by the fregio all’antica carved into the fireplace mantle. High podiums under both the lettiera and the lettuccio , most likely designed to conceal built- in cabinets, are similarly matched.

A forerunner of the modern sofa, the daybed set along the wall is conspicuous for its scale and classicizing shape, a design that bears all the signs of an aspiring architect. 438 A display piece that vies with the bed for pride of place in the room, the high intarsiated back of the Quattrocento cassapanca has been raised further to accommodate a heavily carved cornice supported by a pair of gilded columnar posts.

As in the lettuccio dubiously attributed to Baccio d’Agnolo as a commission occasioned by the marriage of Filippo Strozzi the Younger to Clarice de’ Medici, the massive day bed in Andrea’s fresco is best described as a trone (fig. 58). 439 While the entablature spanning its canopy parallels the wooden tester suspended from the ceiling, the simpler molding of the headboard is repeated in the lintel over the doorframe.

Both the bed and the settee are fitted with thickly pleated curtains. The embroidered bed hangings are elaborately arranged, knotted in the front and pulled

437 Stefanie Walker describes the bel composta in her essay “Toward a Unified Interior: Furnishings and the Evolution of Design” in Display of Art in the Roman Palace, 57.

438 For the history of Renaissance furniture see Mario Praz, An Illustrated History of Furnishing from the Renaissance to the Twentieth Century (New York: Brazillier, 1964) and An Illustrated History of Interior Design from Pompei to Art Noveau (New York: Thames and Hudson, 1981).

439 See ff. 422.

131 away at the sides so that only the curtains are fully exposed. 440 Valued as much for portability as for their color, texture, and warmth, richly decorated bed hangings, pillows, rugs, and tapestries were easily transferred from one residence to another. 441

The embroidered textiles in the lunette have a religious significance that transcends the abundance of panne, expensive fabrics designated for trousseaus and needlework that dominate the valuables listed in Pucci estate inventories.442 The obviously expensive bed curtains are particularly appropriate to the emphasis of Andrea del Sarto’s Marian iconography on the Virgin’s association with the material aspects of ’s power on earth. Fine craftsmanship and artisanal proficiency are metaphoric aspects of her manifestation of divine potency, in the same way that the Virgin’s hospitality and generosity are attributes of God’s love for mankind invoked in Michelozzo’s porch on the pilgrimage church where the frescoes were painted. 443

It is worth noting that the decorative accents in Andrea’s fresco of The Birth of the Virgin are organized around a palette of blue ( azure ) that appears to have been the color of choice in the Pucci household. Although touches of blue-green on sleeves, trims, and are a trademark of Andrea’s work, most of the bedcovers, hangings, and

440 Thorton, The Italian Renaissance Interior, 150.

441 Maria DePrano, “ Chi vuol esser lieto, sia : Objects of Entertainment in the Tornabuoni Palace in Florence,” in The Early Modern Italian Domestic Interior, 1400-1700 , 129 makes note of the prestige of textiles in Renaissance interiors.

442 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 296, c. xcviii: “ Ricciardo di Rinaldo Altoviti de’dare a di’16 di marzo fiorini trenta in oro porto’ Domenico Bonsi di contro per ragione di una peza di ciambellotto tane’chomperata piu’ fa da lui per Raffaello Pucci per uno salone per lui .”

443 I am indebted to Shannon Steiner, whose paper “An Offering of God-Made Matter: Material Power and the Virgin Mary in Byzantine Enamel” presented at the annual Middle Atlantic Symposium in the History of Art sponsored by CASVA on March 7, 2015, provided excellent insights into Marian iconography and its emphasis on the Virgin’s materiality.

132 other accessories in Palazzo Medici, a more famous interior, were white, red, or green. 444 Bedcovers in cool blue tones that set off the warmth of the walnut hues of the woodwork are documented in two of the principal bedrooms in Casa Pucci during

Antonio di Puccio’s lifetime and were even more prevalent during its habitation by

Antonio’s grandson Raffaello. 445 The catalogue of its contents made in 1529, which appears to describe Baccio d’Agnolo’s interventions two decades earlier, documents an azure blue mattress ( una materassa azurra ) in the chamber designated for the master of the house covered with a white bedspread ( uno coltrone biancho ), a combination in play on the Virgin’s bed in Andrea’s fresco. 446 Raffaello’s camera was accessorized with a pair of azure blue velvet cushions with white fringe ( uno paio di guancali di velluto azurro inschachate di biancho ). 447

The location of the fresco on a wall to the immediate left of the entrance to the

Pucci oratory lends credence to the hypothesis that Andrea del Sarto’s choice of a setting for The Birth of the Virgin was influenced by the finishes Baccio d’Agnolo applied to the interiors of the Pucci residence down the street. Baccio’s own work on the choir in Santissima Annunziata between 1505 and 1507, his hand in fabricating the decorative frame for Andrea’s Panciatichi Assumption, an unfinished project commissioned by a Pucci in-law, and the collaboration of these two artists on other

444 For the Medici inventory of 1492 see Stapleford, Lorenzo de’ Medici at Home (see ff. 44).

445 ASF, Carte Strozziane 341, Serie Prima, c. 35b: “ In una chamera di sopra al’antichamera d’Antonio: uno letto chon una choltrice e matarassa e 2 primacci e una choperta azurra e una schiarina chon 4 chasse intorno .”

446 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 289, c. 1a and 1b.

447 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 289, c. lb.

133 commissions, all position Baccio’s output as an inspiration for Andrea’s framed istoria .448 Moreover, several sequences of payments in the Pucci ledgers to Baccio d’Agnolo are accompanied by outlays to Andrea dipintore .449 Unfortunately, the family payment books fail to specify whether the artist subcontracted for the work in the scrittorio was Andrea d’Agnolo del Sarto or Andrea di Giovanni Feltrini (1477-1548), a decorative painter known for his sgraffitto and decorative grotesques inspired by Nero’s

Domus Aurea.450 Both artists were involved in the ornamental program executed for the

Chiostro dei Voti in Santissima Annunziata, a project underway in the years in which

Baccio was drawing a salary from the Pucci: Andrea Feltrini worked on the grotesques

448 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 294, 295, and 296 are the payment books associated with Baccio d’Agnolo’s work in Casa Pucci. Natali, Andrea del Sarto , 39 discusses their collaboration on the Panciatichi Assumption and on page 46 includes the speculation that Baccio’s trip to Rome in 1510-11 influenced Andrea’s travels to the Eternal City. Bartolomeo Panciatichi the Younger, married to Lucrezia di Sigismondo Pucci, took possession of the painting of the Panciatichi Assumption from Andrea del Sarto after the artist’s death. See also Louis Alexander Waldman, “A document for Andrea del Sarto’s ‘Panciatichi Assumption,’” The Burlington Magazine 139 (1997): 469-70. According to Natali, Baccio is also a likely candidate for the architecture in the Valombrosian refectory of San Michele a Salvi, an attribution reinforced by the similarity of the corbels in the cenacolo where Andrea del Sarto painted the Last Supper (fig. 5). Baccio d’Agnolo is documented as working in Santissima Annunziata in August 1506 (ASF, Corp. Sopp. 119, Folio 199, 143a). For Baccio’s work on the high altar see also Guadagni, La Ss Annunziata Di Firenze: Studi e Documenti , 280. According to Vasari, Andrea del Sarto included a portrait of himself among the figures surrounding the elegant lettuccio , adding credence to the suggestion that aspects of the painting were painted from real life. (Filippo and Tozzi , 42). For Baccio’s other interiors see A. Braham, “The Bed of Pierfrancesco Borgherini,” The Burlington Magazine 121 (1979): 754-65. See also A. Cecchi, “ Percorso di Baccio d’Agnolo legnaiuolo e architetto fiorentino. Dagli esordi al palazzo Borgherini. 1,” Antichita Viva 1 , (1990): 31-46 and “ Percorso di Baccio d’Agnolo legnaiuolo e architetto fiorentino. Dal ballatoio di Santa Maria del Fiore alle ultime opere . 2,” Antichita Viva 2-3, (1990): 40-57.

449 Unpublished, ASF VGL 294, c. 53, dated 1507: “ Maestro Andrea di pintore de dare addi 24 di diciembre fiorini dua … che’ porto chortanti da domenico bonsi per me a uscita a 150 a chassa hores ……………………………... 2 (fiorini ).”

450 Alana O’Brien, “Artists and Artisans in the Compagnia Dello Scalzo,” Mitteilungen Des Kunstihistorischen Institutes in Florenz 55 (2013): 359-434 dates the membership of Andrea Feltrini in the confraternity of San Giovanni Battista to October 1501 (ASF, NA, 19017, Vol. I, fols. 197f.). Andrea del Sarto joined the confraternity in 1517. Baccio d’Agnolo (Baglioni), legnaiolo , architettore , (1462– 1543) is presumed to have joined the confraternity of the Scalzo in February 1500. His sons, Giuliano di Baccio d’Agnolo (Baglioni) legnaiolo and architect (1491–1555) and Francesco di Baccio d’Agnolo (Baglioni), legnaiolo , (1495– 1535) joined the confraternity in 1523. See also Douglas Dow, “Confraternal Piety and Corporate Patronage: A Reconstruction of the Art and Oratory of the Compagnia di San Giovanni Battista dello Scalzo, Florence” (PhD diss., Pennsylvania State University, 2006).

134 over the lateral door to the church while Andrea del Sarto began work on the decorative cycle for the cloister. 451 Andrea di Cosimo Feltrini also collaborated with Baccio d’Agnolo on the decoration of the papal apartments in Santa Maria Novella created for the triumphal reentry of Leo X into Florence in November of 1515. 452 Baccio, who supervised the architecture, oversaw a fresco program in which Andrea del Sarto’s young protégé, Jacopo Pontormo, painted the vaulted ceiling. Here the scene with a cherub holding the papal coat of arms features the Pucci’s distinctive heraldic device nestled within the lever of the crossed key on the right, an accessory that implies Pucci patronage of aspects of the chapel (fig. 60). 453

Mixing Business with Pleasure: Baccio’s Projects for Alessandro di Puccio and his son Francesco, 1506-1512 From the Pucci payment records it has come to light that Baccio d’Agnolo and his workshop refurbished and created interiors throughout the Pucci household, commissions that help fill in the blanks in Baccio’s early career and shed light on his work as the architect of a décor designed for everyday living in a residence less grand than a palazzo. Three family payment books dated from 1505 to 1512 outline the decorative project for a city residence that doubled as the office for the Pucci’s bottega

451 Tozzi, Memorie della Chiesa , 42.

452 Elam, “ Firenze 1500-1550 ,” 213. For a full account of the entry of Leo X into Florence in 1515 see Ilaria Ciseri, “L’Ingresso Trionfale di Leone,” in Firenze Nel 1515 (Florence: Olschki Editore, 1990). See also Cox-Rearick, Dynasty and Destiny in Medici Art, for an account of the pope’s entry into Florence in 1515. John Shearman’s extensively researched account of the ephemeral architecture and other art works associated with Leo’s triumphal reentry into the city on November 30, 1515 is included in “The Florentine Entrata of Leo X, 1515,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 38 (1975): 136-54.

453 John Shearman’s study of the Florentine Entrata of Leo X, 1515 (see ff. 450), to which I am indebted to the thorough list of contemporary accounts of the feste does not address this aspect of Pontormo’s decorative program.

135 di panno, a workshop in Borgo Sansepolcro engaged in dying ( tintura di panni), washing, and stretching white, gray, black monochino wool. 454 Since Francesco took over from his father as manager of the family business in 1507, the timing of the renovations to the scrittorio and adjacent anticamera appear to coincide with this transition in their commercial affairs. 455

Adapting the house to easy access by the family’s business associates involved the installation of wood paneling in a large ground floor room facing Via dei Calderai that served as the studiolo . The payment records specify the installation of window and a paramento (decorative wood facing) decorated with a half-length figure of Christ. 456

Used as a site for conducting the family business as well as a study by the head of the household, this chamber was conveniently situated next to the stall ( stalla ) illustrated in

454 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 295 also records Alessandro’s involvement in the cloth business ( bottega di panna ) managed by Tito Schapellano in Borgo di San Sepolcro who took over as head of the workshop when Bastiano di Schapellano died in 1507. Carte 166-167 of this payment book document the various kinds of cloth dyed by the bottega , some of which is imported from Flanders. There is an inventory of the contents of the factory on c. 151. Baccio d’Agnolo and his workers are frequently paid in the value of cloth produced by the Pucci cloth making business: “ Baccio d’agnolo legnaiolo de dare addi da Aprile 1508 (lire) y 33 15 sono per somma di braccia 9 di panno bigio flandresco (bagnato?) et cimato hauto per noi da Francesco Lottini … in questo 82 per detto Bartolomeo a Alexandro di Niccholo scharpellino per (lire) y 15 hanno d’achoro ” (c. 87). It is worth noting that Benedetto d’Agnolo di Tito Schapellano and various other members of the bottega have the patronymic d’Agnolo and it is worth considering the possibility that some of them were associates or members of Baccio’s extended family. Antonio di Gino Ginori was involved with the Pucci cloth business in Florence as was Alessandro’s uncle Andrea di Puccio Pucci.

455 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 295, c. 87 “ Bartolomeo d’Agnolo legnaiolo de avere lire cento nove soldi 11 denari 8 per chonseglo per debito a Francesco Pucci per conto di chasa a libro rosso 386 … detto Francesco dare in questo 91 .” Currie, Inside the Renaissance House , 11 makes the observation that these households included relatives and several generations of the same family. In this case, Francesco d’Alessandro’s son Giovanpaolo became a part of Alessandro’s household when Francesco died.

456 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 294, c. 57sx: “ MDVI/Achoncimi della chamera mia deon dare addi’ 16 di giennaio lire una soldi uno piccioli per loro a Francesco legnaiuolo da san Piero per parte di uscio e schaletta dell’antichamera da tagliaferi a uscita a c. 51 e chassa in questo a c. 50, fiorini lire 1.1/E addi’ 17 detto lire una soldi VIII per loro al detto Francesco porto’ chontanti disse per aguti e altro per l’antichamera a uscita a c. 51 e chassa in questo a c. 50, fiorini lire 1.8/E deon dare fiorini uno largho d’oro fatto buono per loro a’ frati delli Resorti a uscita c. 52 per valuta di uno finestrino a mandorla e una fighura di Cristo nel mezo per llo schrittoio di detta chamera, c. 52, fiorini 1 .”

136 Antonio da Sangallo the Younger’s ground plan of the family house (fig. 41). Although these architectural plans were drawn up nearly three decades later, Uffizi 764A shows a long, narrow space reserved for animals on the left hand side of a large room on the ground floor consistent with the description of the layout implied in these payment records. Facing the street, the room was accessed by an aperture designated with two small lines that may refer to the window leading to the formal entryway off the garden on the east side of the property referred to in the payment records. Caroline Elam makes note of this same unusual configuration of a room reserved for the master of the house on the ground level in the palazzo that Baccio d’Agnolo designed for Lanfredino

Lanfredini, a building whose sgraffito decorations alla grottesca is another example of the known collaborations between Baccio d’Agnolo and Andrea di Cosimo Feltrini. 457

The scrittorio in the Pucci townhouse in Florence would have been a chamber where Alessandro would also have managed his network of sharecropping arrangements in the the Val d’Elsa. Here the head of the family oversaw the household accounts and negotiated the legal and financial arrangements for his children’s marriages. 458 Symbolic embodiments of the economic status of the families who dwelled there, the intarsiated detailing carved into the furniture and wainscoting may well have included heraldic devices and allusions to the patron’s varied intellectual pursuits. 459 The same Pucci giornale that documents the renovation lists payments for a range of luxury goods acquired for display in these domestic interiors, precious objects

457 Caroline Elam, “Viva Papa Leone: Baccio d’Agnolo & the Palazzo Lanfredini in Florence” in Coming About: A Festschrift for John Shearman (Cambridge: Harvard University Art , 2001), 173.

458 Currie, Inside the Renaissance House , 74.

459 Raggio, The Gubbio Studiolo , 69.

137 used in everyday life that were just as effective as works of art and furniture in conveying social status. In addition to the specially commissioned wood revetments commissioned for the scrittorio , the steady flow of business associates in and out of

Casa Pucci and the use of the house for more formal entertaining entailed new shelving for the dining room for the display of new glassware (una asse da tenervi e’bochali ).460

Most often fabricated in Venice, glasses were among the luxury goods that the wealthy

460 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 296, c. 87, March 1513 identifies the master woodworker under contract to Baccio d’Agnolo as “Francesco legnaiuolo nella via del chochomero”: “c. 87sx/MDXIII/ Francesco legnaiuolo nella via del chochomero de' dare a dì 16 di marzo lire cinque piccioli portò monna Sibilla chontanti per parte di legname per paramento di chamera d' Alexandro Pucci a uscita a c. 54 e chassa c. 69, lire 25, soldi 6 denari 6 e a dì 19 detto lire dua portò chontanti per legname per detto paramento dal qiornale a c. 167 e chassa avere in questo a c. 69, lire 2 e a dì 14 detto lire quatro piccioli portò chontanti per parte di suo pagamento per noi d'Alexandro Pucci dal giornale a c. 168 e Alexandro Pucci avere in questo c. 77, lire 4 1510/E a dì 29 d'aprile 1510 lire dua soldi 8 per staiora 2 di farina hauta da noi per soldi 24 lo paio d'achordo posto farina avere in questo c. 43, lire 2 soldi 8 e a dì detto soldi 12 per 3 fiaschi di vino posto vino avere in questo c. 79, soldi 12 e a dì detto lire tre piccioli portò chontanti per resto e per noi da Francesco Pucci avere c. 166, lire 3 soldi 17/1511/ e a dì 19 d'aprile 1511 lire una soldi 15 portò chontanti per resto di suo chonto havea con monna Sibilla dal quaderno c. 207 e monna Sibilla avere in questo a c. 193, lire 1 soldi 15. e a dì 25 giugno lire cinque soldi 14. 6 dal quaderno c. 112 a uscita c. 61 e chassa c. 293, lire 5 soldi 14.” On c. 87b: “MDXIII/1510/ Francesco di Dato di Gieri legnaiuolo de' avere a dì 3 d'aprile 1510 lire sei soldi 17 piccioli se gli fanno buoni per 6 letta disfatte et rastiate et lavate con mistura e rachonciatura della tavola da famiglia e una asse da tenervi e' bochali in saletta d'achordo con Francesco Pucci a spese a c. 118, lire 6 soldi 17/ e de' avere lire 1.15 posto Francesco di Dato dare c. 267 attengola(?) per resto di quel chonto che si storna la partita di chonto sotto dì 19 d'aprile 1511, lire 1, soldi 15 e de' avere lire venticinque soldi 14. 6 per se gli fanno buoni per più lavori fatti in chasa posto spese di chassa dare in questo a c. 343, lire 25 soldi 14 denari 6 e de' dare lire cinque soldi 16 portò chontanti sino a dì 5 d'aprile 1509 da Francesco Pucci avere in questo c. 313 per resto del paramento di monna Sibilla al quadernuccio di Francesco Pucci segnato G(?) a c. 28, lire 5 soldi 16 e de' dare lire tre soldi 4 da Francesco Pucci avere c. 331 dal giornale c. 220, lire 3 soldi 4 .” c. 90a documents the purchase of glassware in 1508:

Bartolomeo di….detto bacciuolo donzello all’arte della lana de’ dare a di 24 di marzo (1508) lire undici soldi 10 picoli dal q (?) cio c. 9 a charta (?) c. 54 chassa avere in questo…fiorini 1 lire 4 soldi 10 c. 90b. 1508

Bartolomeo detto bacciuolo de avere fiorino largo in oro lire dodici soldi 9 denari 4 se gli fanno buoni per piu’ spese fatte per lui da di’ 15 di magio 1511 pel chardinale Farnese chome apare al quaderno segnato B c. 229 et spese predetto chardinale Farnese dare in questo ……c.274…………………………………….fiorini 2 lire 5 soldi 9 denari 4 .”

138 displayed with pride. 461 Payments to Nicholo bichierario were accompanied by expenditures to Lorenzo the goldsmith who fabricated a holder of strong leather ( di quoio ) for the knives he forged (per chotelli cassa ) as well as a fork. 462 The Pucci, who purchased four paintings of saints in November 1507, accessorized their new furnishings with twelve new rugs ( tappeti ) in 1508, another rug two years later, and additional glassware in 1511. 463 Other finery purchased during this same period included a portrait, a small book illustrated by a miniaturist ( miniatrai librichino ) and paper for the production of a book ( charctalaio per libri ). 464 Clothing and expensive cloth acquired by the family during this period evince the sartorial requirements associated with keeping up appearances in a society in which fabrics and fine clothing were emblems of wealth and status. In addition to fancy sleeves ( dimaniche ), a piece of yellow cloth ( pezzo di cianbellotto ), and various skins and furs, Alessandro also took a flat cut diamond ( tavolo pladettore ) to the same goldsmith ( orafoli ) and had it mounted into a ring. 465 Bastiano di Castellano was paid for taffeta and the cloth maker for piu

461 Currie, Inside the Renaissance House , 35.

462 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 294, c. 16. “ e adi detto lire una denari otto per loro, a Lorenzo orafo per chosto di noi guarina [… ] di quoio per detti chotelli cassa .” Unpublished, ASF, VGL 294, c. 26 records the payment by Sibilla of 3 lire for a fork. Unpublished, ASF, VGL 294, c. 56 and 67 document payments for glassware. Unpublished, ASF, VGL 296, c. 292a documents additional purchases of glassware in 1511: “ Jesus MDXI

Bastiano di …detto baccuolo di dare’ adi 25 di guigno lire dua soldi 18 denari 4 piccola dal questo cio c. 51 a (?) c. 60 12 chassa avere in questo…..c. 224………..Fiorini 2 lire 2 18 soldi denari 4 .”

463 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 295, c. 164.

464 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 294, c. 16-18.

465 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 294, c. 16.

139 robe. An agent obtained another kind of cloth dyed in Prato ( panne bigio con suo colore pratesi ) to pay other craftsmen in the employ of the Pucci. 466

The Pucci Commissions: Baccio d’Agnolo and His Workshop, 1506-1512

Alessandro also purchased a mattress from the mattercorssorio, another expenditure linked to Baccio D’Agnolo’s commission since the payments to Baccio and the master woodworkers in his employ called for them to refabricate six wood beds

(letti), some of which were cut down for re-use by Alessandro’s daughters. 467 What is unique to these accounts are the details of the way in which handcrafted furniture was passed down through the family and modernized, a practice evident in the repair of a lettuccio with a cassoni underneath which Baccio d’Agnolo and his workshop replaced the tondo .468

As was typical of his workshop practices, Baccio acted as general contractor and supervised the artisans subcontracted to fabricate the improvements to the Pucci house on the corner of Via dei Servi and Via dei Calderai: a single large payment of 50

466 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 294, c. viiii, 26 and 60.

467 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 294, c.16.

468 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 296. c. CCLXVII, dated April 15ll: “ Jesus MDXI/Francesco di dato legnaiuolo de avere addi 12 d’aprile lire 9 soldi 2 se gli fanno buoni per uno povento fatto in chamera delle fanciulle di sopra alla chamera d’Alexandro di madama Sibilla per suo maestro lire 4.15 et per braccia 9 di legname in detto paramento et per mozare et abasare uno lettuccio et spalliera et fare uno tondo nuovo al chassone di detto lettuccio et uno architrave et uno bracciale nuovo in tutto lire 4.7 prefatto piu fa d’achordo con lui detto di madama Sibilla detto primo spese di chasa dare in questo …. c. 207……. ……………………………………..fiorini 1 lire 2 soldi 2. ”

140 florins followed by a series of smaller payments is characteristic of his oversight of the woodworkers, sculptors, masons, and a painter employed on the project.469 Stephano di

Zanobi di Stefano legnaiuolo agli Strozzi was another of the salaried craftsmen working in the Pucci household throughout the spring and summer of 1506. 470 His cognomen almost certainly relates to the construction of -- a free-standing city palace built to a design based on a wood model by Giuliano da Sangallo commissioned by Filippo Strozzi, one of the wealthiest merchants in Florence and a close business associate of the Pucci – a reference that attests to the network of artisans involved in prestigious projects and their movement between patrician households.471 Francesco di

Zanobi was a decorative woodworker involved in the fabrication of the scrittorio , anticamera, and schalletta, here identified as originating from Via di Buonsanti di San

Piero .472 In addition to payments to these master craftsmen, there are a series of outlays to Francesco del Piloso Pollaiuolo e chompagna, a payment to Piero muratore , and payments to both Bastiano scarpellino dal lugho a San Sepulchro and Bartolommeo

469 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 294, c. 26: “ Bartholomeo D’agnolo legnaiuolo de dare addi 7 di marzo Fiorini 50 ... per da s(imone?) Berlinghieri hores .” In Unpublished, ASF, VGL 294 Andrea dipintore was also paid on c. 50, L, 53, and 60; he too is on a salary and his regular payments range from 1 to 2 florins. ASF, VGL 294, c. 53 is a payment to Andrea dipintore in December 1507: “ Maestro Andrea dipintore de dare addi 24 di diciembre fiornini dua … per otto …da domenico bonsi per me a uscita a (50) a chassa hores … 2 .”

470 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 294, c. 57: “ MDVI/Zanobi di Stefano legnaiuolo agli Strozzi de’ dare addi’ 16 di giennaio fiorini uno largo d’oro porto’ Domenico Bonsi chontanti a uscita a c. 51 e chassa in questo a c. 50, fiorini 1 .”

471 ASF, VGL 295, c. 152 documents business transactions involving Filippo Strozzi. The bibliography on Palazzo Strozzi includes Richard Goldthwaite, The Building of the Strozzi Palace: The Construction Industry in Renaissance Florence (Omaha: University of Nebraska Press, Studies in Medieval and Renaissance History 10, 1973); Palazzo Strozzi: Meta Millenio 1489-1989, ed. Daniela Lamberini and Paola Gori (Rome: Istituto della Enciclopedia italiana, 1991); and Guido Pampaloni, Palazzo Strozzi (Florence: Istituto nazionale delle assicurazioni, 1982).

472 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 294, c.57. See ff. 439.

141 scarpellino .473 A painter, one Andrea dipintore, is paid alongside Bartolomeo d’Agnolo legnaioulo in 1506 and 1507. 474

A second Pucci giornale relates the continuation of Baccio’s work as general contractor for the renovations. 475 It records a payment to Bartolomeo d’Agnolo legnaiuolo that Baccio owed the stonemason (Bartolomeo a Alexandro di Niccolo scharpellino) in April 1508. Other payments in the spring of 1509 refer to an exchange in kind -- a payment of gray hemmed cloth from Flanders ( panno bigio fiandresco … e cimito ) -- that Baccio was obliged to give to Alessandro di Niccolo scarpellino as compensation for his services as well as a dress for Baccio’s daughter. 476 Baccio’s workshop was paid in a variety of other goods, including wine, flour, grain, and even

473 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 294, c. xxii, Lxi, 56, and 61. Francesco del Pisolo Pollaiuolo is paid 17 florins in 1506 (c. 56, lxi, 57). Bastiano’s payments are listed on cc. lvi, v and 25.

474 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 294, c. 40, XLI, L, 53, 57 and lx. C. 53, for example, is a series of payments to Andrea dipintore in December 1507: “MDVI/ Andrea dipintore de’ dare addi’ 24 di diciembre deci d’oro porto’ chontanti da Domenico Bonsi posto a uscita a c. 50 e chassa hores (…) in questo a c. 50, fiorini 2/E addi’ 9 di gienaio fiorini dua d’oro in oro porto’ Domenico Bonsi chontanti a uscita a c. 50 e cassa .” As Alana O’Brien documents in her article on the Compagnia dello Scalzo, Andrea di Giovanni (Feltrini), dipintore was paid for his work in the on 25 April 1523. Another possibility is that the payment in the Pucci account book refers to Andrea d’Agnolo del Sarto dipintore, who is presumed to have joined the confraternity dello Scalzo in 1517.

475 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 295, c. 87: “ Bartolomeo Dagnolo legnaiolo de dare addi da Aprile 1508 lire 33 soldi 15 sono per somma di braccia 9 di panno bigio fiandresco bagnato (?) e cimato hauto per noi da Francesco Lottini … in questo 82 e per detto Bartolomeo a Alexandro di Niccolo scharpellino per lire 15 hanno d’achordo .”

476 ASF, VGL 295, c. 82: “ Fiandresco di pardo Lottini deve avere adi 8 d’aprile 1508 lire trenta sono per braccio otto di panno bigio fiandrescho bagnato (?) e cimato per noi a Lorenzo di Jacopo stiattesi dare in questo 87 per lire 15 … d’aghosto … E adi detto lire trentatre soldi xv denari – per braccia 9 di detto panno per noi deve Francesco Pucci proprio (?) per dare a Bartolomeo d’Agnolo legnaiuolo dare a questo 87 per lire 15 ch’anne adi detto d’achordo.” Carte 87-88 records a payment of 10 gold florins for the sum of 10 lengths of panno monachino di lana , indicating that a number of these payments were made in the form of wool cloth.

142 stockings. 477 While the nature of Baccio’s work is here unspecified, the inclusion of a stonemason makes clear the structural nature of Baccio’s commission.

Fortunately, a third payment book begun in 1513 makes it possible to establish a more cohesive chronology of Baccio d’Agnolo’s work for the Pucci and the scope of his commissions.478 Some of these records repeat what is documented in these earlier account books, and considered together, establish the following chronology: by 1506

Baccio d’Agnolo was working alongside Piero di muratore di chasa and Francesco legnaiuolo da San Piero, whose compensation in January 1507 specifies his construction of a small staircase (schaletta ) and an entryway to the house as well as an anticamera that accessed the study on the ground floor (appendix 6).479 This scrittorio was fitted with a window decorated with a half-figure of Christ ( finestrino amabile con una fighura di Cristo nel mezzo per llo scrittorio di detta chamera ). 480 Andrea dipintore

477 Unpublished VGL 296, c. 383a: “Jesus MDXIII/ E detto de avere lire otto scudi 10 piccoli per uno paio da chalze di panno pag(?)o pieno dato per Francesco Pucci sino adi 8 d’aprile 1508 al garzone di Baccio legnaiuolo..p(?)o spese di Francesco dare ... c. 37 …… fiorini 1 lire 1 scudi 10/[E di otto d’aprile 1508 a uno garzone di baccio legnaiuolo uno paio di chalze di panno (?) pieno dato per Francesco Pucci sino adi 8 d’aprile 1508 al garzone di baccio legnaiuolo (?) Spese di Francesco dare c. 370 …… fiorini 1 lire 1 soldi 10 ].”

478 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 296 is an account book belonging to Alessandro, Francesco and Lorenzo Pucci:. “ Jesus MDXIII/Questo libro e’ di Francesco d’Alexandro d’Antonio Pucci et chiamasi debitori et creditori segnato B coregie verde in sul quale le si scriviernmanno tucti e debitori et creditori di detto Francesco tenuto per me Marcello di Lionardo de Narni.”

479 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 294, c 57a.

480 Unpublished, ASF VGL 294. c. 57a: MDVI/

Zanobi di Stefano legnaiuolo agli Strozzi de’ dare addi’ 16 di giennaio fiorini uno largo d’oro porto’ Domenico Bonsi chontanti a uscita a c. 51 e chassa in questo a c. 50, fiorini 1 […]

Achoncimi della chamera mia deon dare addi’ 16 di giennaio lire una soldi uno piccioli per loro a Francesco legnaiuolo da san Piero per parte di uscio e schaletta dell’antichamera da tagliaferi a uscita a c. 51 e chassa in questo a c. 50, fiorini lire 1.1

E addi’ 17 detto lire una soldi VIII per loro al detto Francesco porto’ chontanti disse per aguti e altro per l’antichamera a uscita a c. 51 e chassa in questo a c. 50, fiorini lire 1.8

143 was paid in those same years, posing the possibility that his decorative painting related to some aspect of the scrittorio .481 Baccio d’Agnolo was then paid throughout 1508, as was Francesco legnaiuolo and a scarpellino by the name of Alessandro di Niccolo. 482

In 1509, Baccio’s workshop was paid for the refurbishment of six beds and the family dining table in the salotto .483 In that same year Piero legnaiuolo and Piero muratore were both paid for their work on the house and in November 1509 Francesco di Zanobi legniauolo was paid for the completion of his work on the scrittorio della terrena .484

Giovanni di Piero legnaiuolo a santa maria ichapo was compensated for the construction of a window and for work on the salotto .485

The scarpellino was also paid for a staircase and a stone entrance ( uscio di pietra ). 486 The reference to a small flight of steps ( schaletta ) at the entrance to the

E deon dare fiorini uno largho d’oro fatto buono per loro a’ frati delli Resorti a uscita c. 52 per valuta di uno finestrino a mandorla e una fighura di Cristo nel mezo per llo schrittoio di detta chamera, c. 52, fiorini 1 .” This project is also referenced in ASF, VGL 294, c 57b: “ della chamera mia de detta terra addi 16 di gennaio mille … per li per loco di francesco legnaiuolo di san Piero per schaletta della antichamera datagli afora … (?) Et addi 17 detto finestrino amabile con una fighura di (?) nel mezzo per llo scrittorio di detta chamera .”

481 See Unpublished, ASF, VGL 294, c. 40, XLI, L, 53, 57 and LX.

482 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 295, c. 87 r: “ Bartolomeo d’Agnolo legnaiuolo de dare addi Aprile 1508 lire 33 soldi 15 da Alessandro di Niccolo scarpellino .”

483 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 296, c. lxxxvii and refers to c. cxviii r: “ per la tavola per la famiglia sei letta e la setta. Lire 6 12 soldi .”

484 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 296, c. clxxxvi v: “ Francesco di Zanobi legnaiuolo fino al 17 novembre per contratti dello ... scrittorio terreno posto ad [?] di chasa 6 lire 10 soldi .” Piero muratore was paid in May 1506 on c. 13 and xiii, another like-exchange in which he received cloth from the bottega. He is paid again in April 1509 and August 1510 (c. 294).

485 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 296, c. 4a: “ e adi 9 novembre 1509 lire tre piccoli per noi Raffaello Pucci fino addi detto a uno scarpellino per parte d’uno uscio di pietra per lo scrittoino nero da lge c. 187 Rafaello Pucci a detto in questo…c. 170 …... lire 3.? c. 245: “ Giovanni legnaiuolo a santa maria ichapo dare a 23 novembre 1510 ... Francesco Pucci … per da finestri lire 4 .”

486 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 294, c. 57a: MDVI/Zanobi di Stefano legnaiuolo agli Strozzi de’ dare addi’ 16 di giennaio fiorini uno largo d’oro porto’ Domenico Bonsi chontanti a uscita a c. 51 e chassa in questo a c. 50, fiorini 1 […]

144 house, a stone doorway, and several windows, are tangible evidence of the aesthetic acumen of the building’s inhabitants. 487 Although the Pucci residence in Florence has been modified by centuries of renovations, this description is consistent with the current configuration of the side entrance facing what was the garden in Alessandro’s day. 488

The oldest part of the elegant arcade leading into the garden courtyard features a trademark of Baccio’s artisanal architecture, Vitruvian columns and corbels decorated with rosettes around the necking of the capitals inspired by the decorative motifs on the

Basilica Aemilia in Rome (fig. 61). 489

Achoncimi della chamera mia deon dare addi’ 16 di giennaio lire una soldi uno piccioli per loro a Francesco legnaiuolo da san Piero per parte di uscio e schaletta dell’antichamera da tagliaferi a uscita a c. 51 e chassa in questo a c. 50, fiorini lire 1.1

E addi’ 17 detto lire una soldi VIII per loro al detto Francesco porto’ chontanti disse per aguti e altro per l’antichamera a uscita a c. 51 e chassa in questo a c. 50, fiorini lire 1.8

E deon dare fiorini uno largho d’oro fatto buono per loro a’ frati delli Resorti a uscita c. 52 per valuta di uno finestrino a mandorla e una fighura di Cristo nel mezo per llo schrittoio di detta chamera, c. 52, fiorini 1 .”

487 Unpublished, VGL 296, c. 245a refers to seven windows that were not made of glass, some of which were new and others refurbished : “Giovanni legnaiuolo a Santa Maria in champo de dare’ adi 23 di novembre lire dua soldi 16 per parte … da Francesco Pucci avere giornale (?) 221 per parte di lire y 4 di 7 telai di finestre impannate parte nuovi et parte rachonci dal giornale (?) 200…… lire 2 soldi 16 et de dare y dua soldi 2 per noi da Francesco detto 331 dal giornale … lire 2 soldi 16 .”

488 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 296, c. clxxvi: “ E adi detto lire sei soldi x piccoli per noi a Francesco di Zanobi legnaiuolo sino adi 17 di novembre (1510) per achociamento dello scrittorio terreno posto a choncimi di chasa dare in questo … c. 14 ... lire 6 soldi 10 .” VGL 296, c. 245: “ Giovanni legnaiuolo a Santa Maria ichapo dare a 23 novembre 1510 … Francesco Pucci … per da … finestri 4 lire .” Unpublished, ASF, VGL 294: c. 57sx, “ MDVI/Zanobi di Stefano legnaiuolo agli Strozzi de’ dare addi’ 16 di giennaio fiorini uno largo d’oro porto’ Domenico Bonsi chontanti a uscita a c. 51 e chassa in questo a c. 50, fiorini 1 […] Achoncimi della chamera mia deon dare addi’ 16 di giennaio lire una soldi uno piccioli per loro a Francesco legnaiuolo da san Piero per parte di uscio e schaletta dell’antichamera da tagliaferi a uscita a c. 51 e chassa in questo a c. 50, fiorini lire 1.1/E addi’ 17 detto lire una soldi VIII per loro al detto Francesco porto’ chontanti disse per aguti e altro per l’antichamera a uscita a c. 51 e chassa in questo a c. 50, fiorini lire 1.8/E deon dare fiorini uno largho d’oro fatto buono per loro a’ frati delli Resorti a uscita c. 52 per valuta di uno finestrino a mandorla e una fighura di Cristo nel mezo per llo schrittoio di detta chamera, c. 52, fiorini 1 .”

489 The columns are Vitruvian in proportion and are stylistically related to the columns in Casignano, discussed in the chapter on the work of the Sangallo workshop for the Pucci and attributed to Giuliano da Sangallo. Elam, who makes note of the quotation of the rosettes on the columns in the Basilica Aemelia in the Roman Forum, also adds the early stages of Palazzo Nasi (Torrigiani) to the list of private palaces

145 In March 1514 (Florentine dating) payment records that refer back to work on a project that continued from 1510 until 1511, Baccio d’Agnolo and his craftsmen furnished Alessandro’s room with new wood paneling (paramento ), built a shelf for glasses (una asse da tenervi e’bochali ), and refinished the dining room table ( tavola da famiglia ). 490 Baccio d’Agnolo was also compensated for shortening six beds in the rooms of Alessandro’s daughters and installing a new tondo in the cassone attached to the daybed.491 In updating the chambers where his children slept, Alessandro added an

currently attributed to Baccio d’Agnolo (Elam, Viva Papa Leone , 173). The florets on Baccio’s work reflect the rather stiff classicism of the loggia in Palazzo Taddei on the Via Ginori and Baccio’s later, and most famous, architectural commission, Palazzo Bartolini Salimbeni, built between 1520 and 1523 (fig. 58). The arcade at the entrance was later expanded to include pairs of columns facing the new wing to the palazzo.

490 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 296, c. 87: “MDXIII/Francesco legnaiuolo nella via del chochomero de' dare a dì 16 di marzo lire cinque piccioli portò monna Sibilla chontanti per parte di legname per paramento di chamera d' Alexandro Pucci a uscita a c. 54 e chassa c. 69, lire 25, soldi 6 denari 6/e a dì 19 detto lire dua portò chontanti per legname per detto paramento dal qiornale a c. 167 e chassa avere in questo a c. 69, lire 2 e a dì 14 detto lire quatro piccioli portò chontanti per parte di suo pagamento per noi d'Alexandro Pucci dal giornale a c. 168 e Alexandro Pucci avere in questo c. 77, lire 4 1510 E a dì 29 d'aprile 1510 lire dua soldi 8 per staiora 2 di farina hauta da noi per soldi 24 lo paio d'achordo posto farina avere in questo c. 43, lire 2 soldi 8 e a dì detto soldi 12 per 3 fiaschi di vino posto vino avere in questo c. 79, soldi 12 e a dì detto lire tre piccioli portò chontanti per resto e per noi da Francesco Pucci avere c. 166, lire 3 soldi 17 1511 e a dì 19 d'aprile 1511 lire una soldi 15 portò chontanti per resto di suo chonto havea con monna Sibilla dal quaderno c. 207 e monna Sibilla avere in questo a c. 193, lire 1 soldi 15 e a dì 25 giugno lire cinque soldi 14. 6 dal quaderno c. 112 a uscita c. 61 e chassa c. 293, lire 5 soldi 14. ” C. 87dx: “MDXIII/1510/Francesco di Dato di Gieri legnaiuolo de' avere a dì 3 d'aprile 1510 lire sei soldi 17 piccioli se gli fanno buoni per 6 letta disfatte et rastiate et lavate con mistura e rachonciatura della tavola da famiglia e una asse da tenervi e' bochali in saletta d'achordo con Francesco Pucci a spese a c. 118, lire 6 soldi 17 e de' avere lire 1.15 posto Francesco di Dato dare c. 267 attengola(?) per resto di quel chonto che si storna la partita di chonto sotto dì 19 d'aprile 1511, lire 1, soldi 15 e de' avere lire venticinque soldi 14. 6 per se gli fanno buoni per più lavori fatti in chasa posto spese di chassa dare in questo a c. 343, lire 25 soldi 14 denari 6 e de' dare lire cinque soldi 16 portò chontanti sino a dì 5 d'aprile 1509 da Francesco Pucci avere in questo c. 313 per resto del paramento di monna Sibilla al quadernuccio di Francesco Pucci segnato G(?) a c. 28, lire 5 soldi 16 e de' dare lire tre soldi 4 da Francesco Pucci avere c. 331 dal giornale c. 220, lire 3 soldi 4 .”

491 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 296, c. cxviii: “1510/ E adi 30 detto lire si soldi 17 fatti buoni a Francesco

146 architrave and a new bracciale to create a more integrated visual effect. Work on a new lettuccio with a decorated panel (uno lettuccio spalliera ), and a related cassone (uno tondo nuovo all chassone di ditto lettucio ) was completed in April 1511 and on

December 23, 1512 Francesco legnaiuolo received what appears to be a final payment for his contribution to the dining table and the shelf for the glasses. 492 Alessandro’s wife Sibilla also paid Baccio for additional paneling ( paramento ).493 Baccio, again compensated for his services with a combination of cash and gray Flemish cloth, was paid over the next year along with Simone d’Agnolo, whose patronymic suggests that he was an artisan in Baccio’s employ or possibly even a relative.494 In these payment records the workshop or a house occupied by the workers appears to have been located around the corner from Casa Pucci on Via del Cocomero, now known as Via

Ricasoli. 495 The interior décor of the Pucci residences outlined in these account books is

legnaiuolo a avere in questo c. 37 per disfare 6 letta et rastiare et nettare et achonciamento della tavola da famiglia et una asse per la setta da tenervi bochali d’achordo con Francesco Pucci …… lire 6 soldi 17 .” C. cclxvii : “ Jesus MDXI/Francesco di dato legnaiuolo de avere addi 12 d’aprile lire 9 soldi 2 se gli fanno buoni per uno povento fatto in chamera delle fanciulle di sopra alla chamera d’Alexandro di madama Sibilla per suo maestro lire 4.15 et per braccia 9 di legname in detto paramento et per mozare et abasare uno lettuccio et spalliera et fare uno tondo nuovo al chassone di detto lettuccio et uno architrave et uno bracciale nuovo in tutto lire 4.7 prefatto piu fa d’achordo con lui detto di madama Sibilla detto primo spese di chasa dare in questo …. c. 207………………………………………….… fiorini 1 lire 2 soldi 2 .”

492 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 296, c. 267, 343 and 320: “ Girolamo da maestro Agnolo fatto de dare 2 Fiorini per noi da Francesco Pucci a … per fino adi 22 di febraro 1510 per seconda di fattura … fatti paramento .” Several of these payments were made in flour and oil.

493 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 296, c. 87.

494 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 296 records payments to Bartholomeo d’Agnolo on c. 386 (where the transaction refers back to a book with green tasssles and a libro di Francesco), c. 388 and 410.

495 The Pucci owned at least two houses on Via dei Cocomero (now Via Ricasoli), one of which was on the corner of Via Ricasoli and Via dei Pucci and was purchased from the da Rabatta family in the second half of the seventeenth century and incorporated the family palazzo. The house further up Via dei Cocomero was renovated between 1559 and 1560 and inherited by Pandolfo’s children when their father was executed in January 1599 (Florentine dating). It was rented first to Maestro Oreto the tailor of Rome beginning May 1, 1560 (Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 625, c. 10) and then rented to one Filippo Pancetti

147 such a recurrent theme in the family records because the stakes it personifies – honor, status, family values, and civic duty – were paramount in Renaissance society.

Confiscation: The Inventory of 1529

By the time of Alessandro d’Antonio’s death in 1525, his oldest son Francesco was deceased and the so-called big house in Florence -- bordered on one side by

Roberto d’Antonio’s smaller house on Via dei Calderai and on the other by the long, narrow casetta attached to the rear of the house that opened onto Via dei Servi -- was inherited by Alessandro’s younger son Raffaello (1490-1551).496 The wealthy merchant banker in the family, Raffaello assisted in the coronation of Pope Leo X and was inducted into the noble order of St. Peter’s founded by his cardinal uncle two years later. 497 Raffaello’s marriage to Vittoria di Deifedo Piccolomini d’Aragona, a relative of the short-lived Pope Pius III (1439-1503), furthered his inroads into the papal court, although Raffaello outlived her by nearly twenty years.498 While his older brother

Francesco had taken over the family cloth business, Raffaello assumed the contract awarded to his father by Pope Leo X to produce the vitriolic acid (panni di vetrioli ), a in June of 1571. This same account book documents the sale in 1572 of this house, which also had a stall (Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 625, c. 4 and 9).

496 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 386, insert 10, unpaginated, includes a letter from Cardinal dei Santi Quattro designating Raffaello d’Alessandro as heir of the house in Florence and Casignano: “ Che Raphaello habbi la casa di Fiorenza con tutti ()usi mobile et massariti et habbi cassignano con tutti li sui ( )tinentie … A Giovanpaulo si assigni adindichi la possessioni di coiano con il poderi di oliveto di scudi cinquecento …” From these documents it would appear that Antonio’s houses were divided into parts, with Roberto inheriting one of the smaller casetta and Giovanpaolo inheriting another. Insert 10 also indicates that Alessandro’s trade in fabric involved the sale to Pope Innocent VIII (1432-1492) of canne XI di broccato per ducati 1000 . Alessandro’s grandson Giovanpaolo di Francesco grew up in Alessandro’s household and was also involved in the highly profitable family concession of mining associated with the manufacture of black gunpowder.

497 Litta, “ Pucci di Firenze ,” vol. 15, table VI.

498 Litta, “ Pucci di Firenze ,” vol. 15, table VI.

148 key ingredient in the production of high-quality gunpowder. 499 Raffaello’s business dealings exemplified a class of Florentine merchants who leveraged their relationship with a family member in the Roman curia into other lucrative trade and investment opportunities. The Pucci had begun to mine these relationships when Lorenzo Pucci entered the curia as an apostolic notary in 1492, as had the Pandolfini, Soderini,

Salviati, Ridolfi, Ardinghello, Bandini and other astute Florentine businessmen. 500 The

Pucci concession for mining sulfuric acid was based in the medieval town of

Bagnoregio.501 Located between Viterbo and Orvieto ( di nome Vetriolo situate tra

Viterbo ed Orvieto ), here the Pucci owned a house, the old tower ( la magione nostra )

499 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 263 dated 1533-35 is one of the account books maintained on behalf of Raffaello Pucci that details the administration of the mine. A payment to Francesco scarpellino indicates he is involved in construction work on the Pucci house and the walls of the mine (c. 4a); his presence at Casignano along with the notation that Antonio the Younger da Sangallo had an old debt to the family that is not a priority ( Uno sunto de debitori di libri vechi et non sono molto exegibili non da farvi fundamento tamen in verrita sono debitori et deverrano pagare) and the amount of the debt Maestro Antonio da Sangallo per resto dal giornale l’anno del censo al detto libro M 143 scudi 37 (c. cxxiii) suggests an identification of Giuliano da Sangallo’s son Francesco da Sangallo. The specific association of Francesco scarpellino, Francesco muratore, and Bastiano mutarore with their famous cousin is this project identifies them as one of the sette Sangallesca managing a daunting workload overseen by Antonio da Sangallo the Younger, whose letters and notes make it abundantly clear that he is the architect in charge, a hands-on supervisor with a final say over major decisions involving the workshop’s geographically and architecturally varied commissions (see also Frommel and , The Architectural Drawings of Antonio da Sangallo the Younger, vol. I, 43 and vol. II, 141). As in the project at Casignano outlined later in this study, Cardinal Lorenzo Pucci is also a predominant factor in the authorization of the mining project: reverendissimo totto del patermonio (Unpublished, ASF, VGL 280, c. 290). On c. 132 in this same account book maestro Francesco is paid by Pulidoro da Maestro Antonio Fassonbrone mio agente a Lammezia e possession e dare la minera who authorizes the outlay de’ avere speciale . This giornale also documents payments to the blacksmith ( maestro Francesco fabro ), and a large crew of stonemasons, bricklayers, and other workers who are carting earth ( la terra di Valtrano ) and shoring up the walls of the mine. The payment to Maestro Giovanni muratore requires him to have worked in the mine for twenty days (Unpublished, ASF, VGL 280, c. 173).

500 Barbara McClung Hallman, Italian Cardinals, Reform, and the Church as Property, 1492-1563 (University of California, Los Angeles: Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 1985), 136. Hallman notes that the Gaddi family was another Florentine clan with inroads into the Roman curia that served them during the pontificates of Alexander VI, Julius II, Leo X, Clement VII, and Paul III, that is to say, from 1492 to 1534. It was the Gaddi family chapel in Santa Maria Novella in Florence that the Pucci sought to emulate in their own family mausoleum in SS. Annunziata. See also Melissa M. Bullard, “‘Mercatores Florentini Romanam Curiam Sequentes’ in the early sixteenth century,” Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies 6 (1976): 51-72.

501 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 263, c. 8a.

149 and the mine nearby ( la miniera nostra ), where they shaped sulfuric acid into loaves

(panni di vetrioli ) for the production of gunpowder. 502 Raffaello employed a paymaster, one Lorenzo Buondelmonti, to compensate Luigi Tagliatore (the rock- cutter) and other workers engaged in extracting the minerals used in equipping the papal army with munitions. 503 Thick account books document Raffaello’s enormous profits and reinvestments on the back of the miniera di vetriolo di Bagnorea .504

502 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 263, c. 8a.

503 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 280 is an account book that describes the location of the Pucci’s mining concession on c. 3. Francesco muratori , his brother Sebastiano, and their cousin Francesco scarpellino , members of the team of masons and sculptors involved in the construction of Casignano described in Chapter VI , all appear in yet another account book dated January 1533 that records payments associated with Raffaello’s mining concession in Civita Bagnoregio (Unpublished, ASF, VGL 280, c. 75 is a payment to maestro Francesco muratore and c. 88 is a payment to maestro Sebastiano). Unpublished, ASF, VGL 262, c. 67b and 69b document payments to Maestro Andrea muratore for work on the house in Bagnorea near la miniera da Bagnorea , the concession operated by Raffaello Pucci. Unpublished, ASF, VGL 263 is another account book that details the administration of the mine in Bagnoregio in which Francesco scarpellino da lubriano is paid for his work there in 1533 (c. 4a). Maestro Andrea is working there in 1536 “ Maestro Andrea muratore addi xxx (1536) detto scudi sessantacinque per lo tanti per contro di murare all magione ” (c. 67b). Unpublished, ASF, VGL 265 is another account book dated 1536 that is associated with the mine ( Amministrazione della miniera di vetriolo di Bagnorea) where Luigi tagliatore (the rock cutter) is paid for work on the mine (c. 157).

504 In one account book, which takes up from an earlier set of banking records currently unaccounted for, Raffaello Pucci is also furnishing the house he owns in Bagnoregio (Unpublished, ASF, VGL 280, c. 3: “Maestro Andrea di cassa per tanti per suo resto uscita B 106 in questo .)” On c. 20 there are payments for masseritie civita Bagnoregio that include stools and other furnishings. Raffaello also paid for the service of a goldsmith in Orvieto (c. 123). On c. 178 he pays for pork to feed the workers a remicho del lavorante alla miniera). Unpublished, MGR 373, c. 151 dx documents improvements to the house the Pucci owned in the medieval town: “MDXXXIIII

Maestro Giovanni muratore di contro de' avere addì XVIII di maggio scudi due soldi 52 si fanno buoni per la monta di opere cioè 14 a libro 32 posto ispese de la miniera dare in questo a c. 135, scudi 2 soldi 52 e de' avere scudi uno soldi XX si gli fanni buono per 12 opere lavorò alla miniera a guli(sic) uno el dì levato dal libro segnato F a c. 60 posto spese dare c. 173, scudi 1 soldi 20 e de' avere scudi dua soldi cinquanta si gli fanno buoni per fattura del palcho della chasa alla magione e la schala di fuora dove sta Mariano fecie fino dì febraio 1534 posto spese della magione dare c. 170, scudi 2 soldi 50 e addì 25 ottobre scudi uno soldi … si gli fanno buoni per XI opere per rifare i fornelli e rachonciare la vascha della miniera posto spese della miniera dare c. 166, scudi 1 e de' avere addì X di dicembre scudi uno per opere XII a fare gli usci e murare le trave per il solare e la schala di Federigho el vero di Pierone a soldi X el dì posto spese della magione dare c. 279 scudi 1 soldi 20 .”

150 War was on everyone’s mind between the Sack of Rome in May 1527 and the siege of Florence in late 1529. The setbacks suffered by the papal-supported League of

Cognac were particularly threatening to Cardinal Pucci and his nephew Antonio, who barely escaped with their lives from the onslaught of Lutheran and were then alternately confronted with imprisonment and bankruptcy. Chastel’s account of the storm of enemy troops pouring through the weakly fortified southern walls of the

Vatican includes Palazzo Pucci, along with every other city palace except Palazzo

Colonna, among the buildings ransacked if not partially destroyed in the rampage. 505

To make matters worse, the imprisonment of Pope Clement VII and his court set off an anti-Medici rebellion in Florence. The newly minted pro-republican government, in desperate economic straits, confiscated the Pucci house on Via dei

Calderai, stripped it of its contents, and sold them off to the highest bidder. Dated 1529-

1531, the inventari delle masserizie e dei beni sequestrati dagli Uffiziali dei Ribelli e messi in vendita was conducted by ser Giovanni da Fiorella (appendix 7). 506 Another copy of the inventory dates the confiscation to November 1529 and includes the

Tornabuoni and Bernardo Rucellai among the pro-Medici households whose belongings were appropriated and auctioned off. 507 The sale of Raffaello Pucci’s household effects was conducted in two lots, the first one hundred and twenty-five

505 Luigi Guicciardini The Sack of Rome , trans. James H. McGregor (Reading: Ithaca Press, 1993); Chastel, The Sack of Rome, 92-94; and Pastor, The History of the Popes, vol. 9, chapter XI, 390. See also Judith Hook, The Sack of Rome (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004) for an account of the attack that took place between and Porta Torrione in May of 1527. Palazzo Pucci in Rome is described in Chapter V.

506 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 289, c. 1-6.

507 Unpublished, ASF, Capitani di Parta Guelfa, c. 80.

151 items meticulously catalogued by the notary in charge along with the buyers and their valuations. 508

Reading between the lines of the notarized inventory and comparing it with earlier inventories and payment records suggests that little had changed in the arrangement of the Pucci household since the death of Raffaello’s grandfather, Antonio di Puccio, in 1484. Given the number of children and servants who occupied the family’s eighteen-room house during Antonio’s lifetime, it is hardly surprising that the inventory taken on his deathbed records a bed and a storage chest in virtually every room. The next generation followed suit in these arrangements: Antonio’s son

Alessandro and his grandson Francesco hired Baccio d’Agnolo and his workshop to refurbish six beds and, notwithstanding the occupation of the house by a family less than half as large, the inventory of the house taken at the time of its confiscation in

1529 outlines the same interior typologies.509 With the exception of rooms used for cooking and storage, virtually all of the principal rooms in the so-called big house in

Florence were still furnished with a bed accompanied by a lettuccio, an oversized piece of furniture raised off the ground on a base fitted with storage cabinets .510

Indeed, the inventory documenting the confiscation in 1529 appears to describe the extensive renovations that Raffaello’s father and older brother commissioned from

Baccio d’Agnolo’s workshop between 1506 and 1512, bespoke furnishings that

508 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 289, c. 6-11.

509 Based on a comparison of the inventory of Antonio di Puccio’s household at the time of his death and the inventory made of his grandson Raffaello’s organization of the house at the time of its confiscation in 1529.

510 Currie, Inside the Renaissance House, 46. A lettucio fabricated with inlaid walnut intarsia is illustrated on page 48.

152 Raffaello inherited when his father died in 1525 and left him with the family house in

Florence.511 Furnished with an image of the Virgin, the chamber occupied by Raffaello d’Alessandro was outfitted with the kind of en suite walnut furnishings illustrated in

Andrea del Sarto’s fresco of The Birth of the Virgin in the Chiostro dei Voti of

Santissima Annunziata, a composition contemporary with Baccio’s work at Casa Pucci .

As in the lunette fresco in the cloister of the pilgrimage church patronized by the Pucci, the inventory makes note of the heavy wood cornices ( uno legniame del chornicione da chortinagio e telaio ) on both the bed and the settle.512 The first-time inclusion in an inventory of the architectural framing in relation to both the wainscoting and the furnishings indicates that the room was designed as an ensemble. Both the bedstead and the settee were set on related walnut plinths that, judging from their valuations, were carved by a particularly prestigious craftsman. While the carved bases on both the lettiera and lettucio reflect a continued taste for decorative fittings that doubled as containers for the storage of clothing and precious objects, the inclusion of bed hangings ( primacci ) signals an important change of style in the construction of the bed from the fifteenth century. It is worth noting that in the Pucci inventory of 1484, for example, there is no mention of bed curtains; instead the lettuccio is furnished with tappeti , one large and one small. 513 While it is impossible to discern from the spare language of the list of confiscated items whether the bed curtains were as elaborately fabricated as the hangings depicted in Andrea’s The Birth of the Virgin , the tally of four

511 Since no other architectural interventions to the Pucci townhouse appear in the family ledgers between 1505 and 1529, when the anti-Medici government confiscated Casa Pucci and made a tally of its contents before selling them off, this inventory appears to describe Baccio d’Agnolo’s extensive renovations.

512 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 289, c.1.

513 ASF, Carte Strozziane 341, Serie Prima, c. 35r “ il tappeti da lettuccio, uno grande e uno piccholo .”

153 sets of primacci, five mattresses, two other straw mattresses ( sachoni ), four bedcovers, and six pillows describes an especially plush interior. 514

In many other ways the organization of the household remained essentially unchanged from one generation to the next, a domestic hierarchy in which the scrittorio designated for the head of the household contained many of the family’s most valuable belongings. With its access to the street (represented in Antonio da Sangallo the

Younger’s sketch of the house, datable to within a few years after the 1529 inventory), this room continued to be furnished with an eye to impressing visitors and business associates alike.515 Here again, depictions of period interiors -- in which objects d’art , tapestries, and collectables displayed on tables and shelves appear as set pieces -- give us a better understanding of how the upper class interacted with their valuables. The rare and precious artifacts on display in Raffaello’s chambers included ivory elephant tusks and devotional images of both the Virgin Mary and Saint John. 516 Presumably these were freestanding objects of art, since the other devotional image in the room

(uno volto santo in quadro di legno dorato ), was framed in gilded wood. 517

What is evident from the inventory of 1529, however, is a marked increase in the number of rooms furnished with custom-made wood furnishings and decorative moldings. While the absence of the textiles, linens, books, glasses, jewelry, majolica, silverware, paintings, and other portable valuables recorded in earlier inventories and

514 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 289, c. 1a and 1b.

515 A dating of Antonio the Younger’s drawings for the Pucci residence in Florence to 1531-1537 is discussed in the next chapter.

516 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 289, c. 1a.

517 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 289, c. 1.

154 payment records indicates that the family anticipated the confiscation and transported many of their belongings outside Florence for safekeeping, the built-in furniture was more elaborate and well-accessorized than in the inventory of 1484. By the time of its occupation by Antonio’s grandson, Raffaello, almost all of the apartments in the house, not just those designed for public consumption, featured furnishings fitted with decorative spalliere and intarsia inlays. 518 In addition to the scrittorio , whole sequences of rooms in the house were covered in custom-made wood paneling. There were mattresses to spare, a feather bed ( coltrice ), and draperies for the massive tester bed.

Richly colored pillows, one pair covered in azure velvet with white fringe, two others fabricated of gold-colored leather, enabled the user to recline across daybeds or sit propped up in bed. 519 The prerogative of the head of the household, five high-backed chairs (V segiolle colle spaliere ) in Raffaello’s chamber reflect the growing fashion for freestanding seating arrangements in spaces reserved for entertaining and business. 520

As was customary, the notary, Ser Fiorella, began his account of the household with a list of furnishings in the suite of apartments reserved for the master of the house, working his way up from the ground floor up to the rooms under the roof where the servants slept. 521 Typically estate inventories did not include structural elements of the house, but in this case the removal of the valuable wainscoting and related carved

518 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 289, c.1a-5b.

519 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 289, c. 1 and xiv.

520 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 289, c. 1b.

521 See, for example, the inventory of Palazzo Medici taken following the death of Lorenzo de’ Medici transcribed by Richard Stapleford Stapleford in his work Lorenzo de’ Medici At Home: The Inventory of the Palazzo Medici in 1492 (see ff. 44).

155 framing describes the valuable walnut backboards as installations around the entire room ( legniame di nocie atorno alla chamera ). 522 According to the official in charge, the wood paneling in Raffaello’s room was accompanied by decorative moldings ( uno legniame del chornicione da chortinagio e telaio ) and carved bases ( le predelle di nocie intorno a’letto e lettuccio ). These architectural frames and trims were carved in walnut, the wood most commonly used in high-end furnishing suites. 523 The predella enveloping both the big bed and the day bed are also listed as a matched set of high bases large enough to be sold as independent items.524 These panels commanded a sale price of 40 ducats, among the highest prices paid for Raffaello’s household effects.

Purchased by Sano Iscapella, the exceptional value of the wainscoting reflects the continued demand for intarsiated wood paneling and the mastery of the artisan who fabricated it. 525

Sano Iscapella also bought a French-style bed in the antecamera , four large tables, and four important windows ( IIII finestre importante ), undoubtedly a holdover from Francesco legniauolo’s work on the house under the direction of Baccio d’Agnolo. 526 Fortunes were made on the back of luxury textiles in the Renaissance and

522 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 289, c. 1a.

523 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 289, c. 1a. Peter Thornton’s study, The Italian Renaissance Interior, 153 notes that fir or pinewood was also used in grand interiors, while chestnut was used for plainer beds.

524 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 289, c. 1a.

525 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 289, c. 6-11. Among the other valuables Iscapella purchased were the ivory elephant tusks in Raffaello’s chambers, a statue of a child, and a Virgin Mary in a gold frame.

526 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 289, c. 18 and 19. While not all of Alessandro di Puccio’s account books have survived, they are available from 1505-1515 and for the years immediately preceding his death in 1525 when he was preoccuped with the construction of Casignano, a massive villa suburbana located five miles outside the city walls of Florence. These giornali indicate that the renovations by Baccio

156 the cimatore involved in trimming and hemming cloth who bought Raffaello’s walnut bed paid the hefty sum of 55 lire for it. Virgilio cimatore also purchased a walnut cabinet fitted with spalliere panels for 35 lire and a pair of daybeds ( lettuccio ) along with an image of the Virgin Mary and several other works of art. 527

Beyond the room furnished with made-to-order wood paneling where the head of the household sat down to do paperwork and received important guests and business associates, was a smaller but similarly well-furnished room. The anticamera leading to this chamber was furnished with the walnut French bed set ( uno letto e letucio alla frazesse ) that was also acquired by Virgilio cimatore . This suite must have been quite glamorous considering the six bed hangings and the day bed along the wall.528 The bed alone was furnished with three mattresses, the daybed with another, while three pillows and several heavy bedcovers were stored underneath. Two walnut wardrobes with similar spalliere (uno armadio di nocie colla spaliera simile ) were singled out as especially fine and used to store a fair amount of clothing, some of which was fairly exotic, as in the Moorish dress ( vesta morescha ). 529 Wool socks, handkerchiefs, men’s and women’s silk hats, and three gray day dresses would also have been stored in the cabinets under the bed. Clothing and a blue and a white velvet soldier’s (una goinea (sic ) da soldato di velluto azurro e biancho ) were included among more utilitarian household items: yellow and white wax candles ( il torchi di ciera biancha e d’Agnolo were the only major interventions on the family house in Florence until its modernization by Antonio da Sangallo the Younger in the .

527 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 289, c. 6-11.

528 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 289, c. 1b.

529 Unpublished, ASF VGL 289, c. 1b and 20 where one of the cabinets is described as una armado bello.

157 uno di giallo ) and a pair of andirons for the fire ( uno paio d’allari colle palle d’ottone ). 530

Notwithstanding the obvious dearth of portable goods, both Raffaello’s study and the anteroom next to it contained some fine art and other valuables. Presumably some of these were locked up for safekeeping in a pair of strongboxes (uno paio di forzieri ) and an inlaid walnut box ( una chassetta di nocie intarsiata ). Statuary set in wall niches and overdoors may explain their continued presence in the house. 531 A devotional image a gold frame ( uno volto santo in quadro di legno dorato ) and an image of Saint John the Baptist in an unidentified medium were displayed against the rich background of walnut wainscoting in the larger of the two rooms. 532 Given the description of the Virgin Mary in the smaller room next door as a marble relief, these works of art may have been stand-alone figures constructed in other materials, perhaps glazed terracotta or painted stucco.533 The anticamera also contained three half-figures in gold ( III figure messe d’oro), a head of Christ, and a devotional figure with a child at its feet made of gesso.534

Other of the chambers running along Via dei Calderai -- spaces designed to be seen by visitors while filtering out the urban bustle outside -- were also richly

530 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 289, c. 2a.

531 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 289, c. 1b.

532 Unpublished, ASF VGL 289, c. 1b.

533 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 289, c. 1b.

534 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 289, c. 1b-2a.

158 furnished.535 Both of the other rooms on the ground floor were fitted with poplar beds surrounded by predelle and several great chests: one pair painted gold, two others worn, one walnut, and another with the Pucci coat of arms carved into it. Some of the furnishings may have belonged to Raffaello’s grandfather, as it is described as old: lettucio vechio di nocie.536 There were two gesso Virgins and quite a bit of artwork in the other bedroom facing the street. This room must have been larger, as it was also fitted with two chairs with backs ( II segiolle colla spaliera ), two desks, a wood table, and a secure chest for storing valuables ( forzeretto ). 537 The artwork was striking: five gesso figures of children, probably “holy dolls” (V figure di gieso da la cintola in su, fancule e garzoni ) and a painting of a young girl with a unicorn ( uno quadro dov’e dipinto una fancula con uno liochorno ). 538 The loggia, too, was designed to impress: fitted with wood wainscoting and partially decorated with a spalliera (e lle panche atorno a la logia e con spaliere parte ). 539

The reception room ( sala grande ), located on the piano nobile above the main entrance to the house, was a relatively large, well-lit space. 540 The family dined under a walnut tondo (uno tondo di nocie da mangiarvi su ) that a subsequent inventory

535 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 289, c. 1.

536 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 289, c. 4b.

537 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 289, c. 5a-5b.

538 Although no artist is specified, Piero d’Antonio Pucci’s marriage to Gerolama Farnese and Cardinal Antonio’s assistance in Raphael’s altarpiece for the Church of San Giovanni in Monte in Bologna suggest the possibility that the work in question might be Raphael’s Young Woman with a Unicorn , a painting now in the , Rome. For the “holy dolls” in Raffaello’s collection of art see Christine Klapich-Zuber, Women, Family, and Ritual in Renaissance Italy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987).

539 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 289, c. 5a.

540 Currie, Inside the Renaissance House , 20.

159 indicates was designed for a mirror. 541 This room also contained a tondo da donne di parto , probably a desco da parto used to transport items to women in confinement during childbirth, and small image of the Virgin. 542 The official singled out the fireplace in this chamber, perhaps because it featured a fireplace mantle ( una cisterona da chamino ) that, as was the practice of the day, was almost certainly carved of stone and was another architectural feature of the house that may well date to Baccio’s interventions between 1506 and 1513.543 The family must have entertained their guests on the daybed, the lettucio , and on the benches running around the wainscoting, because there were no freestanding chairs in this room. There were, however, thirteen pillows, a particularly large mattress, another mattress used to cover the day bed, and two other straw mattresses. A pair of walnut cassone in the shape of a sarcophagus may describe the marriage chests fabricated for the Pucci/Bini wedding. There were other smaller chests in the room, one pair fabricated of walnut, and two others of wrought silver. 544

Another elegantly wood-paneled room on the piano nobile , this one furnished with two tables, accessed the family room ( sala grande ) and led into the kitchen. Fitted with a table used as a desk, the inventory of the kitchen signals the way women in the household congregated around rooms used for food preparation and household chores.

Nearby were other smaller rooms where the family stored other valuables and

541 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 266 is an inventory taken of the house in 1537 (appendix 8).

542 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 289, c. 3b. See Musacchio, Art, Marriage, & Family in the Renaissance Palace, 2008.

543 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 289, c. 3b.

544 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 289, c. 3b.

160 kitchenware: eighty-three bowls, some small and some large, four vases, two porcelain plates, pillows made of velvet and tapestry, and a crucifix were among the items listed by the clerk in these rooms.545 On the third floor there was a bread room and another chamber tucked under the rafters where the servants slept. As was often the case in

Renaissance households, there was a second kitchen under the roof designed to minimize the risk of fire spreading through the lower floors of the house, although the inventory indicates that this cucina was no longer in use. 546 Raffaello must have taken repossession of the family house in Florence soon after the defeat of the Republican forces in August 1530 because later that year he made a payment to a brick-maker for work on the house in San Michele Visdomini. 547 In that same account book he commissioned Maestro Bartolomeo Legnaiuolo to fabricate two large cassoni , a project that may reflect an effort to replace his lost belongings. 548

545 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 289, c. 2b-3a.

546 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 289, c. 4a-4b.

547 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 271, c. 21.

548 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 271, c. 68a.

161

Figure 6. Parmigianino, Portrait of Cardinal Lorenzo Pucci, ca. 1529-1532. On loan to the National Gallery, London. Chapter V: Cardinal Lorenzo Pucci in the Eternal City (1514-1531): The Cultural and Curial Lifestyle of a Medicean Loyalist Six months into his papacy, Giovanni de’ Medici (1475-1521), who took the papal name Leo X, presided over his first official concistorio , an official meeting held on September 23, 1513 at which four intimates were elevated to the Sacred College of

Cardinals. 549 One of these palatine cardinals was neither a close relative, nor his

549 Lorenzo Pucci was installed as cardinal-priest of on September 23, 1513. See Conrad Euel, Hierarchia Catholica Medii e Recentioris Aevi , Vol. 3 and E. Rodocanachi, Histoire de Rome: le pontificat de Leon X (Paris: Librarie Hachette, 1912). Information on the career of the four

162 childhood tutor; Lorenzo d’Antonio Pucci (1458-1531) was an apostolic cleric who had assumed his father’s role as an adviser to Lorenzo de’ Medici before his departure to

Rome at the invitation of Innocent VIII (1432-1492).550 Lorenzo’s investiture as a

cardinals created by Leo X on September 23, 1513 is also taken from the Biographical Dictionary of the Cardinals of the Holy Roman Church , an on-line resource accessed through Florida International University. Paris de Grassis’s account of the first consistory held by Leo X is included in Pastor’s history of the papacy (Pastor, The History of the Popes, vol. 7, 450). Lorenzo Pucci’s close relationship with Pope Leo X throughout his life is evident from an account of Leo’s last illness in 1521 in which Pucci was hastily summoned to the sick room along with three members of the family, the doctor and the Neopolitan physician, Bishop Ponzetti (Pastor, The History of the Popes, vol. 8, 63). For the curial lifestyle of cardinals during the Renaissance see Mary Hollingsworth, The Cardinal's Hat: Money, Ambition, and Everyday Life in the Court of a Borgia Prince (New York: Overook Press, 2006) and Mary Hollingsworth and Mary Richardson The Possessions of a Cardinal: Politics, Piety, and Art, 1450- 1700 (University Park: Pennsylvania State Press, 2010).

550 G. Moroni, Dizionario di erudizione storico-ecclesiastica , LV (Venice, 1852), 80 ff. Pastor, The History of the Popes, vol. 7, 80: “The Pope’s cousin, Giulio de’ Medici, who had lived chiefly in as an intimate of the Capuan Priory of St. John, was made of Florence on the 9 th of May, 1513.” Leo’s paternal cousin Giulio de’ Medici (1478-1534) was first declared legitimate and then named a cardinal deacon of the Catholic Church. Cardinal de‘ Medici was de facto ruler of the city during Leo’s reign, which ended with Leo’s death on September 14, 1521. Cardinal de’ Medici himself was elected following the twenty-one month reign of Leo’s successor, Adrian VI (1459-Sepember 1523). Marino Sanudo’s I Diarii lays out the powerful political factions that played out during a fifty-day conclave in which the Medici cardinal’s supporters finally overcame Cardinal Colonna’s opposition to a second Medici papacy (Marino Sanudo, I Diarii Di Marino Sanuto : ( Mccccxcvi-Mdxxxiii) Dall'autografo Marciano Ital. Cl. VII Codd. Cdxix-Cdlxxvii , ed. Federico Stefani and Guglielmo Berchet (Ulan Press, 2012). Kate Lowe describes the political factions that came together to elect Clement VII in her study of Cardinal Francesco Soderini: Church and Politics in Renaissance Italy: The Life and Career of Cardinal Francesco Soderini, 1453-1524 (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge Studies in Italian History and Culture, 2002), 140. Elected on November 19, 1523 as Clement VII, the new pope was praised by his supporters for a discipline and economy that contrasted with the expensive tastes that defined his cousin’s reign and bankrupted the papal treasury. The life and career of Clement VII is treated more fully in Kenneth Gouwens and Sheryl E. Reiss eds., The Pontificate of Clement VII: History, Politics, Culture (Burlington: Ashgate, 2005). Leo raised Innocenzo Cybo (1492-1550), a son of his sister Maddalena and a natural grandson of Pope Innocent VIII (1484-1492) on his father’s side, to the purple in that same official concistorio and named him cardinal deacon of SS. Cosma e Damiano , a church dedicated to the patron saints of the Medici family. (Pastor, The History of the Popes, vol. 7, 82.) Innocenzo is buried in Santa Maria Sopra alongside the three Pucci cardinals in a floor tomb framed by Baccio Bandinelli’s monuments to Leo X and his cousin Clement VII, a project originally designed by Antonio da Sangallo the Younger. For the history of this funerary monument, see P. Pecchiai, “ I lavori fatti nella chiesa della Minerva per collocarvi le sepolture di Leone X e Clemente VII ,” Archivi d’Italia , ser. 2, 17 (1950): 199–208; D. Heikamp, “ Die Entwurfszeichnungen für die Grabmäler der Mediceer-Päpste Leo X. und Clemens VII ,” Albertina Studien 4 (1966): 134–152; V. Goldberg, “Leo X, Clement VII and the Immortality of the Soul,” Simiolus 8 (1975/1976): 16–25; S. Pasti, “ Documenti cinquecenteschi per l’abside della Minerva ,” in Atti della IV settimana di studi di storia dell’arte medievale dell’Università di Roma “La Sapienza,” ed. A.M. Romanini (Rome, 1983), 591–600; U. Kleefisch-Jobst, “ Die Errichtung der Grabmäler für Leo X. und Clemens Vll. und die Projekte für die Neugestaltung der Hauptchorkapelle von S. Maria sopra Minerva ,” Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte 51 (1988): 524–541; Bredekamp, “Grabmäler der Renaissancepäpste ,” 264–266; Frommel 2001; Frommel 2003; N. Hegener, “Mediceischer Ruhm und künstlerische Selbstinszenierung ,” in Tod und Verklärung: Grabmalskultur in

163 cardinal is illustrated in his exquisitely decorated missal, a prayer book that shares with

Giulio de’ Medici’s missal and a precious work of hours created for Eleanora

Gonzaga of Urbino the motif of two birds encased within ornately gold-ground borders.551 A decorative accent drawn from the same pattern book, these painstakingly painted decorations for liturgical manuscripts were created for an illustrious clientele

(fig. 62). 552 Most likely executed by the Lombard illuminator Matteo da Milano -- whose work for the ruling family of Ferrara included a breviary for Ercole I d’Este and a missal for his son, Alfonso I, married to Lucrezia Borgia -- Milano’s ouput included an officium for another d’Este, Cardinal Ippolito, thought to have introduced Milano to

Lorenzo Pucci and Giulio de’ Medici when he came to Rome. 553 There are two other artistic commissions dated to this heady period in Lorenzo’s ecclesiastical career: the newly-created cardinal’s coat of arms painted by Rosso Fiorentino onto the Chiostro

der Frühen Neuzeit , ed. A. Karsten and P. Zitzlsperger (Cologne, 2004), 259–312; Wendy Reardon, The Deaths of the Popes (Jefferson: McFarland, 2010), 179–180, 182–184; J. Götzmann, “ Der Triumph der Medici: Zur Ikonographie der Grabmäler Leos X. und Clemens’ VII. in S. Maria sopra Minerva ,” in Praemium Virtutis II: Grabmäler und Begräbniszeremoniell in der italienischen Hoch-und Spätrenaissance , ed. J. Poeschke (Münster, 2005), 171–200; D. Greve, Status und Statue: Studien zum Leben und Werk des Florentiner Bildhauers Baccio Bandinelli (Berlin, 2008), chap. 8; N. Hegener, Divi Iacobi Eqves: Selbstdarstellung im Werk des Florentiner Bildhauers Baccio Bandinelli ( and Berlin, 2008); and Alessandra Bigi Iotti, “Andrea Sansovino: A Design for a Funerary Monument for Leo X,” The Burlington Magazine 150 (2008): 257-59. Giovanni’s tutor and long-time traveling companion, Bernardo Dovizi da Bibbiena (1470-1520), was also raised to the purple in Leo’s first official concistorio , a solemn occasion followed by an elaborate banquet described in the Diarium of Paris de Grassis, master of ceremonies under Julius II and Leo X (Pastor, The History of the Popes , vol. 7, 82). While cardinals occupied houses adjacent to their titular churches, palatine cardinals had the right to reside in especially reserved rooms in the Vatican palace. (Lowe, Church and Politics in Renaissance Italy, 213 and 218). See also Gouwens and Reiss, The Pontificate of Clement VII: History, Politics, Culture, for the organization of the papal court under Clement VII.

551 Sheryl E. Reiss, “ Cardinal Giulio de' Medici's 1520 Berlin Missal and Other Works by Matteo da Milano,” Jahrbuch der Berliner Museen 33 (1991): 107-128.

552 See Reiss, “Cardinal Giulio de’ Medici’s 1520 Missal,” 118. Reiss cites G. Morello, Raffaello e la Roma dei Papi, ex. cat., Rome, 1985, cat. no. 125, 111 and color plate, 176 for this manuscript and has generously supplied me with an image of the frontspiece.

553 Reiss, “Cardinal Giulio de’ Medici’s 1520 Missal,” 118.

164 dei Voti outside of the Pucci oratory in Santissima Annunziata and a faience putto by

Girolamo della Robbia (fig. 63).554

The lanky, bearded cardinal is also portrayed in the forefront of the procession in Vasari’s fresco in illustrating the triumphal return of the Medici to

Florence in November 1515 (fig. 64). 555 The inclusion of the duke’s deceased father in a pageant that wound its way through a thoroughfare connecting the Palazzo Vecchio with the , a street eliminated by Duke Cosimo de’ Medici in 1546, endows the pageant with a somewhat mythic status. There is another representation of

Cardinal Pucci in the same salone , this time with his back to the audience. Here the cardinal is facing Cardinal Innocenzo Cybo, whose mistress, Ricciarda Malaspina, shared a household with her sister, Taddea Malaspina, the lover of Duke Alessandro de’

Medici, an unpopular ruler who was a boon companion of the cardinal’s wayward nephew. 556 The depiction of the balding cardinal without his distinctive red cardinal’s

554 See Reiss, “Cardinal Giulio de’ Medici’s 1520 Missal,” for a discussion of Lorenzo Pucci’s missal and its artistic similarities to the missal fabricated for Cardinal de’ Medici. Reiss cites G. Morello, Raffaello e la Roma dei Papi, ex. cat., Rome, 1985, cat. no. 125, 111 and color plate, 176 for this manuscript and the image of the frontspiece. The missal covered with violet ( pavanazzo messo doro ) passed down from Cardinal Lorenzo to his brother Cardinal Roberto was later donated to one Monsignore Guidi in the fall of 1562 by Pandolfo’s heirs (Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 625, c. 27a). The missal is preserved in the Vatican library. The statuetta da fontana fabricated of terracotta invetriata was acquired from the Pucci family by the antiquarian Ferdinand Riblet in the second half of the nineteenth century and is now in the Berlino Staatliche Museen ( I della Robbia e “l’arte nuova” della Scultura Invetriata , Giancarlo Gentilini ed. (Florence: Giunti Editore, 1998, entry IV.10). Tozzi, Memorie della Chiesa, provides a transcription of the payment for the addition of the Pucci coat of arms in the Chiostro dei Voti painted by Rosso recorded in the Uscita del Camarlingo (sic) del 1513 on p. 41: “ Succede l’altra Lunetta, dove sopra la porta della Cappella/dell/di S. Sebastiano fu dipinta l’Arme del Cardinale Lorenzo Pucci da Gio: Battista detto il Rosso a spese del Convento, da cui ebbe scudi 5.” See also Falciani and Natali, Pontormo and Rosso Fiorentino, Diverging Paths of Mannerism , especially chapter 1, “Debut at the Chiostrino dell’Annunziata” by Antonio Natali.

555 See ff. 450.

556 For biographical information on Duke Alessandro de’ Medici see Mary Gallucci, “ Mistaken Identities?: Alessandro de’ Medici and the Question of “Race,”” Journal for Early Modern Cultural Studies 15 (2015): 40-81. Sources for the relationship between Alessandro de’ Medici and Taddea

165 hat may metaphorically reflect on the family’s recent disgrace and the treachery of

Pandolfo Pucci’s conspiracy, a plot against the duke still fresh in everyone’s mind. 557

Vasari’s decision to position the cardinal in profile also works as a metaphor for the family coat of arms, the silhouette of a Moor’s head.

Most often identified in letters and official documents as Cardinale Santi

Quattro , a title derived from his titular church -- the medieval Roman basilica named after the four saints martyred by the Emperor Diocletian -- Lorenzo d’Antonio Pucci began his rise through the ranks of the curia fortified with a doctorate in utroque iuris from the Medici-supported University of Pisa. His expertise in civil and canon law served him well. 558 Named a canon of the University of Pisa, he taught there until

Lorenzo de’ Medici recalled him to Florence in 1482 to serve as his counselor. 559 In

1488, by then an ecclesiastic invested as a canon of the city of Florence, Lorenzo Pucci acquired an office as protonotario apostolico in the cameriere segreto of Pope Innocent

VIII. 560 No doubt his brother’s marriage to Geroloma Farnese stood him in good stead with Pope Innocent’s successor, Alexander VI, who reputedly sired at least one

Malaspina include Giorgio Vasari, Le Vite, vol. 6, 278 and Catherine Fletcher, The Black Prince of Florence : The Spectacular Life and Treacherous World of Alessandro de’ Medici (New York: Oxford University Press, 2016).

557 My reading of the fresco is based on the archival evidence outlined in the final chapter of this study of Duke Cosimo’s indictment of Pandolfo and the confiscation of his worldly goods.

558 This resource is available in translation as The Catholic-Hierarchy.org. Lorenzo Pucci donated the income from his titular post at the ancient Roman basilica of Quattro Santi Coronati, a medieval seat of the papacy, back to the Augustinian order in 1521. See the entry by D.S. Chambers in Contemporaries of Erasmus: A Biographical Register of the Renaissance and Reformation , ed. Peter G. Bietenholz and Thomas B. Deutscher (Toronto: University of Toronto Press 2003), 123 for an outline of the cardinal’s education and career within the apostolic curia.

559 Litta, “ Pucci di Firenze ,” vol. 15, table V.

560 Litta, “Pucci di Firenze ,” vol. 15, table V. See also D.S. Chambers, the biographical entry of Lorenzo Pucci of Florence in Contemporaries of Erasmus, vol. 3, 123.

166 illegitimate child with Gerolama’s sister. 561 The Borgia pope first conferred the abbazia di Santa Maria dell’Eremo in Reggio Calabria on the Florentine prelate, a benefice followed by the bestowal of a string of wealthy abbeys. Alexander’s successor, Julius

II, who reigned from 1503 until his death ten years later, subsequently awarded

Lorenzo the canonicato of the Basilica Laurenziana in Florence, a post officially handed to him by in 1508.562 In February 1509 Pucci was elected coadjutor bishop of Pistoia with rights of succession, an influential and wealthy diocese he resigned in favor of his nephew Antonio in November 1518. 563 Elected bishop of

Vannes in Brittany in 1513, the powerful prelate became archbishop of Amalfi in 1516, and was subsequently rewarded with the bishoprics of Pistoia, Giovinazzo, Melfi,

Corneto e Montefiascone, Capaccio, Albano and Palestrina.564 Elevated to the post of major penitentiary on September 28, 1520, Cardinal Pucci served as the head of the tribunal of mercy until October 1529, when he elected to have his nephew, Bishop

Antonio Pucci, take over the position. 565

561 Lorenzo’s brother Puccio was married to Gerolama Farnese. See Litta, “ Pucci di Firenze ,” vol. 15, table V. Gerolama’s letters are included in Regesto dei Documenti Di Guilia Farnese , edited by Danilo Romei and Patrizia Rosini (Raleigh: Lulu, 2012). See also Linda Wolk-Simon’s essay on the daughter of Guilia Farnese, “Laura in a Loggia: Raphael’s Portrait of a Lady with a Unicorn ,” in Sublime Beauty: Raphael’s Portrait of the Lady with a Unicorn (London: D Giles Limited, 2016), 11-31.

562 Litta , “Pucci di Firenze ,” vol. 15, table V.

563 Hierarchia Catholica Medii e Recentioris Aevi , vol. 3.

564 Chambers, Contemporaries of Erasmus, 123.

565 Chambers, Contemporaries of Erasmus, 123. Hallman, Italian Cardinals , 63 notes that after reserving the Bishopric of Capaccio in 1523, the cardinal discovered to his dismay that pensions absorbed all of its available income. However, Cardinal Pucci amassed other lucrative benefices and in July 1527 Clement VII awarded him four additional “lesser benefices.”\ In 1530 that the cardinal was successful in convincing the pope to offset these losses by means of delinquent papal taxes. Although these individual benefices did not typically produce large amounts of income, in aggregate they rendered a cardinal so wealthy that cardinal priests comfortably met the implicit expectation that they demonstrate a standard of

167 In addition to his growing ecclesiastical state, Lorenzo Pucci was held in high esteem for his skills as a financial manager. In March 1511, the able Bishop of Pistoia took on the post of papal datary, a position that became an increasingly influential platform for the administration of the papal treasury. 566 Appointed one of the two executors of the estate of Pope Julius II, Cardinal Pucci was subsequently entrusted with winding up the earthly affairs of Cardinal Bernardo Dovizi da Bibbiena.567 Along with Cardinal Andrea della Valle, Pucci was also one of the four executers of the will of Giovanni Battista Pallavicino, a nephew of Cardinal Antonio Pallavicino Gentili from Genoa elevated to the purple by Leo X in 1517.568

Pucci’s personal involvement in the finances of the was so lucrative that Adrian VI, the austere Dutchman who succeeded Leo X, charged the Florentine cardinal with financial misappropriation. 569 Pucci veered on the brink of financial disaster between 1521 and 1523, confronted with the write-off of 150,000 ducats he and other cardinals had lent to the prodigal Medici pontiff.570 The family account books

living on par with that of the secular rulers of early modern Europe. The same held true for the ceremonies associated with their death.

566 Chambers, Contemporaries of Erasmus, 123.

567 Cardinal Bernardo Dovizi died in November 1520. See Giuseppe Lorenzo Moncallero, Il cardinale Bernardo Dovizi da Bibbiena, umanista e diplomatico (1470-1520 ) (Florence: Olschki, 1953).

568 Hallman, Italian Cardinals , 88-89.

569 Pastor, The History of the Popes , vol. 9, chapter VII describes the death of Adrian VI and the election of Clement VII as pope in November of 1523. Clement VII repaid the loans incurred by Leo X and restored Pucci’s ecclesiastical benefices. See Sheryl Reiss, “Adrian VI, Clement VII and Art,” in The Pontificate of Clement VII: History, Politics, Culture , ed. Sheryl E. Reiss and David G. Wilkins (Aldershot, U.K. and Burlington, Vermont: Ashgate, 2005), 341-64.

570 Pastor, The History of the Popes , vol. 7, 101. Leo X’s debt of 150,000 ducats to Cardinal Pucci is cited by Linda Wolk-Simon, “Competition, Collaboration, and Specialization in the World, 1520-27” in The Pontificate of Clement VII, History, Politics, Culture , 262.

168 reveal the extent to which the Pucci family fronted Leo’s spendthrift policies: an unpaid balance of 1,100 scudi was recorded by Alessandro Pucci, who made arrangements for his heirs to receive repayment of this long overdue loan. 571 Fortunately for Cardinal

Pucci and other Medici loyalists -- Cardinals Ridolfi, Rangoni, and Armellini, who pawned their benefices to raise money for Leo’s depleted treasury -- the reign of Pope

Adrian VI lasted barely twenty-one months and was succeeded by a second Medici,

Clement VII (1478-1534), who paid down some of Leo’s debts and reasserted Pucci’s post of major apostolic penitentiary. 572 Cardinal Pucci left complicated arrangements in his will for the bankers Filippo Strozzi and of fictu ultra mille scudi for the repayment of debts incurred during this troubled chapter in his ecclesiastical career. 573

As major penitentiary charged with oversight over matters of heresy, excommunication, and sacramental impediments, Lorenzo Pucci found himself in the line of fire regarding King Henry VIII’s demands for a divorce from his Catholic queen, Catherine of Aragon. 574 In 1527, just as the papacy’s struggle with Henry VIII over his divorce approached a crescendo, an angry army of mercenaries marching under the banner of the Holy Roman Emperor Charles V, who happened to be Queen

Catherine’s nephew, invaded Rome. Along with some three thousand other refugees,

Cardinal Pucci reached Castel Sant’Angelo just before the drawbridge went up, even

571 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 386, insert 8.

572 Pastor, The History of the Popes , vol. 7, 101. See also Luigi Guicciardini The Sack of Rome , trans. James H. McGregor (Reading: Ithaca Press, 1993).

573 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 609, c. 168.

574 Chambers, Contemporaries of Erasmus , 123.

169 though he had “in his flight, had been thrown from his horse and trampled upon.” 575

The English king’s emissaries to the pope were shocked at the conditions in which they found Clement VII and his retinue in Orvieto, the impregnable hillside town where the papal court took refuge after languishing for months in ’s mausoleum. 576

Notwithstanding the pope’s threadbare vestments and the absence of furniture in his personal rooms, Cardinal Pucci, who was handling the negotiations with Henry’s emissaries on Clement’s behalf, refused to be bribed. With the cold, hard logic of a lawyer, Lorenzo Pucci managed to put off Henry VIII’s demands for a divorce from

Catherine of Aragon during the cardinal’s lifetime. The eventual defection of the

English from the Catholic Church codified under the Act of Supremacy in 1534 proved an enormous loss to the papal coffers. 577

575 Pastor, The History of the Popes , vol. 8, 394-395.

576 Catherine Fletcher, The Divorce of Henry VIII, The Untold Story from Inside the Vatican , (London: Palgrave McMillan, 2012), provides an account by the English emissaries from Henry VIII of the conditions of the papal court at Orvieto. The chapter entitled “How to Bribe a Cardinal” relates Casali’s meetings with Cardinal Lorenzo Pucci in Orvieto. See also Anne Reynolds, “The Papal Court in Exile: Clement VII in Orvieto, 1527-28” in Gouwens and Reiss, The Pontificate of Clement VII , 143-161, 143- 161.

577 By one account, the loss of gold, silver, crosses, vestments, and other sacred items held in English churches totaled five million pieces of gold; the land and churches confiscated by the were each worth 3.2 million ducats, and the loss of payments previously made by the English congregation to Rome amounted to another 4.8 million ducats. (Folger Library, Carte Strozzi, vol. 165, “Papers of the Venetian ambassadors to Rome, 1537-1571 with a description of Tuscany in 1565.”) In addition to the sale of indulgences and other measures devised to replenish the papal coffers, Cardinal Pucci is credited with devising other mechanisms for paying for Leo’s lifestyle and the expenses associated with the pope’s effort to claim the duchy of Urbino for his nephew. See Pastor, The History of the Popes, vol. 8, 96-99. Another of the pontificate’s economic priorities was the building of St. Peter’s, originally budgeted at 60,000 ducats a year and chiefly paid for with the indulgences in Cardinal Santi Quattro’s purview. Along with Cardinal Armellini, Pucci was “openly employed to procure money,” raising loans from bankers and private individuals; arranging tithes, jubilees and an unprecedented level of indulgences; and arranging for the creation of no fewer than forty-two new cardinals during Leo’s pontificate, positions that involved substantial payments to the papal treasury; selling the office of the camerlengo and other exalted posts; and raising taxes on salt and other commodities (Pastor, The History of the Popes , vol. 8, 367). For an account of Cardinal Pucci’s role as the chief judge for Pope Leo X in the Petrucci Conspiracy see Lowe, Church and Politics in Renaissance Italy, 111 . From contemporary accounts of the trial Lowe concludes that during this “spurious trial” five cardinals were essentially blackmailed and

170 Humanism in the Papal Court

By the turn of the sixteenth century, Rome had become a true cultural capital, a city fully engaged in the process of transforming itself into the learned epicenter of

Christendom.578 The arts of humanism in all their visual and literary manifestations defined the culture of the papal court during Lorenzo Pucci’s tenure in the curia.579

Nowhere was this more in evidence than in plans for the new St. Peter’s. By 1510,

Lorenzo Pucci, then serving as the papal ambassador to the , was entrusted with managing an artistic project commissioned to one of the city’s most

politically exiled. Cardinal Soderini, who died a broken and bankrupt man seven years later, observed that “Cardinal Pucci’s conduct was especially damning, particularly the way in which he prompted the confessions as though they had been ordered by Leo himself.” (Lowe, Church and Politics in Renaissance Italy , 111.) Her study also quotes an account of the confessions extracted from Francesco Soderini and Adriano Castellesi, declared guilty by Pucci and again promised a pardon if they confessed. The cardinals were required to explain to the pope their motives for the conspiracy and fined 25,000 scudi: “To escape from their dilemma, they had felt compelled to say that they were guilty, thinking that this would suffice to quench his (the pope’s) rage. On hearing him add this other demand, they were mute and stayed kneeling for quite some time without knowing what else to say. Finally, cardinal Pucci approached and repeating to them the words of the trial which he knew by heart, made such a fuss that Soderini said I know not what.” AV, AA, Arm. I-XVIII, 542, 10 r. is cited by Lowe on p. 111. The 634 fogli of the trial in the possession of Cardinal Lorenzo Pucci have never been located. Leo’s Dutch successor Adrian VI, a compromise candidate in the Imperial camp, agreed to review the trial, which contemporaries saw as part and parcel of Leo’s attempt to remove unsupportive cardinals and pack the curia with Medici amici so that “he would be able to obtain anything he wanted with the help of their votes as long as he lived, but he also calculated that after his death they would be able to be of great advantage to his family and supporters.” Here Lowe quotes AV, AA, Arm. I-XVIII, 5042, 2r and v. on page 108. See also Conspiracies and Conspiracy Theory in Early Modern Europe From the Wallersians to the , ed. Barry Coward and Julian Swann (Burlington: Ashgate, 2004), chapter three: “Conspiracy and its Prosecution in Italy, 1500-1550.” For many within the papal court there was little doubt that the charges were undertaken with an eye to eliminating Leo’s political enemies and settling old scores, especially as the were implicated in the Pazzi conspiracy that killed Leo’s uncle in 1478. Cardinal Soderini’s brother was elected gonfaloniere a vita in 1502 following Piero de’ Medici’s expulsion from Florence. Lowe cites Paride de Grassis, BL, Add. MSS 8444, 12r and v on page 107 of her study as observing that Leo’s aims were politically motivated. On the conspiracy, see F. Winspeare, “La congiura dei cardinali contro Leone X,” Biblioteca delI'Archivio storico italiano , 5 (Florence, 1957).

578 From Raphael to Carracci: The Art of Papal Rome , David Franklin, Ingrid Rowland and Sebastian Schutze, eds., Exhibition Catalogue (Ottowa: National Gallery of Canada, 2009), 18. See also Christoph L. Frommel, Architettura alla Corte Papale nel Rinascimento (Milan: Electa 2003).

579 See also Ingrid Rowland, The Culture of the High Renaissance: Ancients and Moderns in Sixteenth- Century Rome (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998).

171 famous living artists, a monumental tomb for Julius II in the new basilica for which

Pucci authorized a payment to Michelangelo Buonarotti of 500 ducats from the papal treasury on October 26, 1505.580 Originally conceived of as the centerpiece of a soaring apsidal space in the new St. Peter’s, the monumental sepulcher was initially designed as a multi-storied project with nearly forty statues (fig. 65).581 The cardinal first negotiated a revision to Michelangelo’s contract at the time of Julius’s death in 1513 that called for a considerably scaled-down tomb project; by the time of the third contract, the commission was reduced to a relatively modest wall tomb in with a third as many figures. 582 Lorenzo Pucci, who proved a daunting, even threatening, force throughout Michelangelo’s early career, helped negotiate the shifting terms of a commission still unfinished at the time of Cardinal Pucci’s death in 1531. 583

580 See the discussion of the tomb project in E.H. Ramsden’s translation and annotation of The Letters of Michelangelo , vol. I and vol. II, appendix 28 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1963). The saga of Julius’s sepulcher dragged on for more than thirty years after the death of Julius II, while Pucci, named one of the two executors of the estate, continued to negotiate the three revisions to the contract associated with the never-completed commission.

581 For an account of the commission see also Christoph Frommel, “ ’Cappella Julia’ di Grabkapelle Papst Julius II in Neu-St Peter ,” Zeitscrift fur Kunstgeschichte XL (1977): 26-62 and “La chiesa di S.Pietro sotto papa Giulio II alla luce di nuovi documenti. Con appendice documentaria ,” in A. Bruschi, C. L. Frommel, F. G. Wolff Metternich, and C. Thoenes eds., San Pietro che non c’è: Da Bramante a Sangallo il Giovane (London: Art Books International, 1996), 23–84.

582 Between 1511 and 1513 Michelangelo undertook the sculpture of and two slaves under the terms of a contract that originally specified a freestanding mausoleum embellished with forty marble statues (Ramsden, The Letters of Michelangelo , vol. I, 249-58 and vol. II, appendix 28.

583 In 1513, after completing the frescoes for the ceiling of the , Michelangelo was able to return to the tomb design commissioned by Pope Julius II eight years earlier. A drawing dated to 1513 lays out an architectural frame organized on two levels that serves as a grid against which Michelangelo experimented with an elaborate and animated sculptural composition. The architecture of the upper level of the tomb consists of a single high arch in a with plinths akin to that of the Basilica Aemilia set on a tall base. Here Michelangelo was clearly influenced by his close friend and colleague, Giuliano da Sangallo, who drew a triumphal arch (Codex Barberini, fol. 21) during a visit to Ancona between 1499 and 1500. Long considered part of a lost equestrian monument to , Giuliano’s drawing captures the verticality created by the positioning of a narrow arch on an unusually high pedestal (Stefano Borsi, Giuliano da Sangallo: I Disegni di Architettura e dell’Antico (Rome: Officina Edizioni, 1985), 127-28). As in the Uffizi drawing by Michelangelo known as Corpus 56r, enthroned figures on

172 In addition to the letters of Michelangelo regarding the saga of the tomb project, the epistles of Desiderius Erasmus of Rotterdam (1466-1536) are an important biographical source for the role of the cardinal and his learned nephew in the cultural politics of the period. 584 The scholar Paulo Bombace (1476-1527), who resided in

Bologna with Erasmus between 1506 and 1507, wrote his learned friend a letter in 1518 complaining about his reassignment to the retinue of Cardinal Pucci’s nephew. 585 The most eminent classicist of the day, Erasmus’s epistles to the cardinal’s private secretary reveal the dynamics of humanist patronage, including Leo X’s eventual support for a revised edition of the New Testament from the Greek original. 586 Their correspondence sheds light on the secular gains Erasmus and other of the scholars of the period hoped to gain from support for their work by members of the curia. When Paulus Bombasius, as he was known in humanist circles, left his post as apostolic secretary three years later, Cardinal Pucci paid the gifted scholar 1,200 ducats (Paolo Bombasius suo segretario per parte di 2 cosetti (sic ) da schudeire ).587 Bombace encouraged his famous

either side of the central arch help ground the tall arcade around a Madonna and Child hovering over a cluster of angels blessing the papal sepulcher. Two smaller arches set into the base of the tomb design also help balance the volumes of the high central arch overflowing with figures.

584 See A Biographical Register of the Renaissance and Reformation , 163 for the entry on Paolo Bombace, refered to by his Latin name of Paolo Bombasius in his epistles to his friend Erasmus.

585 Antonio, by now the papal nuncio to , was tasked with ensuring the Swiss sided with the Papal States against the French and back the pope’s proposed crusade against the Turks. See the translations by Francis Morgan Nichols of The Epistles of Erasmus From his Earliest Letters To His Fifty-Third Year Arranged in Order of Time (London: Longmans, Green and Co., 1918). The epistles are also catalogued in the entries on Antonio and Lorenzo Pucci in Contemporaries of Erasmus: A Biographical Register of the Renaissance and Reformation (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2003), 122-23.

586 Nichols, The Epistles of Erasmus , epistles 1213, 865, 905, and 1631 provide information on the translation of the New Testament into Greek.

587 Unpublished, ASF, Carte Riccardi 608, c. 24a: “1523/ Reverendissimo domino Lorenzo Pucci cardinale di santi IIII conto corente de' avere […]/e addì 31 detto (gennaio) è fatto e buoni per sua signoria reverendissima messer Paulo Bambaxio suo segretario per parte di 2 cosetti (sic) da schudiere

173 colleague to dedicate his translation of the Epistles of Saint to the cardinal and when the Works of St. Cyprian appeared in 1520, it bore a dedication to Cardinal

Lorenzo Pucci.588 Nonetheless, as Erasmus noted in the long catalogue of his work addressed to the Canon of Constance, Johann Von Botzheim, in 1523: “Nor was I made a single drachma richer by the cardinal of the Santi Quattro, to whom I dedicated my revision of Cyprian.” 589

Equally important is the light the Epistles of Erasmus shed on the reaction of

Pucci and other members of the papal court to the challenges posed by Martin Luther and the onslaught of the Reformation, a condemnation of church corruption more lightly treated in Erasmus’s satirical essay In Praise of Folly . As major penitentiary,

Cardinal Pucci had oversight over the sale of indulgencies, a reprieve from eternal damnation that proved an increasingly important vehicle for generating much-need capital for the papal treasury. 590 The practice of accepting economic compensation in exchange for the remission of temporal punishments was strongly criticized in the

et per il resto detto messer Paulo li à pagare ogni mexe li frutti di ½ schudiere et per detti ducati 1200 noi li s'abiano a far boni li frutti per ischudiere 1 ½, ducati 1200 .”

588 Chambers, Contemporaries of Erasmus , 123. Erasmus made note of Lorenzo Pucci’s death in Epistle 2628. Nichols cites other epistles by Erasmus involving Cardinal Pucci, including a reference to Pucci’s support for Erasmus’s translation of the New Testament (epistles 865 and 905); his dedication of his edition of Cyprian (epistle 1000); the cardinal’s delivery of a letter from Erasmus to Leo X (epistle 1213); greetings extended to the cardinal via his secretary Bombace (epistles1236 and 1422); and acknowledgement of Pucci’s support (epistles 1213, 1631). See also Nichols, The Epistles of Erasmus , epistle 1000.

589 The Correspondence of Erasmus, Letters 1252 to 1355, R.A. B. Mynors trans. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1989), vol. 9, 358. Bishop of Carthage, Cyprian (200-258 AD) composed a canon of epistles and treatises in Latin considered the most important texts in Christianity until the fifth- century teachings of Jerome and Augustine. More recently, Allen Brent has edited and translated the bishop’s writings in his work, St Cyprian of Carthage: Selected Letters (Yonkers: St. Vladimir's Seminary Press, 2007).

590 Pastor, The History of the Popes , vol. 8, 91-98.

174 Ninety-Five Theses posted on an old church door in Wittenberg in October 1517 by

Martin Luther, who branded Erasmus a coward for his unwillingness to follow his lead and completely break with the Catholic Church. 591

Instruments of Power: Cardinal Lorenzo Pucci and the Arts

Aside from a broad engagement with antiquity and the humanities, Pucci is cited in Ludwig von Pastor’s study as an ardent supporter of the visual arts, a patronage in keeping with the observation by the papal librarian Agostino Steuco, “where there is a rich display of sacred things, there is an observance of sacred things.”592 According to von Pastor’s account of Leo’s papacy, Cardinal Medici was chief among the patrons of art within the college of cardinals, followed closely by other pro-Medici members of the curia: “The chief patrons of art among the cardinals were Bibbiena, Cibo and Pucci, among the prelates Pandolfini, Branconio dell Aquila, B. Turini della Pescia.” 593 While the decorative program for Cardinal Bibbiena’s apartment in the Vatican, along with the city palaces designed by Bramante, his protégée Raphael, and Raphael’s pupil

Giulio Romano, are the subject of numerous scholarly studies, the breadth of Pucci’s interest in art and architecture and his role in underwriting and supervising important

591 The text of Martin Luther’s complaint is included in Martin Luther, Martin Luther's Ninety-Five Theses and Selected Sermons (Radford: Wilder Publications, 2008).

592 Agostino Stueco (1497-1548) was papal librarian under Pope Paul III. In 1547, Stueco wrote: “Where there is a rich display of sacred things, there is an observance of sacred things, where piety, religion and sacred rites are performed with sacred pomp, the people, discerning these things, venerate and admire them. Sordid religion is held in contempt. Unless you have revenues to support and sustain the , and unless you have the ability to adorn lavishly and render churches and other sacred areas splendid, there will be no priests, and sacred places will be deserted and fall into solitude.” Agostino Stueco is also quoted by Gigliola Fragnito, “Cardinals’ Courts in Sixteenth-Century Rome,” The Journal of Modern History 65 (1993), 49. See also Ronald K. Delph, “From Venetian visitor to curial humanist: the development of Agostino Steuco's "counter"-Reformation thought,” Renaissance Quarterly 47 (1994): 102-139.

593 Pastor, The History of the Popes , vol. 8, 376.

175 projects sponsored by the Medici pontiffs has not been fully analyzed by cultural historians.594

Complementing his sponsorship of the arts was a lavish lifestyle equally emblematic of his high-minded interest in the humanities. The paintings, imported tapestries, illuminated books, chased silver, and bespoke furniture listed in the inventories of his Roman palazzo were justified as an invocation of a classical past – especially Aristotle’s moral arguments in support of affluence and Cicero’s definition of dignitas.595 While the reforms of the Fifth Lateran Council took aim at the fiscal

594 Manredo Tafuri, “‘ Roma instaurata’: Strategie urbane e politiche pontificie nella Roma del primo ‘500 ” in Raffaello Architetto, ed. C.L. Frommel, S. Ray and M. Tafuri (Milan: Electa, 1984), 69 provides an overview of the urban projects commissioned from Bramante from 1503-13 whose design for Palazzo Caprini, begun around 1510, was a prototype for numerous other city palaces commissioned by members of the papal court in Rome. See Christoph Frommel, Die römische Palastbau der Hochrenaissance (Tübingen: E. Wasmuth, 1973); A. Bruschi, Bramante ( London: Thames and Hudson, 1977) and the translated and abridged version of Bramante architetto (Rome: Bari, 1969). Raphael’s designs for Palazzo Alberini and Palazzo Branconio are analyzed by Pier Nicola Pagliara in Raffaello Architetto , 171-88 and 197-216. Christoph L. Frommel devoted a chapter to Raphael’s design for Villa Madama in this same volume (pp. 311-42). Frommel is the author of numerous other articles on palace architecture in Renaissance Rome, including “ Palazzo Massimo alle Colonne ,” in M. Fagiolo and M. Madonna, Baldassare Peruzzi: pittura, scena e architettura nel Cinquecento (Rome, 1987), 21-46; “ e , artista universal ,” in Giulio Romano: Atti del Convegno Internazionale di Studi su “Giulio Romano e l’espansione europea del Rinascimento ,” (: Accademia Nazionale Virgiliana, 1989), 127-53 and “ Palazzo Farnese a Roma: L’architetto e il suo commitente ” (Vicenza: Centro Internazionale di Studi di Architettura Andrea Palladio, 1994). The Villa Lante is also treated in H. Lilius, : L’archittetura e la Decorazione Pittorica (Rome: G. Bardi, 1981). The bibliography of the interior decorations of Villa Madama are also treated by Yvon Loskoutoff, “ Le symbolisme des Palle médicéennes à la Villa Madama ,” Journal des savants 2 (2001): 351-391. The all’antica decoration in the loggias of Cardinal Bibbiena and Pope Leo X are treated in Marcia B. Hall, Rome (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 143-46 with a full bibliography. Gustavo Giovannoni analyzes Antonio da Sangallo the Younger’s house for the papal datary Baldassare Turini in Antonio da Sangallo Il Giovane (Rome: Tipografia Regionale, 1959), 43 and 298. David R. Coffin, Magnificent Buildings, Splendid Gardens (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 2008), 97 notes that Turini, the papal datary under Leo X, inscribed an epigram from the ancient Roman poet Martial above the portal of his villa on the hill above the Farnesina, now known as Villa Lante.

595 David Chambers, Renaissance Cardinals and their Worldy Problems (Farnham: Ashgate Publishing, 1997) provides an analysis of the revival of literary sources used to justify the extravagance of the papal court. Renaissance sources for the notion of reputation, prestige, and high personal standing in include Cicero, Epistulae Ad Familiares (San Francisco: San Francisco State University, 2007), 4.14.

176 privileges enjoyed by the cardinals and their familiae , the Aristotelian notion of magnificentia -- quoted in Giovanni Pontano’s works De magnificentia and De splendore as well as in Paolo Cortesi’s manuscript, De cardinalatu (published in 1510)

-- was considered indispensable to the appearance of solemn majesty. 596 Canonical treatments of pomp, power, and the assertion of princely sovereignty dictated enormous household expenditures, open hospitality, and plenty of lavish entertainment. 597

The orations of the Roman philosopher and orator Marcus Tullius Cicero (BCE

106-43) were among the other texts that functioned as manifestos for the lifestyle that members of the apostolic curia aspired to during the High Renaissance. 598 Humanists and the learned patrons who collected these ancient works recognized in Cicero’s orations, first available in printed form in 1467, the same logic that governs the laws of nature .599 Encased in a red velvet cover, the cardinal’s copy of Cicero’s De Officiis , a

596 Gigliola Fragnito, “Cardinals’ Courts in Sixteenth-Century Rome,” especially pp. 34 and 37, is a more complete treatment of the opulent lifestyles of members of the papal court. The quotes the papal librarian Agostio Stueco in 1546 on p. 49: “Where there is a rich display of sacred things, there is an observance of sacred things.”

597 Fragnito, “Cardinals’ Courts,” 38.

598 ASF, Riccardi 609 c. 156 is an inventory of Cardinal Lorenzo Pucci’s household taken in June 1531; it includes an unidentified work by Cicero. While this inventory does not identify which volume of Cicero was in the cardinal’s possession, an inventory of the Pucci library made in 1575 lists several volumes of Cicero, an author more completely represented in the Pucci collection than any other ancient writer. This inventory, included in Carte Strozziane 341, Serie Prima, c. 91-93, cites several copies of Cicero’s orations, as well as a copy of Cicero’s De Officiis , the Epistles , and Atticus . Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 620, c. 45 records a payment of 40 scudi made by Pandolfo Pucci in January 1549 for a copy of a Cicerone and a Trentio for his son. This folio also refers to a lost catalogue of a classical library owned by Pandolfo Pucci, executed for treason by Duke Cosimo de’ Medici in 1599 (Florentine dating).

599 Leon Battista Alberti -- whose treatises on realism in painting and architecture were well known to Cardinal Pucci through his education in Laurentian Florence and then at the Medici-sponsored university of Pisa -- adopted his rhetorical style from Cicero, the renowned Roman orator who, in turbn, modeled his discursive mode on the dialogues of Plato. See Massimo Bulgarelli, Leon Battista Alberti, 1404-1472, Architettura e storia (Milan, Electa, 2008); Leonard Barkan, Unearthing the Past: Archaeology and Aesthetics in the Making of Renaissance Culture (New Haven and London: Yale Univeresity Press, 1999); F.W. Kent, Lorenzo de’ Medici and the Art of Magnificence (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2004); and Alina Payne, The Architectural Treatise in the Italian Renaissance:

177 work inherited by the cardinal’s younger stepbrother Roberto and listed in the inventory of Roberto Pucci’s property at the time of his death sixteen years later, treated the classical concept of auctoritas and the related notion of dignitas. These were philosophical tenets adopted by Pucci and other princes of the church as the basis for their efforts to convey an aura of importance and establish a reputation for largesse.

Reflections of a passionate commitment to Florentine interests, the visual panegyrics commissioned by Cardinal Pucci to commerate his personal and professional influence also served as touchstones for transmitting the stylistic innovations of Florentine art and architecture to the Eternal City. The cardinal’s promotion of the taste for the elegantly elongated lines of maniera developed in

Florence is especially evident in the extensive collection of sixteenth century works by the followers of Pontormo in the family collection as it stood in the mid nineteenth century (appendix 24). It is similarly reflected in the portrait the cardinal commissioned from a newcomer to Rome, the artist known as Parmigianino (1503-1540) who painted a likeness of the cardinal attired in the flowing robes of the major penitentiary (fig.

66).600 Parmigianino’s portrait has been dated to the time of the meeting between the

Architectural Invention, Ornament, and Literary Culture (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993). Cicero held that Plato’s writings encapsulated the philosophy of the greatest of the Hellenic philosophers and that what came to be known as the “Socratic method” expressed the wisdom of “the whole of the study and the science of everything that concerns morals and conduct and ethics and politics.” ( Cicero: De Oratore, De Fato, Pardoxa Stoicorum, Partitione Oratoria , trans. H. Rackham (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1942), xix, 72, 59.) Cicero’s contention that all of the liberal arts are subsets of a single system of knowledge related to the imitation of nature had the effect of relegating all the literary and visual arts to a common set of aesthetic rules and conditions. 600 Michael Hirst identified the portrait and notes the papal bull in the cardinal’s hand in his article “A Portrait of Lorenzo Pucci by Parmigianino,” Apollo (2000): 43-7. The painting, in a private collection, has been on loan to the National Gallery, London. See also David Franklin, The Art of Parmigianino (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2004); David Ekaerdjian, Parmigianino (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2006); and Mary Vaccaro, Parmigianino: The Paintings (Turin: Umberto Allemandi, 2006). For the stylistic development of maniera in Florence see the exhibition catalogue edited by

178 second Medici Pope, Clement VII, with Charles V, an elaborate and delicately maneuvered encounter in preparation for Habsburg emperor’s coronation that finally took place in Bologna in 1530, a year before Cardinal Pucci’s death of old age and exhaustion.601 While Lorenzo’s somber expression and gray pallor may reflect his advanced age and declining health, his downcast demeanor may also metaphorically allude to his death on September 16, 1531. Whether or not this picture is the one listed in the 1610 inventory of belongings handed down through the family -- a portrait of the cardinal in a walnut frame hung in the camera del salotto -- it took pride of place in a room where it was displayed along with two gesso heads originally owned by the cardinal’s brother Piero and a large bed. 602

Trinit à dei Monti in Rome: The Pucci Chapel

As Wolk-Simon documents in her study of Perino del Vaga’s decorative project for the Pucci chapel in the north transept of the new church founded by the Minimi,

Cardinal Lorenzo took over as Cardinal Protector of this mendicant Order after the

Spanish cardinal Bernardino Carvajal was excommunicated by Julius II in 1512. 603 The choice of Trinit à dei Monti on the Mons Pincius as the site of the Pucci chapel in Rome

Bastian Eclercy entitled Maniera: Pontormo, and Medici Florence (Munich and London: Prestel, 2016).

601 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 383, insert 14. A payment record in Bindo Altoviti’s banking ledger refers to a folio of papers left in his custody on October 1, 1529, the day Lorenzo ceded the powerful post of papal penitentiary to his nephew Antonio, who then succeeded his uncle as Cardinal Santi Quattro.The document commission was completed in 1532: “ Un quaderno di fogli copto (costo) di carta pecora scrittori sopra li costi delli Altoviti di Roma con il Reverendissimo Cardinal Lorenzo cominiato add uno d’Octobre 1529 .”

602 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 382, unpaginated is the inventory of Casa Pucci in Florence in 1610.

603 Linda Wolk-Simon, “Studies in Perino del Vaga’s Early Career,” (PhD diss., University of Michigan, 1987), 246.

179 -- a hill overlooking the northern processional route into the city famous for its associations with the great gardens of ancient Rome – also gave consideration to the support of Felice della Rovere, the daughter of Pope Julius II, for the adjoining convent. 604 Cardinal Santi Quattro brought in a young Florentine painter, Pietro di

Giovanni Buonaccorsi (1501-1547), to execute the decorative program for the chapel

(fig. 67). First trained by an obscure Florentine painter, Andrea de’ Ceri, Perino del

Vaga, as he was affectionately nicknamed, was then placed in the bottega of Ridolfo

Ghirlandaio.605 A rising star in Raphael’s workshop, he contributed to the decoration of the Vatican stanze and made a name for himself applying the grottesche popularized by the recent discovery of Nero’s vast domus .606 By the time of his work on the Pucci chapel in Trinit à dei Monti, Perino had contributed to the Sala dei Pontefici in the

Borgia apartments and begun the fresco cycle for the salone of Palazzo Baldassini, the

604 The close relationship between the Pucci and Felice della Rovere is documented by Caroline Murphy in The Pope’s Daughter: The Extraordinary Life of Felice della Rovere (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006), 206-207. Nicholas Temple’s study of architecture, urbanism, and ceremony in the Rome of Julius II explores the roots of the pope’s building projects in the doctrine of divine justice rooted in Platonism known as praeco institiae (proclaimer of justice). The decorative program that Cardinal Santi Quattro Coronati commissioned for a Pucci family chapel in Santa Trinit à was already underway when, at the pope’s behest, Lorenzo pledged 1,000 ducats in 1523 for a chapel in San Marco in Florence for the newly canonized Saint Antoninus. Sally Cornelison, Art and the Relic Cult of Saint Antoninus in Renaissance Florence (Farnham, United Kingdom: Ashgate, 2012), 96-97 makes note of Clement VII’s request for a new chapel for Saint Antoninus in San Marco in Florence. In October 1530, Cardinal Pucci made a payment of 400 ducats to the sculptor Bartolomeo Bandinelli (1493-1560) for another sacred project. There are subsequent payments to Maestro Battista muratore and Maestro Agnolo richamtore for a chapel in Bologna in an undetermined location (Unpublished, ASF, MGR 392, insert 7, c. 11).

605 Wolk-Simon, “Studies in Perino del Vaga’s Early Career,” 11 and 13.

606 See Claudia Cieri Via, “ Polidoro di Caravaggio e Perin del Vaga a Roma: una competizione sull’ antico fra invenzione, copia e variazione” in Mosaico: temi e metodi di arte e critica per Gianni Carlo Sciolla , vol. 1 Monumenta documenta (Naples: Luciano Editore, 2012), 63-74. See also Linda Wolk- Simon, “A new painting by Perino del Vaga for the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York,” The Burlington Magazine 153 (2011), 647 and Linda Wolk-Simon, “Two Early Fresco Cycles by Perino del Vaga: The Palazzo Baldassini and the Pucci Chapel” Apollo 155 (2002): 11-21. See also Elena Parma Armani, Perino del Vaga: tra Raffaello e Michelangelo , exhibition catalogue, Palazzo Te, Mantua (Milan: Electa, 2001) and Perino del Vaga: l’annello mancante (Genoa, 1986).

180 elegant Roman townhouse designed for the papal jurist Melchiorre Baldassini by

Antonio da Sangallo the Younger.

In Vasari’s account of the commission for the Pucci chapel in Rome, Perino had returned to Rome after completing his contribution to the ephemeral architecture created for Leo X’s triumphal procession through Florence in the fall of 1515. 607 In addition to his contribution to the Stanza della Segnatura and the Sala dei Pontefici in the Vatican, Cardinal Lorenzo Pucci would have known of Perino’s classicizing frescoes in Palazzetto Altoviti, a city palace built by the wealthy banking family who took over the cardinal’s banking accounts after Piero Bini returned to Florence in the wake of Leo X’s death.608 While Perino never returned to his work on the Pucci chapel after the Sack of Rome in 1527, his career in the Eternal City flourished. Chief painter for Pope Paul III, between 1535 and 1537 painted the soffit for the Sala del Perseo in

Castel Sant’Angelo and contributed to the sgraffito for the Villa Madama in the company of Polidoro da Caravaggio (ca. 1499-1543), a transplant from Lombardy who

607 According to Vasari’s Lives of the Artists , vol. 5: “Avvenne che l'anno MDXV, il terzo anno del suo pontificato, Papa Leone venne a Fiorenza, e, perché in quella città si feciono molti trionfi, Perino, parte per vedere la pompa di quella città e parte per rivedere la patria, venne inanzi alla corte; e fece in uno arco trionfale a Santa Trìnita, una figura grande di sette braccia bellissima. Parveli nondimeno ognora mille anni ritornarsene a Roma. Lorenzo Pucci Cardinale Santi IIII, avendo preso alla Trinità, convento de' frati Calavresi e Franciosi che veston l'abito di San Francesco di Paula, una cappella a man manca allato alla cappella maggiore, la allogò a Perino, acciò che in fresco vi dipignesse la vita della Nostra Donna. La quale cominciata da lui, ha finito tutta la volta et una facciata sotto uno arco; e cosí fuor di quella, sopra uno arco della cappella, fece due profeti grandi di quatro braccia e mezzo, figurando Isaia e Daniel. Sono nel mezzo di questi, due putti che tengono l'arme de 'l cardinale. Non seguitò piú giú, venendoli male; e guarito, cominciò l'anno MDXXIII la peste, la quale fu d'una sorte in Roma, che se egli volse campar la vita, gli convenne far proposito partirsi di Roma .”

608 A. Venturi, Storia Dell’Arte Italiana (Milan: Ulrico Hoepli, 1901), 413 and Sydney J. Freedberg, ed., Painting in Italy, 1500-1600 (New York: Penguin Books (1993), 254–259. The palazzo belonging to Agnolo Massimi was located near Palazzo Bini and also demolished in the late nineteenth century.

181 also worked in Raphael’s workshop. 609 He was assisted in his work on the Cappella

Massimi , located on the left side of the nave alongside the Pucci chapel in Trinit à dei

Monti, by (ca. 1509-1566), who also worked with Perino on the decorations of Agnolo Massimi’s palazzo in Rome. 610 Perino’s other private commissions included a Madonna and Child recently acquired by the Metropolitan

Museum in New York, a painting whose stylistic affinities with Florentine tastes positions Cardinal Santi Quattro as the likely patron of the work. 611 Whether or not

Pucci commissioned this particular devotional panel by Perino, the nineteenth-century inventory of the family’s collection describes a painting of a Madonna and Child with

Saint John attributed to this same artist, confirming that Pucci patronage of Perino extended beyond the fresco cycle the cardinal contracted for the family chapel in the

French church on the .

Begun in 1521, work on the Pucci chapel was interrupted by the plague in 1523, and abandoned altogether following the Sack of Rome four years later.612 In 1562,

609 Venturi, Storia Dell’Arte Italiana, 413 and Freedberg, 254-259. See also Morten Steen Hansen, In Michelangelo’s Mirror: Perino del Vaga, Daniele da Volterra, and (University Park: Pennsylvania State Press, 2013) and Michael Hirst, “Perino del Vaga and his Circle,” The Burlington Magazine 108 (1966): 398-405.

610 Volterra’s medallions for the Appartamento Borgia in the Vatican may very well have served as a prototype for the delicate decorations with the Pucci stemma that Volterra later traced onto the walls of the Vatican staircase designed by Antonio da Sangallo the Younger in 1544. See the illustration of the Borgia apartments in Venturi, Storia Dell’Arte Italiana , 413. James Ackerman, “The Cortile Del (1503-1585,” (PhD diss., N.Y.U. 1952) discusses Antonio da Sangallo the Younger’s design of the staircase and repair of this section of Bramante’s Belvedere that had collapsed. The inclusion of the Pucci stemma on Volterra’s decorative program for the Vatican stairway suggests that Pucci patronage of Antonio da Sangallo the Younger continued throughout the architect’s lifetime.

611 Linda Wolk-Simon, “A New Painting by Perino del Vaga for the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York,” The Burlington Magazine 153 (2011), 647.

612 The cardinal’s account book (ASF, Riccardi 608) begins in that year; it is possible that a previous journal (now lost) records previous payments for the chapel.

182 rights to the chapel were transferred to Giacomo Cauco, the bishop of Corfu. 613

Notwithstanding these setbacks, Perino managed to complete several important scenes from The Life of the Virgin and The Incarnation . The entrance to the Pucci chapel at the head of the north transept of Santa Trinit à is heralded by the fresco of Lorenzo’s coat of arms and his motto: Intus Candor , a Latin phrase lauding the cardinal’s integrity (fig.

68). In a red chalk drawing now in the Ashmolean, Perino sketched the cardinal’s coat of arms as a cartouche supported by two baby-faced putti holding the Pucci Moor (fig.

69).614 The addition of the Old Testament prophets Daniel and to the fresco over the chapel entrance was clearly inspired by Michelangelo’s program for the Sistine

Chapel on the other side of the city.615 Transformed from architectural elements into vehicles for illustrating scenes from the Virgin’s early life, the triangular spaces in the cross-vaulted ceiling depict her Birth, The Presentation, The Meeting of and

Anna at the Golden Gate, and The Annunciation.616

Entries in Cardinal Pucci’s private banking ledgers appear to designate oversight over the decorative program to the Minimite monks, keepers of the church built to commemorate the successful invasion of Naples by the French King Louis

613 Miles L. Chappell, “Perino del Vaga and Michelangelo: Drawings for the Cappella Pucci in SS. Trinita dei Monti in Rome,” in Renaissance Studies in Honor of Craig Hugh Smyth (Florence: , 1985), 139.

614 K. T. Parker, Catalogue of Old Master Drawings in the Ashmolean Museum (Oxford, 1956, reprinted in 1972), Vol. II, Italian Drawings , 390, no. 728.

615 See also Bernice Davidson, “Early Drawings by Perino del Vaga, parts I and II, in Master Drawings , I (1963): 3-16 and 4 (1963): 19-26 and Maria Vittoria Brugnoli, “ Gli affreschi di Perin del Vaga nella Cappella Pucci : Note Sulla Prima Attivita Romana del Pitturore, ” Bollettino d’arte 47 (1962): 327-350. See also ff. 8.

616 Gere, “Two of Taddeo Zuccaro’s last commissions,” 286.

183 XII. 617 Early in 1521, the cardinal was making regular monthly payments to the frati and by the spring of 1521 these monthly payments increased to 10 ducats. During the spring and summer of 1522 these contributions wound down to 2 ducats. 618 In June

1524, monthly payments to the Minimite Order increased to 4 ducats, followed by a notation that the cardinal had spent 12 lire on silver for the cappella .619 In addition to payments to the frati , Cardinal Lorenzo’s account books make note of several direct payments to Piero dipintore in 1525. 620 More specifically, Piero was paid 30 ducats for three months of work in the fall of 1525. 621 The cardinal’s last will and testament in

1531 bequeathed the monks of Trinit à dei Monti the handsome sum of 500 gold scudi .622 Another 500 scudi were set-aside for the celebratation of masses in the cardinal’s honor. 623

617 See M. Armellini, Le Chiese di Roma dal secolo IV al XIX (Rome, 1891), 339-341, C. Hulson, Le chiese di Roma nel Medio Evo (Florence, 1927), 543 and more recently, Wolfgange Lotz, Architecture in Italy 1500-1600 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1995), 123 and 184.

618 ASF, Carte Riccardi 608, c. 16b records the payment to the monks at Trinit à dei Monte for 2 ducats in October 1522: “ E addi detto paga alla frati della trinita…. ducati 2 .”

619 ASF, Riccardi 608, c. 26r. The format of this payment book does not specify the silver as designated for this chapel although the expenditure appears next in a list of a payment to Trinit à dei Monti .

620 ASF, Riccardi 608, c. 106 recto records payments of 30 scudi to Piero dipintore for September/October and November 1525 along with 4 ducats to the frati of Trinit à dei Monte on c. 109 the cardinal paid Piero 7-7 ducats. Wolk-Simon provides a transcription of another payment to Maestro Pietro Fiorentino on 12b: “ E addi vi detto (giugno) porto messer Giovan Maria maestro di casa per paghare salariati e barilari a maestro pietro fiorentino …. ducati 27.12.1/5 ” (Wolk, “Studies in Perino Del Vaga’s Early Career,” 252).

621 ASF, Riccardi 608, c. 106b: “ A piero dipintore per la prima de settembre, ottobre, e decembre che fanno aviere (?) da Bernardo …. ducati 30.” This same document indicates that the cardinal’s notary Bernardo Vermigli was also paid in June 1525, July 1525, February 1526, June 1526, February 1526, and April 1527.

622 ASF, Riccardi 609, c. 151.

623 ASF, Riccardi 609, c. 152. This account book also contains a copy of the inventory of the cardinal’s belongings taken on June 19, 1531, just months before his death in September (appendix 9) .

184 Palazzo Pucci in the Vatican Borgo, 1514-1531

Underpinning Lorenzo Pucci’s patronage practices was an architectural agenda that served his nuclear family and the papacy he served so faithfully. Giovanni de’

Medici’s ascension to the pontifical throne renewed the focus of the curia on the new

St. Peter’s, an exhorbitantly expensive endeavor primarily financed with papal indulgences under Cardinal Santi Quattro’s purview.624 The relocation of the seat of the

Vicar of Christ in Rome from the ancient in the Lateran to the Vatican was the bedrock of a papal scheme for raising the papacy’s profile and increasing the influence of the Holy See over both sacred and civic affairs.625 Taking up on the program of urban renewal first set in motion by the humanist pope Nicholas V (1447-

1455), Leo’s predecessor, Julius II, better known as the Pope, sought to infiltrate the heavily populated Ponte, Parione, and districts with a newly built matrix of streets leading straight to the new basilica.626 The cornerstone of Julius’s efforts to undermine control of Rome’s powerful baronial families over the city’s secular agenda was a judicial tribunal on the northern bend of the in the heart of

624 Pastor, The History of the Popes, vol. 8, 96-99. The building was originally budgeted at 60,000 ducats a year and paid for by the sale of indulgences and other measures devised to pay for the project. Cardinal Pucci is credited with devising other mechanisms for paying for Leo’s lifestyle and the expenses associated with the pope’s effort to claim the duchy of Urbino for his nephew. Along with Cardinal Armellini, Pucci was “openly employed to procure money,” raising loans from bankers and private individuals; arranging tithes, jubilees, and an unprecedented level of indulgences; and arranging for the creation of no fewer than forty-two new cardinals during Leo’s pontificate, positions that involved substantial payments to the papal treasury; selling the office of the camerlengo and other exalted posts; and raising taxes on salt and other commodities (Pastor, The History of the Popes , vol. 8, 367).

625 Tafuri, “Architecture and Myth in the Era of Leo X,” in Interpreting the Renaissance: Princes, Cities, Architects , 78 and 117-118.

626 Suzanne Butters and Pier Nicola Pagliara, “Il Palazzo dei Tribunali and in Rome,” Zodiac 14 (1995): 14-29. For a discussion of the Temple of Romulus on Via Sacra as an ancient model for the façade of the building on Via Papalis and the Forum nummularorium see Pier Nicola Pagliara, “ Studi e practica vitruviana di Antonio da Sangallo il Giovane e di suo fratello Giovanni Battista ,” in Les Traites d’architecture de la Renaissance , Actes du colloque Tours , ed. Jean Guilluame (Paris: Picard, 1988).

185 the Ponte, home to many of the city’s financial firms. 627 Julius commissioned the

Palazzo dei Tribunali from (1444-1514), the papal architect whose plans for the new St. Peter’s transformed a medieval basilica into an icon of

Renaissance architecture. 628 Massive stones still mark the foundations of the colossal building that would have presided over Via Giulia, a newly constructed street built along the processional route followed by victorious Roman generals on their way to the

Forum, the ancient seat of the Roman government. Construction on the rusticated building, whose prestigious location along the itinerary of the Roman triumph was further augmented by the Renaissance palaces that sprang up nearby, began in 1508. 629

Bramante’s plans for a judicial court near the base of the Pons Vaticanus were abandoned just three years later. The cessation of work on Palazzo dei Tribunali, which

Frommel dubs “the first real office building since ancient Rome,” was a real setback to the implementation of papal policies aimed at consolidating the church’s control over the administration of a broader range of judicial and political matters, to say nothing of the very real practical need for additional space.630 Fortunately, Julius’s successor

627 Nicholas Temple, renovatio urbis: Architecture, Urbanism and Ceremony in the Rome of Julius II (London: Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group, 2011), 27-28 .

628 Butters and Pagliara, “Il Palazzo dei Tribunali and Via Giulia in Rome,” 14-29.

629 Temple, renovatio urbis, 3.

630 Frommel, “Papal Policy: The Planning of Rome During the Renaissance,” 52-53. Frommel points out that the construction of San Giovanni dei Fiorentini provided Via Giulia with a new center of gravity following the abandonment of plans for the Palazzo dei Tribunali (p. 56). For Bramante’s unbuilt Palazzo dei Tribunali, see Arnaldo Bruschi, “ Bramante e la funzionalita: il palazzo dei Tribunali: “turres e loca fortissimo procommoditate et utiltate publica ,” Palladio 14 (1994): 145-156; Butters and Pagliara, “ Il Palazzo dei Tribunali e via Giulia a Roma; Claudia Cantatore, “ Il Riuso del Palazzo dei Tribunali in Roma nel XVI secolo,” Quaderni dell’Istituto di Storia dell’Architettura (1988): 69-76; C.L. Frommel, “ Il Palazzo dei Tribunal in via Giulia,” in Studi bramantechi, Atti del Congresso internazionale (Rome, 1974), 523-534; L. Spezzaferro, “ La politica urbanistica dei Papi e le origini di via Giulia ,” in L. Salerno, L. Spezzaferro, M. Tafuri, Via Giulia una utopia urbanistica del 500 (Rome,

186 appropriated the Julian symbolism of the Mons Vaticanus as a “palace-temple” complex at the heart of his new Christian empire. 631 Justified by the absence of a physical locus for papal administration of Iustitia , the papacy’s attempt to lay claim to both spiritual and secular matters found new life in Cardinal Pucci’s palace at the head of the Vatican Borgo. 632 Cardinal Pucci would have been well aware of the political import attached to papal architecture by Nicholas V, who began the building program for the new St. Peter’s in the first place: "Not for ambition," the scholarly pontiff is quoted as saying on his deathbed, "nor pomp, nor vainglory, nor fame, nor the eternal perpetuation of my name, but for the greater authority of the Roman church and the greater dignity of the Apostolic See … we conceived such buildings in mind and spirit.” 633

Although Perino del Vaga’s decorative program for the Pucci Chapel in Trinit à dei Monti was interrupted first by the plague, then by the Sack of Rome, and finally abandoned altogether, construction on the building built to house the tribunal of the papal penitentiary was completed during the cardinal’s lifetime. The palatium quod conturo in urbe … ex portum Torrioni s was built on property adjacent to St. Peter’s, just inside the ancient city walls. Within months of his elevation to the purple, Cardinal

1973); Manfredo Tafuri, “ Via Giulia: storia di una stuttura urbana ,” in Via Giulia una utopia urbanistica del 500 , Luigi Salermo, Luigi Spezzaferro, and Manfredo Tafuri eds. (Rome: Staderni, 1973); Manfredo Tafuri, “ Roma instaurata,” Strategie urbane e politiche pontificie nella Rome del primo ‘500 ,” in Raffaello architetto , C. L. Frommel, S. Ray, M. Tafuri, eds., Catalogo della Mostra (Rome, 29 febbraio-13 maggio 1984), 59-106.

631 Temple, renovatio urbis, 28.

632 Tafuri, “Architecture and Myth in the Era of Leo X,” 79.

633 Frommel, “Papal Policy: The Planning of Rome During the Renaissance,” 41-42.

187 Santi Quattro purchased a plot of land with an old house between the medieval churches of Santa Maria in Campo Santo and San Salvatore in Torrione from the

Principe Costantino di Macedonia (fig. 70).634 In September 1517, this property was enlarged with the acquisition of an ortus magnus cum pulcra domo et cappella near the

Porta del Torrione for 300 scudi .635 The cardinal paid 13 scudi for another piece of land in the same area and acquired several other neighboring lots before work began on the monumental palazzo now known as Palazzo del Sant’Uffizio. 636 Located in the shadows of the world’s largest church, the building guards an ancient gate in the

Aurelian wall that accesses a neighborhood known as the Fornace (fuori di Porta del

634 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 614, c. 82: “ ricordo con’ per (?) ni sino adi 22 di giugno 1514 il cardinale bona (?) di Santi Quattro per le’ mane’ di Bernardo Bini pago il Signore Agostino Cornati per costo per la casa compata da lui preso a Campo Santo con’ apare’ per contratto rogati messer Andrea Caroso Romano …. scudi 1000

La qual casa a pigiono al a Reverendissimo Vescovo di Para per scudi cento cinquanta Ca’no et tutto apare al Cibro di Bernardo Bini. c. 83

Nota di beni a havere’ conpati la bona me da la cardinale Santi Quattro et ebi n’e’ stato rogato conti apare per i libri di Bernardo Bini et prima adi 22 di giugno 1514 scudi 1000 d’oro pagati al signor Agostino Cornati per costo della casa di Campo Santo rogato messer Andrea Coroso (Romano?) …. scudi 1000 .”

The information on the transactions involved in the land association on which the cardinal constructed his palazzo is also included in Palazzo del San Offizio: Precedenti del Palazzo, Note Storiche prepared in conjunction with the preparation of Rari e preziosi: Documenti del’eta moderna e contemporanea dall’archivio del Sant’Uffizio, Alejandro Cifres and Marco Pizzo eds. (Rome: Gangemi Editore, 2008).

635 Alejandro Cifres, Palazzo del San Offizio: Precedenti del Palazzo, Note Storiche, 1.

636 Palazzo Pucci is also listed in the index of Biblioteca Vaticana , vol. 408, 17: Archivio San Pietro in Vaticana, Privilie e Atti 11 (1500-1517); Censuali 25 (1513-1514), folio 74 recto and 75 verso; Cardinale 1514; Matricularum Andreae Carusii ab anno 1500 ad annum 1517 (Sulla Costola ); Minute di atti vari, rogati dal notaio Andrea Caruso al Capitolo di S. Pietro, senza ordine di data. Vi e unito un fascioletto a forma di bastardello con l’indice degli atti . Reg. Cartaceo con copertina di perg. 1500- 1517.

188 Torrione, in loco detto La Fornace ), named for the kilns used to bake bricks and tiles used to build the new St. Peter’s (fig. 71-77).637

From its enormous scale to its privileged site, everything about Palazzo Pucci gave notice of the cardinal’s wealth, influence, and ready access to the most powerful man in Christendom. The building’s size certainly trumped the new but less grand palazzetti designed for other members of the papal court by the Vatican architects

Donato Bramante, Raphael of Urbino, and Antonio da Sangallo the Younger. 638 Both its free-standing mass and stucco finish distinguished the structure from the clustered aspect of rusticated Roman palaces facing Via Alessandrina, a broad avenue teeming with pilgrims, tourists, and members of the curia en route to the Vatican. As in the free- standing Florentine villas built in the fifteenth century, the only architectural elements that relieve the flat planes of the stucco facade are the simple pedimented windows, rusticated quoining, and single ashlar portal (fig. 78 and 79).639 This stylistic affinity with the whitewashed façades and symmetrical belvederes of the Medici villas scattered

637 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 609, c. 13. This same document describes the land as adjacent to the church of S. Michele Archangelo: circa fuori di porta del Torrione all Fornace nel vicino dicto Chiesa di S. Michele Archangelo de Fornaciari .

638 Arnaldo Bruschi’s chapter on the new houses built for members of the papal court in the Vatican borgo and includes a pianta in casa of Via Alessandrina drawn by Baldassare Peruzzi. (“Roma, 1492-1503,” in Storia dell’architettura italiana: Il primo cinquecento , 71.) For the most part, these new residences were townhouses. See also Christoph L. Frommel, “Papal Policy: The Planning of Rome During the Renaissance,” The Journal of Interdisciplinary History 17 (1986), 55.

639 Lowe, Church and Politics in Renaissance Italy , 196 cites M. Madonna, “ Una operazione urbanistica di Alessandro VI: la Via Alessandrina in Borgo ,” in Le arti a Roma sotto Alessandro VI , ed. M. Calvesi (Rome, 1981), 6. See Glenn M. Andres, John M. Hunisak and A. Richard Turner, The Art of Florence (New York and London: Artabras, 1988), vol. II, 913 for a description of Quattrocento Florentine architectural typologies.

189 throughout Tuscany functioned as a heraldic device writ large, a signpost of the cardinal’s allegiance to the ruling family of Florence. 640

Palazzo Pucci’s interior cortile, on the other hand, was modeled on the courtyard of the Palazzo della Cancelleria, the first truly classical building in

Renaissance Rome (fig. 80 and 81).641 Built with a façade arranged as an ascending sequence of architectural orders, the marble-clad Palazzo della Cancelleria served as the papal chancery from the time of its construction in the 1480s by Cardinal Raffaele

Riario, a nephew of Sixtus IV, often known as Cardinale di San Giorgio , who had the palace built next to his titular church. 642 Palazzo Pucci borrowed from the Cancelleria a rectangular cortile at the center of the building that regularized a trapezoidal ground plan. The courtyard of the Cancelleria was lined with ancient Corinthian columns from the Theater of Pompey, and while the origin of the columns in Palazzo Pucci is unknown, the cardinal’s palace was set on axis with another ancient emblem of power:

640 The best-known example of the translation of this typology into a city palace in Rome is the facade of Villa Medici in Rome, built for Cardinal de’ Medici to a design by Bartolomeo Ammannati (See Kiene, Bartolomeo Ammannati , 159-169).

641 Armando Schiavo, Il Palazzo della Cancelleria , (Rome: Staderini, 1964) and Laura Orbicciani, Palazzo della Cancelleria (Rome: Libreria dello Stato, Istituto Poligrafico e Zecca dello Stato, 2010) provide full bibliographies on the building. See also Frommel, Der romische Palastbau der Hochrenaissace , vols. I and II (Tubingen, 1973). Given the use of the use of Palazzo Pucci for the apostolic offices of the papal penitentiary it seems reasonable to assume that the workshop of the papal architect, Antonio da Sangallo the Younger, had a hand in the design of the building now known as Sant’ Uffizio.

642 Lowe, Church and Politics in Renaissance Italy , 111. Well known to Lorenzo Pucci in his service as papal datary, the palace served as an important administrative hub for the papacy until Leo X managed to appropriate the building for his own use in the aftermath of the Petrucci Conspiracy. Aside from the devastating fines levied on the so-called “conspirators” Leo managed to wrest ownership of the Cancelleria, the palazzo built by Vice Chancellor Raffaele Riario next to his titular church San Lorenzo in Damaso. Located on a street accessing the Campo dei Fiori, the palace still served as the papal chancery. Pucci’s intimate knowledge of the building is indicated by a notarized document associated with the settlement of Cardinal Lorenzo’s will in which his nephew, Cardinal Antonio, is documented as operating out of the old Cancelleria (Unpublished, AP, filza 7, November 1531. c. 9).

190 the Egyptian brought to Rome by Julius Caesar, a trophy of his victory over

Anthony and Cleopatra facing the southern flank of St. Peter’s until its relocation later in the sixteenth century.643 The patently rectangular shape of Palazzo Pucci and its visual dialogue with a potent symbol of the Roman Empire called up a set of associations with the legal, political, and administrative functions of the Roman Forum.

In creating the headquarters for the major penitentiary on the grounds of the

Vatican Borgo, Palazzo Pucci also drew on the organization of the Roman , the ancient repository of state archives facing the Temple of Concord. As in the tabulae lining the ancient records office overlooking the Roman Forum , Palazzo Pucci features a row of rooms facing a colonnade on the ground floor designed for use by notaries, legal functionaries, and other judicial operatives associated with the papal state (fig.

82).644 A copy of Cardinal Lorenzo’s will refers to the original act written by in 1531 in

Rome by Mario dei Ciotti, a Roman archivist and notary, in which the classical notion of cubicula in a building that operated as the apostolic headquarters of the summa penitentiary is explicit: palatium penitentiarum apostolice in camera cubicolari. 645 The plan drawn up by the papal architect Pirro Liggorio when the palace was sold to Pius V

643 Brian Curran, Anthony Grafton, Pamela Long, Benjamin Weiss, Obelisk: A History (Cambridge: Burndy Library, 2009), 90-93.

644 See Frommel, “Papal Policy: The Planning of Rome During the Renaissance,” 39-65. See also Valeria Caf à, “The Via Papalis in Early Cinquecento Rome: A Contested Space Between Roman Families and Curials,” Urban History 37 (2010): 434-451. For an illustration of the Tabularium see Nicholas Temple, renovatio urbis , 105, figure 3.9.

645 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi, 690, c. 146r -174r. A reference to another classical idiom, the Roman palatial house with a church accessed through a side door, links Pucci’s project with the Roman model of a palatium occupied by a single ruler in charge of a centralized empire. As in the Cancelleria, where San Lorenzo in Damasco was accessed through a side entrance of the chancery, Palazzo Pucci was attached to the Dominican monastery of the German church of Campo Santo. The monastary was demolished in the twentieth century (Cifres, Rari e Preziosi , 101).

191 in 1566 illustrates a series of chambers that were significantly smaller and greater in number than in most Roman palaces, signaling their use as workspaces rather than formal reception rooms (fig. 83). 646 Nor is the staircase leading from the public spaces on the ground floor to the private apartments above particularly grand, another indication that the ground level was designed for official use by the tribunal charged with adjudicating matters of religious sacrilege and penitence.

Building Palazzo Pucci: 1521-1526

Notwithstanding its spatial command over the administrative activities of the tribunal charged with adjudicating matters of heresy and mercy, no known documents identify the architect of the cardinal’s formidable palazzo. The learned quotation of an ancient prototype, the design of the Doric cortile, and the completion of the façade by an artisan operating in the orbit of Giuliano da Sangallo positions the famous Florentine architect as the most obvious candidate. Giuliano’s death in 1516 would explain the absence of elevations and other finishing details to Cardinal Lorenzo Pucci’s palazzo in the Borgo and hence the commission that Pietro Rosselli (ca. 1474-ca.1531) sought for his son. The long rows of utilitarian rooms that organize the interior of Palazzo Pucci first appeared in Giuliano’s design for the Sapienza of Siena while his close studies of

Bramante’s work in Rome appear to have informed the design of the trabeation for the interior courtyard that centers the building. Christoph Frommel’s attribution of the master plan for Palazzo Pucci to Giuliano da Sangallo is consistent with the archival findings in this study, including Giuliano’s work for the Pucci at Casignano and the

646 The plan is also reproduced in Cifres and Pizzo, Rari e Preziosi , 99.

192 family’s patronage of his workshop for construction of the Loggia dei Serviti. 647 It is also worth noting that the Pucci sold their three houses in Rome to Alfonsina de’

Medici, who then engaged Giuliano da Sangallo to add a classicizing cortile to her new palazzo. 648

A letter written to Michelangelo on February 4, 1526 supports the hypothesis that the façade was the product of the architects and sculptors in the circle of Giuliano da Sangallo whose design design emerged over the course of its construction and was influenced by Michelangelo’s thinking on the project.649 The letter was written by

Pietro di Giocomo Rosselli, a fellow Florentine and contemporary of Michelangelo’s with a longstanding professional relationship with the master he fondly addressed as

“charisimo fratello.”650 Ever the engineer, Rosselli contributed to the construction of

647 Christoph Frommel, Der römische Palastbau der Hochrenaissance , 3 vols. (Tubingen: Tubingen Press, 1973).

648 For the acquisition of the portion of the palazzo created for Alfonsina Orsini from the Pucci see Sabine Frommel, Giuliano da Sangallo (Florence: Ente Cassa di Risparmio di Firenze, 2014), 357. Frommel makes note of the similarities between the profile of the capitals and the trabeation of Palazzo Valle in Rome attributed to Giuliano da Sangallo with the courtyard that centers Palazzo Pucci in Rome (Frommel, Giuliano da Sangallo , 363).

649 F. Barbieri and L. Puppi, " Catalogo delle opere architettoniche di Michelangiolo, " in Michelangelo architetto (Milan: Electa, 1964), 869. For the correspondence of Michelangelo see also Il carteggio di Michelangelo , edizione postuma di G. Poggi, P. Barocchi and R. Ristori eds. (Florence: Sansoni, 1965- 1983); Michelangelo: Lettere, concordanze e indice di frequenza , P. Barocchi, and S. Maffei eds. (Pisa: Scuola Normale Superiore, 1994); I ricordi di Michelangelo , P. Barocchi and L. Bardeschi Ciulich eds. (Florence: Sansoni, 1970); and I contratti di Michelangelo , L. Bardeschi Ciulich ed. (Florence: S.P.E.S., 2005).

650 Rosselli’s son-in-law, Simone del Pollaiolo (1457-1508), collaborated with Giuliano da Sangallo on the vestibule of Santo Spirito in Florence and completed Palazzo Strozzi, built to a design by Giuliano. On Rosselli’s close relationship with Michelangelo see William E. Wallace, “Michelangelo’s Assistants in the Sistine Chapel,” Gazette des Beaux-Arts 10 (1987): 203-16, esp. 205 and William E. Wallace, “Friends and Relics at , Rome,” The Sixteenth Century Journal 30, (1999): 419- 439, esp. 426. Wallace notes that other letters written to Michelangelo by Rosselli regarding this commission “appealed to their long, friendly relations and especially Michelangelo’s evident fondness for Rosselli’s son, Domenico, and the son’s friend and professional associate, Antonio del Tanghero.” He also points out that Michelangelo learned of the commission for the Sistine ceiling from Rosselli, who

193 the scaffolding for the Sistine Chapel under Michelangelo’s watchful eye and prepared the vaulted ceiling for painting.651 He also built the stage for the elaborate ceremony conferring Roman citizenship on the nephews of Leo X in 1514. 652 The sculptor-turned- architect then collaborated with Michelangelo on the sculptural commission for the tabernacle that held the reliquary head of Saint John the Baptist for the church of the nuns of San Silvestro in Capite.653 Rosselli is credited with the marble Serliana for the

Serra Chapel in San Giacomo degli Spagnoli for the Spanish community in Rome designed by Antonio da Sangallo the Younger, for whom Rosselli measured the Theater

reported on the conversation between Pope Julius II and Bramante in a letter dated May 10, 1506 (Carteggio 1:16 cited by Wallace, “Friends and Relics at San Silvestro in Capite, Rome,” 426).

651 Wallace, “Michelangelo’s Assistants in the Sistine Chapel,” 203-16.

652 Wallace, “Michelangelo’s Assistants in the Sistine Chapel,” 205. A. Bruschi, “ Il teatro capitolino del 1513 ,” Bolletino Centro Istituto Studio Palladio xvi (1974): 189-218.

653 The altar was commissioned by the Florentine gonfaloniere Piero Soderini. Wallace, “Friends and Relics at San Silvestro in Capite, Rome,” 426 quotes the carteggio : “Mic[h]ela[g]nolo, che voi mi a[i]utate i[n] una mia facie[n]da e d'uno atro vostro amico, e'quale ène meser Piero Soderini, a'quale one fato uno dise[g]nio per uno tabernacolo di ma[r]mo per metevi la testa di Sa[n]to Giovani Batista, ne la c[h]i[e]sa de le monache di Sa[n]to Savestro; e'quale dise[g]nio piacie a deto Piero Soderini, ma per fare bene e non e erare voliamo, di bono aco[r]do sapere e volere e'g[i]udicio vostro e a quelo dise[g]nio che voi cre[s]ciate diminuite ta[n]to qua[n]to a voi para e piaciera, per l’amore e fede abiamo noi i[n] voi. E per ta[n]to siamo d’aco[r]do, de’prezo, ta[n]to qua[n]to voi g[i]udic[h]erete voi …” (P. Barocchi and R. Ristori, eds., Il Carteggio di Michelangelo , 5 vols. (Florence: Sansoni, 1965- 83, 2:2). On Rosselli’s work with Michelangelo on the Sistine Chapel, see also Wallace, “Michelangelo’s Assistants in the Sistine Chapel,” 205 where he documents Rosselli’s work preparing the ceiling for painting. For his work on the Spanish community in Rome see also Rose Marie May “The Church of San Giacomo degli Spagnoli and the Formation of Spanish Identity in Sixteenth Century Rome,” (PhD diss., Temple University 2011), 91-93. The scant literature on Rosselli includes D. Gnoli, “ Pietro Rosselli, architetto ” in Annuario dell’Ass. Cultori di Arch, ” (1919); Charles Robertson, “Bramante, Michelangelo and the Sistine Ceiling,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 49 (1986): 91-105. Manredo Tafuri, “ ’Roma instaurata’: Strategie urbane e politiche pontificie nella Roma del primo ‘500’ ” in Raffaello Architetto , 78; and Gustina Scaglia, “Antonio del Tanghero in Rome in 1518 with Pietro Rosselli, Michelangelo Buonarroti, and Antonio da Sangallo Il Giovane,” Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorischen Instituts in Florenze 38 (1994), 219. Rosselli was a brother-in-law of Simone del Pollauiolo, better known as Il Cronaca, the sculptor who collaborated with Giuliano da Sangallo in Santo Spirito (see Vitale Zanchettin, “ Simone del Pollaiolo e la formazione di Michelangelo architetto ,” Annali di Architettura XXV (2015): 61-80).

194 of Marcellus in Rome.654 The Florentine sculptor cum architect also helped complete

Palazzo Alberini in 1521, six years after Raphael began construction of a building intended by the patron as a rental property (fig. 84).655 Rosselli’s other known residential projects include Palazzo Pichi Manfroni Lovatti on Corso Vittorio Emanuele

II (1505-1508) for Girolamo Pichi, maestro di strade during the pontificate of Juius II;

Casa Sander (1508); the palazzetto for Propsero Mochi with its elaborately decorated façade on in Rome (1516); Palazzo dell’Ugone della Spina; and his own house on the same street (fig. 85 and 86).656 His extensive collaboration with both

Michelangelo and Antonio da Sangallo the Younger positions both architects as possible collaborators on the finishing touches for Palazzo Pucci. 657

654 Rosselli is also noted in Vasari’s life of Bartolommeo Bandinelli in an episode in which a heavy block of marble is transported across the Arno. See also Gnoli, “ Pietro Rosselli, architetto,” 11.

655 See Shelly E. Zuraw’s entry on Pietro di Giacomo Rosselli in the Dictionary of Italian Art (Rome), 1400. See also John Shearman, Raphael in Early Modern Sources, 1483-1602 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992), 207.

656 Zuraw, “Pietro di Giacomo Rosselli,” 1400. For Palazzo Pichi see Tafuri, “‘ Roma instaurata ,’” 78. The entry on Prospero Mochi by Filippo Crucciti in Treccani.It (L’Enciclopedia Italiana, vol. 75, 2011) cites Mochi’s habitation in the “ rione ” during the years in which he was charged with the oversight of Antonio da Sangallo the Younger’s work on the city’s military fortifications (1537 to 1542). The entry on his house on Via dei Coronari designed by Pietro Rosselli with the help of Antonio da Sangallo the Younger makes note of the influence of the Palazzo della Cancelleria nearby: “ Esiste tuttora in Roma, in via dei Coronari nn. 148-149, una delle case del Mochi. Fu costruita, o forse radicalmente ristrutturata, nel 1516, in stile tardorinascimentale, sotto la responsabilità dell’architetto fiorentino Pietro di Giacomo Rosselli, aiutante di Antonio da Sangallo il Giovane nelle fortificazioni di Roma, e risente ancora, nella purezza delle linee, dell’influenza del palazzo della Cancelleria. La costruzione, decorata in origine da eleganti graffiti ancora visibili alla fine dell’Ottocento e coronata da un cornicione a mensole, si sviluppa su tre piani con finestre ornate con lo stemma della famiglia Mochi. Sulla trabeazione del portale l’iscrizione: «Tua puta que tute facis». Le finestre del primo piano indicano il nome e la carica del proprietario: «P. De Mochis Abbr[eviatore] Ap[ostolico]», quelle del secondo riportano i motti: «Non omnia possumus omnes» e «Promissis mane». Il M. abitò in questa casa dal 10 marzo 1517; nel 1542 la vendette ai fratelli Virgilio e Alessandro De Grassi per 1200 scudi. ”

657 Moreover, there are payments in December 1528 to Antonio da Sangallo the Younger in the cardinal’s accounts, but the nature of his work for the Pucci, refugees from the Sack of Rome whose recent work on Villa Casignano near Florence was interrupted by the crisis, may also relate to that villa or his renovation of the house the Pucci rented in Oriveto. Unpublished, ASF, VGL 260, c. 5b, dated December 1528, is the notation of an outstanding debt of grain owed by Antonio the Younger: “Antonio Sangallo de(ve) dare scudi 14 per valuta di una soma di grano avuto da biagio nostro .” Antonio da Sangallo the

195 Despite decades of working along side Michelangelo, Pietro Rosselli is the author of only a handful of known letters to the Florentine master, who was also an especially close friend of Giuliano da Sangallo’s.658 The first, written in 1506, quotes

Bramante, who speculated that Michelangelo had designed too many figures in the tomb of Julius II to complete the project. 659 Others relate to the commission for San

Silvestro in Capite. 660 A later spate of correspondence includes a missive dated

February 4, 1526 that speaks to a sense of deep betrayal at the latest turn of events, in which Michelangelo has apparently supplied Giuliano Leno (c.1480-1530), superintendent of the Vatican building works, with a design for a rusticated façade for

Palazzo Pucci .661 Admitting that for the past six years he has sought this project for his son, Domenico, Rosselli complains that more than twenty witnesses were present when

Cardinal Pucci proudly displayed a sketch described as “like that of the house where

Raphael of Urbino lived opposite Hadrian, with those raised blocks of tufa or stone according to the Rome custom, which is stones of tufa, and over the stone blocks a

Younger was engaged in numerous papal projects at the time construction on Palazzo Pucci commenced. Between 1519 and 1520 Antonio the Younger was working on the deambulatorio of St. Peter’s basilica and on Villa Madama on Monte Mario (Frommel, Architettura alla Corte Papale Nel Rinascimento, 84). In this payment record, Antonio the Younger is documented as owing the Pucci grain, either for work previously undertaken that he has not completed or for provisions not yet paid for, possibly during the difficult years following the Sack of Rome.

658 According to E. H. Ramsden’s introduction to the letters of Michelangelo, his known correspondence includes four-hundred-and-ninety known letters written by the master himself.

659 Charles Robertson, “Bramante, Michelangelo and the Sistine Ceiling,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 49 (1986): 98 cites the letter and transcribes it. See Ramsden, The Letters of Michelangelo, appendix 11, “The Tomb of Pope Julius II: 1505-1545,” 249-258.

660 Wallace, “Friends and Relics at San Silvestro in Capite, Rome,” 419-439, esp. 426.

661 Giulio Carlo Argan and Bruno Contardi, Michelangelo Architect (Milan: Electa, 1990), 173-74. Christoph L. Frommel, General Editor and Nicholas Adams, The Architectural Drawings of Antonio da Sangallo the Younger and his Circle (Cambridge: The MIT Press, 1994), volume I, Fortifications, Machines, and Festival Architecture, 136 makes note of an inspection tour to Parma that Givanni Battista da Sangallo and Antonio the Younger made with Giuliano Leno in 1526.

196 giant order, and above the columns of said giant order the architrave and frieze and cornice.” 662

The palace referenced in the letter as “Raphael’s House” was actually designed by Donato Bramante sometime around 1510 and purchased by his young relative

Raphael of Urbino in 1517. 663 The design of the façade of Palazzo Caprini on Via

Alessandrina was unprecedented in its handling of the façade, stucco treated to look like tufa to create the effect of rustication, with four bays on either side of the center portal for shops and other commercial activities (fig. 87). Equally innovative was the use of light to break up the heavy rustication on the street level and illuminate the subtle modulations in the building’s design. Differently shaped openings cut into the bays allowed light into the façade at the spring line of each arch, rectangular openings in the bays on either end of the building and round oculi in the bays framing the center portal. A stringcourse separated the heavy rustication of the ground level from the smooth finish of the piano nobile, a more refined application highlighted by high pedimented windows fitted with balustrades. Five windows, each separated by a set of paired Doric columns and surmounted by a continuous Doric entablature, were aligned with the openings of the arcade on the ground level. 664

662 Argan and Contardi, Michelangelo Architect , 174, quotes the letter and makes note of Michelangelo’s sketches for a Roman palace for Bartolomeo Valori, named in the cardinal’s inventory as a regular occupant of the palazzo.

663 Arnaldo Bruschi, Bramante (New York and London: Thames and Hudson, 1977), 173. See also Pier Nicola Pagliara, “ Palazzo Alberini, palazzo Branconio e Palazzo Pandolfini ,” in Raffaello Architetto , ed. C.L. Frommel, S. Ray, M. Tafuri (Milan: Electa, 1984) and “ Due palazzi romani di Raffaello ,” in Raffaello a Roma (Rome: Edizioni dell'Elefante , 1986).

664 Bruschi, Bramante , 173.

197 The survival of two other letters from Michelangelo’s Roman agent, Giovanni

Francesco Fattuci, encouraging his friend and client to respond to repeated requests from the powerful Florentine cardinal for a design of the façade along the lines of this much-admired Roman townhome appear to substantiate Rosselli’s concerns that his son

Domenico was not the leading contender for the commission. On February 8, 1525,

Fattuci, by now Michelangelo’s designated legal representative in Rome, wrote

Michelangelo a letter in which he requested a selection of proposals for the façade and made note of Cardinal Pucci’s desire to add a revetment of ashlar to the level of the piano nobile of his new palace. 665 In light of the cardinal’s leverage over Michelangelo as an executor of the estate of Pope Julius II, Fattuci urged his friend and client, now preoccupied with the design of the in Florence for Pope Clement

VII, to submit a drawing of the façade for the newly constructed building. 666 Another letter, also dated to the spring of 1525, speaks to Michelangelo’s growing distress over the troubled tomb project and his fear of legal action on the part of its executors. At this juncture, Michelangelo was even considering litigating his responsibilities: “Giovanni,”

Michelangelo wrote to Giovanni Spina in Florence, “I don’t think there is any necessity to send a power of attorney in respect of the Tomb of Pope Julius, because I don’t want to go to law. They can’t go to law if I admit that I’m in the wrong. I’ll assume that I’ve

665 Carteggi di Michelangelo , Vol. III and Argan and Contardi, Michelangelo Architect , 173.

666 Ramsden, The Letters of Michelangelo, vol. 1, 148-149 reproduces a letter dated December 1523 expressing Michelangelo’s ongoing concerns over the tomb project. Whether or not Michelangelo actually constructed a façade for Santi Quattro’s sprawling city palace is unclear, but his extensive dealings with Lorenzo Pucci regarding the tomb for Julius II are documented over a twenty-five year period, beginning with Pucci’s service as the papal datary and then as executor of the pope’s estate, where the problem of the unfinished tomb project outlived the cardinal. Argan and Contardi, Michelangelo Architect , 186-198 examine Michelangelo’s involvement in the Laurentian Library in the church of San Lorenzo, Florence between 1519-1559.

198 been to law and have lost and must pay up,” adding, clearly resigned, “This I’m prepared to do, if I can.” 667

These letters and the cardinal’s payment records make clear that the recipient of the design, Giuliano Leno, the Roman entrepreneur who wielded enormous influence as head of the Vatican fabbrica, had general oversight over Cardinal Pucci’s building project. 668 Whether the façade as it was built is a version of a drawing by Michelangelo is unclear, although it is worth noting that the simple but elegant pediments over window frames adorned with a single are trademarks of Michelangelo’s reaction against the increasingly exaggerated architectural trends of the sixteenth century, a minimalist approach most evident in his treatment of Santa Maria degli Angeli in

Rome. 669 In any case, the archival evidence identifies Domenico Rosselli as the sculptor who helped fabricate the rusticated portal with its oversized .

667 Ramsden, The Letters of Michelangelo , vol. 1., 159, April 19, 1525.

668 Ivana Ait and Manuel Vaquero Piñeiro, Dai casali alla fabbrica di San Pietro, I Leni: uomini d’affairi del Rinascimento , chapter II, “ I Leni Mercatores Romani ,” (Rome: Ministero per I Beni e Le Attivita Culturali, 2000). Other members of the Pucci family enjoyed a close relationship with Giuliano Leno and the artists and architects under his purview. Unpublished, ASF. VGL 271, c. 1 documents a payment of one to Giuliano Leno from Raffaello Pucci from his chasa (sic) in Orvieto in May 1530.

669 The conversion of the extensive thermal bath complex on the Strada Pia was a project of great interest to the papacy, which saw in its infamous history as the site of Christian martyrdom the opportunity to create a mythology from a steadfast refusal to adopt heathen practices. Despite numerous studies and proposals by the circle of Sangallo, Donato Bramante, and Badassare Peruzzi that date to the first two decades of the Cinquecento, it was not until 1550 under Julius III (1487-1555) that the project for the conversion of the center hall of the frigidarium and its symmetrical system of bays and barrel- vaulted chambers into a church was approved. Construction on Santa Maria degli Angeli e dei Martiri alle Terme was not begun until 1563, however, and the renovations to Michelangelo’s design were continued after his death by a nephew of Lo Duca’s, who was also a pupil of Michelangelo’s. As it stands now, the richly decorated church bears almost no relation to Michelangelo’s original renovation. “In reality, Michelangelo did almost nothing there. He limited himself to marking off the space with some dividing walls and creating a deep presbytery...Michelangelo designed the minor axis from the vestibule- rotunda to the altar as the principal focus. That was all. Zevi saw rightly that, in this church, Michelangelo’s refusal to ‘construct’ was the supreme text of the not-finished and the highest point of his transcendentalism. Art was no longer the making of an object but the contemplation of an idea.” (Argan and Contardi, Michelangelo Architect , 309).

199 While the Pucci payment books outline a commission in which Pietro Rosselli was employed by the cardinal from 1521 until the end of 1525 to oversee construction of the building, his son Domenico, who first joined the construction crew in 1524, was back on the in the spring and summer of 1526.670 The Pucci account books also document the oversight Domenico Rosselli had over the renovations to the palazzo on the Campo dei Fiori purchased in stages between in 1536 and 1537 by Lorenzo’s nephew Antonio, elevated to the post of cardinal priest when Lorenzo died in 1531 (a project reviewed in chapter seven).671

Cardinal Lorenzo Pucci’s expenditures between 1520 and 1526 further support the chronology implied by Rosselli’s complaint that “I worked hard for more than six years to bring (Domenico, his son) this project.” 672 The nature of the payments to Pietro

Rosselli -- who is not referred to as maestro (as are the muratore ) -- frequently include reimbursements for his expenditures, signaling his role as general contractor. 673 It is

670 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 608 is the account book maintained on behalf of Cardinal Lorenzo Pucci from 1520 to 1530 by the family bankers and in-laws Piero and Giovanni Bini labeled Yesus 1520/Questo libro è di Piero e Giovanni Bini e compagni di chorte di Roma in sul quale copieranno tutte le partite daranno delli conti sua a reverendissimo santi 4 delle quale partite ne tiene uno libro apresso di sé . The account books for the first six and a half years of Lorenzo Pucci’s cardinalate do not appear to have survived. Cardinal Pucci died on September 16, 1531.

671 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 610, c. 19a: “MDXXXVI/ Alexandro Deti e compagni a Firenze deon dare […] e deon avere […] e addì XXX detto (aprile) scudi dumilia piccioli per noi al signor Ieronimo Orsino per costo del palazo di Campo di Fiore a nostra vita, scudi 2000 .”

672 The letter is translated and cited by Argan and Contardi in Michelangelo: Architect , 174. ÍÍ

673 ASF, Riccardi 608, c. 3: “ 1520 (Florentine dating)

Reverendo domino Lorenzo Pucci Cardinale di Santi IIII […] e addì II detto prima (marzo) a mastro Batista da Charavagio muratore per questa settimana, ducati soldi 15 e addì detto ducato XXIIII larghi […] a Piero Rosselli per 2 settimane, ducati 24 […] e addì VIIII (marzo) detto prima a Piero Rosselli, ducati 12, soldi 4.”

200 worth adding that the interior of Palazzo Pucci shared with a number of other private projects attributed to Pietro Rosselli’s supervision a stylistic indebtedness to the

Cancelleria, Cardinal Riario’s palace off the Campo dei Fiori. 674 The cardinal’s ricordi document bi-weekly payments to Pietro Rosselli that were already underway in 1520 when Piero and Giovanni Bini’s banking records begin, wind down in the winter of of

1522, and are paid in arrears in August 1524, a hiatius that appears to track the political and financial difficulties exerienced by Lorenzo Pucci in the aftermath of Leo’s death in December 1521 (appendix 8).675 Adrian VI, elected supreme pontiff in January 1522

c. 3v 1521 Reverendo […] Lorenzo Pucci cardinale di santi IIII de' dare addì VI d'aprile per la somma del debito della faccia adrietro, ducati 9891 soldi 11 2/3 […] e addì detto prima (13 aprile) a mastro Batista da Chermona, ducati 15 e addì XX detto prima a mastro Batista da Chermona, ducati 15 ½ e addì detto (20 aprile) a Piero Rosselli ducati 12 larghi, ducati 12 lire 4 .”

674 Francesco Andreani also attributes aspects of the Cancelleria to Pietro Rosselli (“ Pietro Rosselli maestro della Cancelleria ,” Palladio 48 (2011): 5-20. Little is known about Domenico Rosselli’s career. In 1536 he worked on the corridore and the new entrance to the convent on the Campidoglio in Rome with Battista da Sangallo, who was not necessarily working with Antonio da Sangallo the Younger on this project (Arnaldo Bruschi, “Roma: 1527-50,” in Storia dell’architettura italiana, il primo Cinquecento , 181). See also Arnaldo Bruschi, “S. Pietro: spazi, strutture, ordini. Da Bramante ad Antonio da Sangallo il Giovane a Michelangelo ,” in L’architettura della basilica di San Pietro , Gianfranco Spagnesi, ed. (Rome: Quaderni dell’Istituto Storia dell’ architettura, 1997), 177-194.

675 ASF, Riccardi 608. c. 2b: “1520/ Reverendissimo domino Lorenzo Pucci cardinale a' santi IIII per conto chorente de' dare addì primo di marzo ducati hotto mila hotto cento tredici d'oro di carlini 7 fatti buoni per sua signoria reverendissima a Bernardo Buti e compagni per l'adrieto per resto di conto, ducati 8813/ e addì II detto prima a mastro Batista da Charavagio muratore portò questa settimana, ducati 15/ e addì detto ducati XXIIII larghi prima a Piero Rosselli per 2 settimane, ducati 24, soldi 8 .” In that same month, these contractors are paid again: “ Reverendo domino Lorenzo Pucci Cardinale di Santi IIII/ [… ]/ e addì II detto prima (marzo) a mastro Batista da Charavagio muratore per questa settimana, ducati soldi 15/ e addì detto ducato XXIIII larghi […] a Piero Rosselli per 2 settimane, ducati 24/[…]/ e addì VIIII (marzo) detto prima a Piero Rosselli, ducati 12, soldi 4.” The contractors involved in the construction, which was in full throttle in 1521 are also documented in c. 3b: “1521/ Reverendo [… ] Lorenzo Pucci cardinale di santi IIII de' dare addì VI d'aprile per la somma del debito della faccia adrietro, ducati 9891 soldi 11 2/3 […] e addì detto prima (13 aprile) a mastro Batista da Chermona, ducati 15/ e addì XX detto prima a mastro Batista da Chermona, ducati 15 ½/ e addì detto (20 aprile) a Piero Rosselli ducati 12 larghi, ducati 12 lire 4 .” The weekly payments are irregular, however. In March 1521 Pietro Rosselli is paid 24.8 ducats for one pay period, 12.4 ducats for another, and then not paid at

201 as a compromise candidate, did not make his formal entry until the end of August of that same year and only then began the investigation of venal abuses for which Cardinal

Pucci came under attack. 676 On the basis of these account records, it is clear that the cardinal was not in a position to pay Giuliano Leno for his contribution to the construction of Palazzo Pucci until his finances recovered sufficiently to make good on

336 ducats of the 500 ducats he owed the head of the Vatican fabbrica in back pay. 677 It is no coincidence that Clement VII had been elected pope in November 1523 and that the cardinal’s outlays included a payment of 102 ducats to the Florentine church of

Santa Maria Novella in July 1524. 678

By November 1524, the stonemasons were back on the job and the project in the

Campo Santo had moved into a second phase of activity.679 Maestro Domenico -- almost certainly Pietro Rosselli’s son given his identification in Piero’s letter to

Michelangelo as well as his collaboration with his father on other architectural and all in June-September. In September/October 1521 Pietro is then paid in arrears for his bi-weekly salary of 12.4 and also paid 80 ducats for what he has spent. Maestro Batista Cremona is paid 15 ducats every two weeks throughout the summer and fall of 1521 and there is another muratore on the job by the summer of 1522, when the cardinal also pays Marcho Ferraro for iron per fabricca a palazzo . By this time Rosselli’s weekly payments have petered down to 4.1 ducats and by the fall of 1522 they are half of that. On c. 18b Roselli is given a payment that appears related to several months of unpaid salary: “ E addì detto prima a piero Rosselli in partite cioe 8.2 ducati 2 soldi.”

676 See Pastor, The History of the Popes, vol. 9, 96-99.

677 ASF, Riccardi 608, c. 28: “1524/ Lorenzo Pucci cardinale di santi 4 per conto corrente de' avere [ … ]/ e addì 15 detto (agosto) ducati 236 dice auti da' Ghaddi a compimento di ducati 336 per 56 porzioni per luglio che ducati 100 ne anno prima a Strozzi per la partita prima di ducati 500 per Giuliano Leno, ducati 236.” The payment made on August 17 is also paid by the banker Filippo Strozzi: “1524/Lorenzo Pucci cardinale di santi 4 per conto corrente de' avere [ … ] e addì 17 detto (agosto) ducati 236 dice auti da' Ghaddi a compimento di ducati 336 per 56 porzioni per luglio che ducati 100 ne anno prima a Strozzi per la partita prima di ducati 500 per Giuliano Leno, ducati 236 .”

678 ASF, Riccardi 608, c. 27b.

679 Riccardi 608, c. 99-100.

202 sculptural commissions -- makes his first appearance in the cardinal’s account book in this same month, included with Maestro Batista of Cremona and Maestro Sandro, in the list of salaried muratore .680 In May 1525, a few months after Fatucci’s letter imploring

Michelangelo to come up with a design for the palazzo façade, Giuliano Leno was paid another 200 ducats in tutto .681 From the size and frequency of the cardinal’s outlays for the project, construction was moving ahead at full throttle in the summer of 1525 when the cardinal’s expenditures included payments to a woodworker ( Benedetto falegname ).682 Leno was paying the bi-weekly salaries of the masons (alla muragla sua ) and the cardinal made a payment for iron ( ferro ). 683 Guliano Leno was paid 100 ducats in this same period, reimbursed 142 ducats da alla muragla di sua in September

1525, and reumerated another 100 ducats in December 1525. 684 This transaction included a payment to Pietro Rosselli. 685 Judging by the enormous medical bills owed to Giovanfrancesco medicho , the cardinal was gravely ill but recovered sufficiently to authorize an expenditure to Maestro Giovani San Pietro orefice (goldworker) for uno

680 ASF, Riccardi 608, c. 97b: MDXXIIII/ Exito di novembre 1524 Reverendissimo domino Lorenzo Pucci cardinale di santi IIII de' dare [ … ] e addì XXV detto (novembre) ducati 10 a mastro Batista e ducati 10 a mastro Domenico e ducati X Alexandro muratori, ducati 30 .” c. 98b/”MDXXIIII/[…] e addì XVIII detto prima (novembre) ducati X a mastro Lixandro, ducati X a mastro Batista e ducati 10 a mastro Domenicho muratori in tutto, ducati 30 [ ... ] e addì XXV detto ducati 10 a mastro Batista e ducati 10 a mastro Domenico e ducati 10 a Lixandro muratori, ducati 30 .”

681 ASF, Riccardi 608, c. 104b: “ e addì detto prima ducato 180 a Giuliano Leno e ducati 20 per detto Giuliano pinsa … in tutto.” Domenico is paid a bi-weekly salary of 24 ducats along with the other muratori that increased to 30 ducats in 1525.

682 ASF, Riccardi 608, c. 103-104.

683 ASF, Riccardi 608, c. 102.

684 ASF, Riccardi 608, c. 106 and 111r and 108b: “ e addì detto xxviii detto prima a Giuliano Leno agosto della roba da alla muraglia di sua .”

685 ASF, Riccardi 608, c. 111b.

203 bachale d’argento per donare a donna di tomaso soderini, notwithstanding the long- standing enmity between the Medici and the Soderini, both of whom sought control over Florentine politics. 686 In the early spring of 1526, however, work on the palace in

Rome appears to have abated, even as the payment records indicate that it intensified at the Pucci villa in Casignano outside of Florence.687 Benedetto falegname (the woodworker) was paid in that period, suggesting that he was putting the finishing touches on the cardinal’s new palace in the Campo Santo. 688 Domenico Rosselli was also compensated for his contribution to the palazzo in May and June of 1526, three months after Rosselli’s anxious letter regarding the receipt of Michelangelo’s design.689

As it was built, only the rusticated portal of Palazzo Pucci reflects the design influence of the house Bramante designed on the broad boulevard commissioned by

686 ASF, Riccardi 608, c. 98b, c. 104b, and 105a.

687 ASF, Riccardi 608, c. 112-117 document the cardinal’s payments for construction on Casignano during this period, regular payments of 102.7 ducats per month that are augmented by payments to Raffaello Pucci. In July 1526, for example, Cardinal Lorenzo transfered 418 ducats to Raffaello Pucci for the muratore , the scarpellini, and the legniauolo. The cardinal continued to purchase land around his new villa and in February 1526 he spent 743 ducats for another podere in Casignano.

688 ASF, Riccardi 608, c. 112.

689 ASF, Riccardi 608. c. 111b. In June 1526 (c. 118) maestro Domenico muratore is paid 6 scudi . Thereafter individual payments to the masons, sculptors and woodworkers are not broken out, suggesting that these payments relate to the construction of Casignano, although the commission is not clear. In any event, payments to this unidentified trio of workers at an unidentified location run through year-end 1526 (see c. 118-c. 123). The chronology of construction on Palazzo Pucci in Rome after the papacy of Adrian VI is as follows: Following a hiatus in the construction in the beginning of 1523, broken only by the payment in August 1524 of 236 of the 500 ducats owed to Giuliano Leno, work on the project resumed in November 1524 when Maestro Domenico makes his appearance in the cardinal’s account books alongside Maestro Batista and Maestro Alessandro. Work continued through the spring of 1525 when the metalworker charged the cardinal for regular deliveries of iron and in 1526, when the masons are joined by a woodworker. Pietro Rosselli is then paid 5 ducats in May 1526, along with Giuliano Leno, who receives 16.2 ducats in that same month. C. 133 documents backpayments to Pietro Rosselli dated 1529- 1530, although it is worth noting that after May 1526, the focus of the cardinal’s construction payments turn to Villa Casignano outside of Florence, where he makes large and regular payments for woodworkers, stonemasons, and sculptors.

204 Alexander VI (1431-1503) on axis with the new epicenter of Christianity, a plan of urban renewal designed to both emphasize and transform the city’s ancient foundations.

While the palazzo’s unadorned stucco sheath certainly draws on the nationalistic idiom of Quattrocento Florentine villas, its decorous reserve speaks volumes about the sobriety of the cardinal’s apostolic mission. The structural armature of a portal inserted within a clean linearity further reflects the cool detachment of the papal lawyers occupying the long line of cubicles running along the rear of the building, fine legal minds tasked with the merciless persecution of heresy and generating much-needed funds for the papal coffers.

Life Within the Camera Apostolica

While the administrative offices of the papal penitentiary looked out onto the gardens in the rear, an enormous staff of clerics, prelates, and administrators spilled over into the upper levels of Palazzo Pucci where the domestic servants attending the cardinal and his retinue lived and worked. 690 Taking his cue from the princely scale of

Leo’s court, the cardinal reported a famiglia in the Descriptio Urbis of 1526 that had ballooned to one hundred ninety bocche (mouths). 691 While Pucci’s staff was not nearly as large as the three hundred and sixty-six bocche recorded by Cardinal Alessandro

690 Temple, renovatio urbis , 101.

691 Domenico Gnoli, " Descriptio Urbis, o censimento della popolazione di Roma avanti il sacco Borbonico ," Archivio della Società di storia patria 17 (1894) 375-404. See also Livio Livi, “ Un censimento di Roma avanti il Sacco Borbonico : Saggio di Demografia storica ,” Giornale degli Economisti e Rivista di Statistica, Serie terza, 5 (1914): 1-100. For the lifestyle appropriate to a cardinal see Paolo Cortese’s manuscript de cardinalatu published in 1510. See also Kathleen Weil-Garris Brandt and John D’Amico, The Renaissance Cardinal's Ideal Palace : A Chapter From Cortesi's De cardinalatu (Rome: Edizioni dell’Elefante, American Academy in Rome, 1980). For an account of the lifestyle of Renaissance cardinals see Mary Hollingsworth and Carol Richardson, eds. The Possessions of a Cardinal: Politics, Piety, and Art, 1450-1700 ). The inventories and household possessions of Ippolito d’Este, Archbishop of Milan, are analyzed in Hollingsworth, The Cardinal's Hat (see ff. 547).

205 Farnese, it was in line with the households of Cardinals Ridolfi, Trani, and Cybo, and certainly dwarfed the retinue maintained by the Dominican cardinal Tommaso de Vio, who supported less than fifty retainers, employees, and servants. 692 In addition to large monthly expenditures on food and salaries, the pomp and circumstance of the cardinal’s court is implied by the outlays in his account books for wine and clothing. 693 New carriages and liveries were also par for the course for members of the curia traveling in a style befitting the rank of a cardinal. In 1528, for example, when the papacy was still reeling from the occupation of Rome by the Imperial army, Cardinal Pucci spent 10 ducats on a trip back to the papal court. 694 In this same quaderno , there are entire pages devoted to the cost of horses and household provisions. Payments in measures of grain in rubia to the papal architect Antonio da Sangallo the Younger indicate that not all of these agricultural provisions related to maintaining the cardinal’s immediate famiglia ; some of them were payments in kind for architectural services and other artistic commissions. 695

692 Melissa Bullard, “Bindo Altoviti, Renaissance Banker and Papal Financier,” in Raphael, Cellini, & A Renaissance Banker (Boston: Isabella Stewart Gardner Museum, 2003), 29. Gigliola Fragnito, “Cardinals’ Courts ,” 39. The expenses associated with a household of this size were by no means limited to the cost of housing. By the time that Lorenzo’s younger brother Roberto assumed the titular tile of Cardinal Santi Quattro, outlays for wine alone ran between 50 and 70 ducats per month. Cardinal Roberto’s expenses also included 220 ducats in grain, purchased in bulk, an average of 50 ducats per month in oil, and at least that much in wood. All told, the cost of provisioning Cardinal Pucci’s household reached 3,600 ducats in 1544.

693 ASF, Riccardi 608, c. 23a-b. Lorenzo’s account books record payments of 143 ducats and another 702 ducats at the end of 1523 for an entrata , almost certainly the celebrations in honor of the election of Clement VII to the papacy in November of that same year.

694 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 260, c. 127b: “ prima spese a ... per tornare a Roma .” In 1520-21 when the cardinal was commuting between Rome and Florence he laid out 5 ducats for each excursion (Unpublished, ASF, VGL 260, c. 10a and 10b).

695 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 260, c. 5b. Dated December 1528, the notation reads: “ Antonio Sangallo de(ve) dare scudi 14 per valuta di una soma di grano avuto da biagio nostro .”

206 Investing in the Eternal City: A New House in the Rione; Land in the Fornace

The cardinal’s acquisition of undeveloped land was hardly confined to the lots he purchased in the neighborhood immediately adjacent to his imposing new palazzo in the Campo Santo. Previously unknown records document Cardinal Lorenzo Pucci’s acquisition of large amounts of acreage in the rolling hills overlooking St. Peter’s that were accessed by the Porta Torrione, the ancient Roman gate in the Aurelean walls surrounding the city (fig.71). 696 In August 1517, for example, the cardinal made arrangements to purchase a house next to Santa Maria del Riposo just outside the thick

Roman gate; by1529 he had acquired nearly forty pieces of land stretching from the

Porta di Torrione to . 697 Encouraged by papal bulls of 1516 and

1519 promoting construction in the undeveloped land outside the city walls, the conversion of vineyards into formalized gardens and classically-inspired suburban villas from which to admire the views was especially popular with members of the curia and the bankers who grew wealthy in their service.698 Most noteworthy were the suburban villas designed during the two Medici papacies. Baldassare Turini di Pescia,

696 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 373 is a thirty-one-page giornali documenting the cardinal’s acquisitions of property between 1514 and 1521.

697 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 392, insert 8, unpaginated. The cardinal paid 440 ducats for the house, which was bordered by the door of the church of Santa Maria del Riposo and the public access to the church. The area is also described in Unpublished, ASF, VGL 607, c. 1: “ posta fuor di porta Torrione in sulla Arad anche va’ a’ Ss Maria del Riposo a mano … destra la fornace, confinata a strada, a le mura di Roma .”

698 The so-called disabitato also encouraged the development of relatively less inhabited areas within the city walls. For the construction of Roman pleasure villas see David R. Coffin, The Villa in the life of Renaissance Rome (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1979), 245, who cites R. Lefevre, Villa Madama (Rome, 1973), 18 and notes the reaffirmation of the privileges by Leo X in January 1519 notes: “In a papal bull of November 2, 1516, Pope Leo X enunciated a policy aimed at encouraging suburban building by extending the privileges granted by earlier popes for urban development to sites just outside the city “where many beautiful gardens, vineyards and other summer retreats and buildings, no less lovely than useful and necessary, have ben rising in the last few years.”” See also Lowe, Church and Politics in Renaissance Italy , 219.

207 appointed papal datary by Leo X in 1518, hired Giulio Romano to design the Villa

Lante al Gianicolo that, while smaller than the Villa Madama, Raphael’s archaeological reconstruction of an ancient villa replete with internal and external references to the

Roman Empire, vied with other pleasure palaces built during the Renaissance for its understated grandeur and spectacular vistas.699 As Fragnito points out in her study of cardinals’ courts in sixteenth-century Rome, this aspect of the renovatio urbis was understood as enhancing the papacy’s political prestige. 700 The area known as the

Fornace where the cardinal’s real estate holdings were concentrated was home to artisans, tailors, and other craftsmen in the service of the papal court, a number of

699 Coffin, The Villa in the Life of Renaissance Rome . 245-246 and 257-265. Coffin, Magnificent Buildings , 112 notes that “by the sixteenth century the cardinals of the Church at Rome viewed their villas not only as delightful seats for the enjoyment of the pleasures of rural life, but as images of their position and wealth. The device of a villa’s ‘self-image’ and the policy of public access enunciated in the Lex Hortorum enhanced the position of the owners as men of ‘splendor,’ generous patrons of the arts, and men of power.” As Coffin further explains in his chapter “The Self-Image of the Roman Villa During the Renaissance” architectural grandeur among cardinals and their wealthy bankers – first expressed in landscaping as Bramante’s Belvedere for Pope Innocent VIII that was illusionistically combined with the features of a city house in Peruzzi’s Farnesina -- reached new heights during the pontificate of Pius IV, who reputedly spent a million and a half golden scudi on architecture and fortifications alone. The grandson of Pope Paul III, Alessandro Farnese was a wealthy cardinal who completed the villa at Caprarola near Viterbo begun by his grandfather to a plan by Vignola in 1556. Cardinal Ferdinand de’ Medici later began work on his suburban villa high on the Pincian Hill; Cardinal Felice Peretti Montalto built a villa near his titular church of Sta. Maria Maggiore; Cardinal Gambera, despite his status as a “poor” cardinal who received a papal stipend, built Villa Lante in Bagnaia, also near Viterbo; and Ippolito II d’Este, the cardinal of Ferrara and grandson of Pope Alexander VI hired Pirro Ligorio to create Villa d’Este. ( Magnificent Buildings, 91-117.) For Villa Lante, see Giulio Romano , Ernst H. Gombrich, Manfredo Tafuri, Sylvia Ferino Pagden, Christoph L. Frommel, Konrad Oberhuber, Amadeo Belluzzi, Kurt W. Forster, and Howard Burns, eds., (Milan: Electa, 1989). For the design and decorations of these buildings see also John Shearman, “ Die Loggia der Psyche in der und der Stil ,” Jahrbuch der Kunsthistorischen Sammlungen in Wien 60 (1964) and “Raphael as Architect,” Journal of the Royal Society of Arts (1968): 308-409. The literature on Villa Madama includes W.E. Greenwood, Villa Madama Rome: A Reconstruction (New York: William Helburn, Inc., 1928) and David R. Coffin, “ The Plans of the Villa Madama,” The Art Bulletin 2 (1967): 111-122 . A study of the Villa Madama by Yvonne Elet entitled Architectural Invention in Renaissance Rome: Artists, Humanists, and the Planning of Raphael’s Villa Madama is forthcoming from Cambridge University Press.

700 Fragnito, “Cardinals’ Courts ,” 38.

208 whom rented houses from the Pucci. 701 Most of these lots were vineyards, some with small houses on them, while others were canetti, the thickets of cane used in making building soffits.702

The cardinal’s investments in other Roman properties were as functional as they were tactical in scope. Lorenzo Pucci helped bail out his personal banker, bankrupted by Leo’s default on his enormous debts, by purchasing the Bini residence on Via del

Consolato, a city palace built during the pontificate of Leo X with a beautiful cortile attributed to Raphael of Urbino (fig. 88).703 As with other large purchases, the cardinal

701 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 625 c. 10, for example, records the rent of a house to the tailor Maestro Oreto in 1560.

702 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 606, “Transonto d’Instromenti dal 1516 al 1529 de SS Pucci” contains a description of these properties, almost all of which were purchased between 1516 and 1520 . Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 607 contained a summary of contracts signed by Cardinal Lorenzo Pucci that identifies the twenty-three tracts of land still owned by the family in 1589.

703 The history of Palazzo Bini is detailed in Archivio dell'Arciconfraternita dei Fiorentini, Catalogo Cronologico , 21: "Permuta fatta per la chiesa de SS. Tommaso ed Orso con Pietro e Giovanni di Leonardo Bini Mercanti Fiorentini, e quali avendo acquistato una casa grande, ed una piccola nella via che dai Banchi tendeva alla Chiesa di S. Giovanni de' Fiorentini nel luogo detto Monte d'Argento e desiderando fare un grandioso fabricato riunendo tanto queste due case, quanto un'altra casetta ad esse contigua di diretto dominio della sudetta Ven.le Chiesa de SS. Tommaso ed Orso per questo effetto i medesimi fratelli Bini avendo acquistato il diritto dominio di una casa nel medesimo Rione Ponte vicino la chiesa di S. Simone, confinante da un lato con i beni di Antonio Graziadei, da altro lato i beni del q. Gio. Paolo de Baglioni, di dietro i beni di Marco Elefanti ed avanti la via Publica, quale casa si riteneca in enfiteusi da Bartolomeo Damio Oste genovese, e Maria Greca sua moglie, cosi i sudetti fratelli Bini progettarono, ed effettuarono in vigore del presente Istromento la permuta di dette case, cedendo cioè alla chiesa dei SS. Tommaso ed Orso invece della suindicata casetta nella via detta in oggi del consolato, l'altra casa contigua alla chiesa di S. Simone ossia all'Arco di Parma come sopra acquistata. Rogato Stefano de Amannis, Not.o Pub.o " Palazzo Bini along with Palazzo Altoviti and Palazzo Vaiani on Via Paola was demolished between 1886 and 1888: Adolfo Pernier “Rione V: Ponte, ” I Rioni di Roma 14 (1936), 21: "Non lungo dal palazzo Altoviti, in via del Consolato, era il palazzo dei Bini che funono anche'essi non soltanto grandi banchieri e mercanti fiorentini, ma anche generosi mecenati che, profondendo tesori, tennero per molto tempo in Roma un alto grado. Anche il loro bel palazzo, costruito al tempo di Leone X, e ricordato, insieme al palazzo Altoviti, da Domenico Gnoli, fu demolito nel 1888. " See also Alessio Caporali, “ Frammenti della decorazione perduta al ,” Bollettino dei Musei Comunali di Roma ,” Nova Serie 26 (2012): 21-30. See the map of Via Giulia during the time of the architectural contest for the design of San Giovanni dei Fiorentini in Francesco Paolo Fiore, “ Roma, Le Diverse Maniere ,” 143. I am indebted to Julia Vicioso for this bibliography on Palazzo Bini. See also Alessio Caporali, “Frammenti della decorazione perduta al Museo di Roma,” Bollettino dei Musei Comunali di Roma 26 (2012): 21-30. Melissa Meriam Bullard, “Mercantores Florentini Romanorum Curiam Sequentes

209 appears to have acquired the palace in stages, a previously unknown transaction that helps explain why Bernardo Bini, bankrupted by Leo’s default on 156,000 ducats in unpaid debts (de propriis pecuniis ), is documented as living in a “magnificent” house in

Florence after 1521. 704 Bini served as consul to the Florentine nation in Rome and his city palace was located only a block away from the headquarters of the Florentine community in Rome. Designed by the papal architect Antonio da Sangallo the

Younger, who proposed a series of solutions for the ambulatory and extended its façade up to Via Giulia, San Giovanni dei Fiorentini was among the most important landmarks

in the Early Sixteenth Century,” Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies 6 (1976), 69 explains the favor shown to the Bini bankers, one of the preeminent Florentine banking houses in Rome, as a result of their support for the Medici when they were exiled from Florence. See also Raffaello architetto. ed. C. L. Frommel (Milan: Electa, 1984). The Bini palace, built during the pontificate of Leo X, was demolished along with Palazzo Altoviti in 1886-88 to accommodate the widening of the Corso Vittorio Emanuele II. I gratefully acknowledge the contribution of Julia Vicioso to this citation.

704 For the history of the Bini banking empire and its bankruptcy following the death of Leo X see again Michele Luzzati’s entry on Bernardo Bini and on his son Piero in Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani , (Rome, 1968), vol. 10, 518-19. Piero, who took over the Bini banking empire from his father and was also banker to the Pucci, was well aware of the cardinal’s commitment to providing for other members of the Pucci family. His banking books ( ricordi ) report regular gifts of money from the cardinal to his brothers and their sons on whose behalf he also paid the membership dues in the newly created noble order of the Knights of St. Peters. See Litta, “Pucci di Firenze,” vol. 15, table V for the Pucci’s relationship with the Bini family. Giannozzo Pucci (d. 1497) first married into the Bini family of bankers in 1483. Oretta di Piero Pucci married Piero di Bernardo Bini. Waldman, “The patronage of a Favorite of Leo X,” 120 points out that Bernardo Bini served as paymaster of Clement VII, disbursing funds to Michelangelo for the Tomb for Julius II as recorded in , Vita di Michelangelo Buonarroti , Giovanni Nencioni ed. (Florence, 1998), 36 and 48. The close relationship of the Bini Bank with the rise of Lorenzo Pucci at the papal court is detailed in the biographical account of Bernardo Bini in the Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani , vol. 10 (Rome: Istituto della enciclopedia italiana, 1968), 503- 506 by Michele Luzzati: “ Figlio di Piero di Giovanni di Iacopo Bini, nacque in Firenze nel 1461 da una famiglia di popolo immigrata dal contado alla fine del Duecento e ascesa per la prima volta al priorato nel 1352. Lo stesso padre del Bini era stato priore nel 1462 e nel 1468, ed aveva fatto parte delle balìe del 1466, del 1471 e del 1480. Il Bini, avviatosi alle attività mercantili, si portò a Roma fin dal pontificato di Alessandro VI, introducendosi nell'ambiente di corte grazie ai rapporti di parentela e d'amicizia con la casa dei Pucci. La faticosa e paziente trafila dell'apprendistato cortigiano del Bini può ben cogliersi di scorcio in un gruppo di lettere dell'ottobre 1493 indirizzate al cognato, Giannozzo d'Antonio Pucci. Si trattava di ottenere diversi benefizi ecclesiastici per Lorenzo Pucci, più tardi cardinale, e il Bini venne avviato ai Farnese (essi stessi imparentati coi Pucci) e in particolare a Giulia Orsini Farnese, sorella del futuro Paolo III e vicinissima ad Alessandro VI. Vivacemente descritte sono in queste lettere le alterne fortune del postulante, che cerca di non lasciarsi sfuggire l'occasione di legarsi agli influenti personaggi con cui viene in contatto, affrettandosi a procurare le più varie mercanzie richiestegli: così giustificherà le sue premure per la Farnese ricordando che "se non la servissi sarei in disghratia, che ò chominciato a esser di chasa più che 'lla ghranata."

210 in rione Ponte, the financial district near the Platea Pontis where the Florentines set up their banking firms.705 The historic import of the Quartiere dei Banchi and its proximity to the medieval mint ( zecca ) reached as far back as the Etruscans. At the time of the Roman republic, two thoroughfares in this district, Via dei Banchi Vecchi and

Via del Pellegrino, were highlights of the ancient triumphal route to the Roman

Forum. 706 Palazzo Bini, described in Lorenzo’s will as una casa nuova che fu di bernardo di bino situata a roma in regione pontis presso (prope) la chiesa dei fiorentini was passed down through the cardinal’s heirs so that when the last of the three Pucci cardinals died in 1547 ownership of the property was transferred to

Cardinal Roberto’s son Pandolfo. 707 Notwithstanding its illustrious history and much- admired cortile, Palazzo Bini was torn down in the late nineteenth century along with

705 For the history of San Giovanni dei Fiorentini and the development of the surrounding area see Christoph L. Frommel, general editor and Nicholas Adams, editor, The Architectural Drawings of Antonio da Sangallo the Younger and his Circle, Volume II, Churches, Villas, the Pantheon, Tombs, and Ancient Inscriptions (Cambridge: The MIT Press, 2000), 164. See also L. Salerno, L. Spezzaferro, and M.Tafuri, Via Giulia: una utopia urbanistica del 500 (Rome: Staderini, 1973); Julia Vicioso, “ La Basilica di San Giovanni dei Fiorentini a Roma: Individuazione delle vicende progettuali ,” Bollettino d'Arte del Ministero per i Beni Culturali e Ambientali 72, (Rome: Istituto Poligrafico e Zecca dello Stato, 1992): 73-114; and Nicholas Temple, renovatio urbis, 42, 53 and 117. For Sangallo’s own house on Via Giulia see Giovannoni, Antonio da Sangallo il Giovane, 313-21. Giovannoni also analyzes Palazzo Farnese (150-69); S. Giovanni dei Fiorentini in Rome (215-23); and Ss Giacomo degli Spanguoli in Rome (242-45). Manfredo Tafuri discusses the competition for the church of San Giovanni dei Fiorentini in “ Architecture and Myth in the Era of Leo X ,” in Interpreting the Renaissance: Princes, Cities, Architects (Yale University and Harvard University Graduate School of Design, 2006) originally published in Italian (Turin: Giulio Einuadi editore, 1992). The church and its neighboring buildings are also illustrated in Francesco Paolo Fiore’s essay, “Rome: Le Diverse Maniere ,” Storia dell’architettura italiana: il primo Cinquecento , 143.

706 Temple, renovatio urbis, 279 , f. 10 and 42 provides an explanation of the origins of the Roman triumph in the Tarquini.

707 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 609, c. 170a. See also Unpublished, ASF, MGR 373, c. 151 dx: “ Una casa grande posta in Roma quale hera di Bernardo Bini compra per tutto quello che il reverendo cardinale Lorenzo restava creditore di Piero e Giovanni Bini e compagni che erano circa ducati 8000 di camera de' dare per la valuta d'essa casa compera e restata nella sua redità che si valutao scudi 9000 d'oro posto havere le sustanzie d'esso reverendissimo a c. 3, scudi 9000 .”

211 Palazzo Altoviti and other of the Renaissance residences off Via Giulia (fig 89).708

Death Becomes the Cardinal

In the same way that Cardinal Pucci’s building program operated as an architectural ekphrasis that gave expression to his standing among the wealthier princes of the church, his charitable bequests spoke to the generosity with which he ministered his diocese. In theological terms, his beneficence to those in need asserted the reciprocal nature of his relationship with Christ. 709 At no time was this more in evidence than at the time of his death on September 16, 1531. In addition to his bequests to Trinit à dei Monti, Lorenzo Pucci included 1,000 scudi in his will for a chapel in San Marco in Florence dedicated to Saint Antoninus and 225 scudi for

708 The history of Palazzo Bini is detailed in Archivio dell'Arciconfraternita dei Fiorentini, Catalogo Cronologico , 21: "Permuta fatta per la chiesa de SS. Tommaso ed Orso con Pietro e Giovanni di Leonardo Bini Mercanti Fiorentini, e quali avendo acquistato una casa grande, ed una piccola nella via che dai Banchi tendeva alla Chiesa di S. Giovanni de' Fiorentini nel luogo detto Monte d'Argento e desiderando fare un grandioso fabricato riunendo tanto queste due case, quanto un'altra casetta ad esse contigua di diretto dominio della sudetta Ven.le Chiesa de SS. Tommaso ed Orso per questo effetto i medesimi fratelli Bini avendo acquistato il diritto dominio di una casa nel medesimo Rione Ponte vicino la chiesa di S. Simone, confinante da un lato con i beni di Antonio Graziadei, da altro lato i beni del q. Gio. Paolo de Baglioni, di dietro i beni di Marco Elefanti ed avanti la via Publica, quale casa si riteneca in enfiteusi da Bartolomeo Damio Oste genovese, e Maria Greca sua moglie, cosi i sudetti fratelli Bini progettarono, ed effettuarono in vigore del presente Istromento la permuta di dette case, cedendo cioè alla chiesa dei SS. Tommaso ed Orso invece della suindicata casetta nella via detta in oggi del consolato, l'altra casa contigua alla chiesa di S. Simone ossia all'Arco di Parma come sopra acquistata. Rogato Stefano de Amannis, Not.o Pub.o " Palazzo Bini along with Palazzo Altoviti and Palazzo Vaiani on Via Paola was demolished between 1886 and 1888: Adolfo Pernier “Rione V: Ponte,” I Rioni di Roma 14 (1936), 21: "Non lungo dal palazzo Altoviti, in via del Consolato, era il palazzo dei Bini che funono anche'essi non soltanto grandi banchieri e mercanti fiorentini, ma anche generosi mecenati che, profondendo tesori, tennero per molto tempo in Roma un alto grado. Anche il loro bel palazzo, costruito al tempo di Leone X, e ricordato, insieme al palazzo Altoviti, da Domenico Gnoli, fu demolito nel 1888." See also Alessio Caporali, “ Frammenti della decorazione perduta al Museo di Roma ,” Bollettino dei Musei Comunali di Roma ,” Nova Serie 26 (2012): 21-30. See the map of Via Giulia during the time of the architectural contest for the design of San Giovanni dei Fiorentini in Francesco Paolo Fiore, “Roma, Le Diverse Maniere ,” 143. I am indebted to Julia Vicioso for this bibliography on Palazzo Bini.

709 This concept is most firmly established in the artistic personifications of misericordia taken from Matthew 25.

212 another chapel in the same Florentine church, this one dedicated to Saint Vincenzo. 710

Other of his charitable gifts were more closely identified his ecclesiastical see: an allocation of 5,000 scudi to the Chiesa di Vannes in Brittany, a bishopric held by the cardinal passed on to his nephew Antonio, and 330 scudi designated for a chapel in

Santi Quattro Coronati, his titular church in Rome. Cardinal Pucci’s will also bequeathed 300 scudi for a chapel in his name in San Lorenzo in Damaso, the medieval basilica renovated by Cardinal Raffaelle Riario following the construction of the

Palazzo della Cancelleria next door.711 Also included in the list of the cardinal’s bequests were 1,300 scudi to the Chiesa di San Marco in Florence, 300 for a chapel in the church of Santi Quattro Lassa, 700 to the monks at Santissima Annunziata in

Florence, 3,000 to the Chiesa Speadali e Compagnie, and 500 to a hospital in the Val d’Elsa. Cardinal Lorenzo Pucci also left 1,000 scudi to the Cassa for a dowry for the daughter of his old friend and close business associate, Antonio Ugolini.

Historian Barbara McClung Hallman’s study of Italian cardinals during the period between the election of Alexander VI and the imposition of real church reforms inaugurated by (1504-1572) – many of which were instituted by his cardinal-nephew, Carlo Borromeo (1538-1584) -- concludes that “most last documents were relatively simple documents.”712 Ippolito I d’Este (1479-1520), for example, one of the wealthiest members of the curia, left instructions to his brother for the

710 ASF, Riccardi 609, c. 100, 103 and 106. See Sally J. Cornelison, Art and the Relic Cult of St. Antoninus in Renaissance Florence (Abingdon-on-Thames: Routledge, 2012).

711 Unpublished, AP, Filza 7, c. 43. There is another version of the cardinal’s will in ASF, Riccardi 609, c. 162.

712 Hallman, Italian Cardinals, Reform, and the Church as Property, 1492-1563 (Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1985), 121-122.

213 distribution of his estate that was merely two pages long. 713 Lorenzo Pucci, on the other hand, initially provided for a will donatio inter vivos in 1522 that was amended in 1525 and followed by a last will and testament witnessed by Pope Clement VII, Cardinal

Alessandro Farnese, and Jacopo Salviati. 714 Even so, the cardinal’s will was contested following his death in 1531 and was under probate again in 1585. As in the dispute over the cardinal’s bequest to Santissima Annunziata, the litigation arose from claims that the family patrimony was not equally distributed among Lorenzo’s brothers and their

713 Hallman, Italian Cardinals. 121-122.

714 Unpublished, AP, Filza 7 contains a copy of Cardinal’s donatio vivos dated to 1522. Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 690 is a corpus of documents related to a civil case between the Pucci family and certain inhabitants of Castelfiorentino that appears to have been resolved in 1585, material that sheds light on the properties owned by Cardinal Lorenzo Pucci in Tuscany and Rome. The dispute concerned the so-called Podere del Pino , located in Val d’Elsa, which had been donated ( donatio inter vivos ) by Cardinale Lorenzo to his nephews in 1523 along with numerous other properties. Carte 140 -149 contains a copy of the donatio made by Cardinale Lorenzo; the original act was in the protocollo of a notary, Ser Bernardo di Domenico dei Vermigli and written in the castle of Coiano in the Val d’Elsa, in the contado of Florence and witnessed by the papal clerks dominus Giovanni Maria de Curte, clerico papiensi , and dominus Paolo Bombasio de Curte, clerico bononiensis. Carta 140b contains a list of the cardinal’s properties and describes their boundaries. These included : 1) The Palatium de Casignano in the popolo of San Zanobi at Casignano in the Florentine contado , with other dependencies in the popolo of San Leonardo alla Querciola, San Zanobi, and in some other popoli ; 2) the castle of Oliveto (or Olivetto) in the popolo of San Iacopo at Volteggiano in the Florentine contado; 3) properties and possessions in the commune of Castelnuovo in Val d’Elsa, in the Florentine contado (the act describes the borders of those properties); and 4) the Mulino della Dogana with its palmentiis, gualcheriis, piscaria, et suppellectibus . Some of these properties had been given in concession to the Florentine hospital of Santa Maria Nuova. Carta 143a/b relates to a hospital Cardinal Lorenzo wanted to build near Granaiolum . In addition, the cardinal authorized funds to be paid to the Capitolo della Cattedrale of Florence for properties in the comune of Coiano; he paid 200 florenos largos in auro for the podere of Torricelle and bought the podere Orli near the Ebola river. Carte 146a-174a includes is a copy of an original act written in Rome in the palatium penitentiarum apostolice in camera cubicolari made at the time of his death in 1531. All the poderi , lands, and woods were to be divided into three parts. Carte 157b describes the cardinal’s properties and possessions as: 1) The Palatium sive Castrum de Oliveto cum orto et poderiis ; 2) Poderi del Mulino della Dogana e di Castelnuovo; and 3) Podere di Casignano cum poderiis et fornacibus ac hospitio silvis nemoribus. Carta 162b is a division of the cardinal’s properties in Rome dated November 13, 1531. Carta 165b explains that a first division of the estate was contested and there was another division mediated by the Florentine citizens Bartolomeo dei Lanfredini, depositario generale del papa , Antonio di Luca de Ugolinis, and Gianni del fu Petro dei Nerli. Carte 166a-170a provides a list of properties in Tuscany and in the Florentine territory. Carte 170a/b identifies the cardinal’s holdings in Rome and its surroundings as: 1) una casa nuova che fu di bernardo di bino situata a roma in regione pontis presso la chiesa dei fiorentini ; 2) beni detti la gorandina extra portam turonis de urbe ; and 3) beni detti val de inferno.

214 male heirs.715 Concentrated in real estate, the cardinal’s estate included his share of the family house in Florence; the villas known as Uliveto, Granaiolo, and Casignano; other agricultural properties in Coiano and Castelnuovo; large tracts of land in the Fornace in

Rome; and the Bini palace on the north bend of the Tiber. His brother Alessandro’s heirs were given Uliveto and Casignano with its fornace da mattoni con tuttli li poderi e boschi, while Roberto and his offspring inherited Granaiolo. 716 Roberto was also the recipient of 5,000 scudi for the renovation of his townhouse in Florence and several of the small houses he owned in the Fornace. 717 One of these houses was situated on the street of the chiesa of Santa Maria del Riposo al confine che divide il casale del popolo da quello di Messr. Pelligrino da Lucca .718 Roberto also inherited the house the cardinal purchased in 1520 from his banker, Bernardo Bini, on Via del Consolato, which he sold in 1544. 719

Eredit à del Cardinale Santi Quattro : The Trappings of a Lavish Lifestyle The official who conducted the inventory of furnishings and objects in the cardinal’s palazzo three and half months before his death in September 1531 valued his personal belongings at over 53,000 scudi , of which 26,000 scudi related to the value of a ring, no doubt his ring of office, and another 18,300 scudi by mobile lassata

715 Unpublished, AP, Filza 7, c. 37, 1531, “ Pucci, Cardinal Lorenzo: Memorie delle Sostanze e Legati .”

716 Unpublished, AP, Filza 7, c. 36, December 1531. ASF, Riccardi 690 contains another copy of the cardinal’s last will and testament.

717 Unpublished, AP, Filza 7, c. 36, December 1531.

718 Unpublished, AP, Filza 7, December 1531.

719 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 383, Insert 14, c. 16 includes the contract for the sale of Bernardo Bini’s house in regione pontis prope St. Joh. Florentinus de Urbe Justa .

215 (appendix 9).720 A second ring valued at 9,000 scudi is documented along with ,

surplices, and other ecclesiastical vestments. Typical of the silks hemmed with

embroidery and specially woven damasks fabricated for princes of the church, the

cardinal’s ceremonial wear included a fodra (lining) of white damask and a miter with

its pendants. 721 The notary who conducted the inventory made note of the rich fringes

(uno fregio d’oro tirato d’un piviale ); the pearl, silk, and silver buttons that covered

these fine garments; and a new belt made in Flanders. 722

Ordinary household items were also in situ, including three tavole and four

smaller tables, including the larger ones con suo trespoli. Five tapestry panels

illustrating the story of Dido and Aeneas were momentos of a life-long admiration for

antiquity and its visual and literary traditions. 723 As highly valued as the cardinal’s

collection of tapestries was an assortment of woven bed covers, a number of which

were red ( coperto di panno rosso). 724 A red velvet-covered chair ( sedue una grande di

720 ASF, Carte Riccardi 609 , Cardinale Lorenzo Pucci Libro di Debitore e Creditore e Ricordi del Eredita del Cardinal Santi Quattro 1531-1537 . Carte 155 lists the cardinal’s household items and c. 166 makes note of their value. Other studies of cardinals’ worldly belongings include two studies by David Chambers: A Renaissance Cardinal and his Worldly Goods: The Will and Inventory of Francesco Gonzaga 1444-1483 (London: Warburg Institute, 1992) and “The Economic Predicament of Renaissance Cardinals’, Studies in Medieval and Renaissance History , vol. 3 (1966): 287-313. Other investigations of particular cardinals’ inventories include Mary Hollingsworth’s study of Ippolito d’Este and Marina Cogotti and Francesco Paolo Fiore, eds., Ippolito II d’este: cardinal, principe, mecenate (Rome: De Luca Editori D’arte, 2010).

721 ASF, Carte Riccardi 609, c. 157a.

722 ASF, Carte Riccardi 609, c. 157a.

723 ASF, Riccardi 609, c. 158a.

724 ASF, Riccardi 609, c. 157a and 157b. ASF, MAP, vol. 117, Folio 331, insert 7 provides further evidence of the reliance on tapestries in creating settings suitable for the papal aristocracy. When Cardinal Farnese is invited to join the court in Pisa or Pietrasanta in April 1545, wall hangings appropriate for the bedroom of a cardinal are sent for in Florence: “ Et adciò che in Pisa o in Pietrasanta dove troverrà S. Ecc.a si possi honorarlo, vuole S. Ecc.a che la S. V. invii qua subito un bel paramento d'una camera per S. S. R.ma [...].”

216 velluto rosso ) on its platform ( in palco ) along with five scabelli inlaid with the Pucci stemma and five leather chairs ( sedie cinque di corami ) denoted his lofty status within the ecclesiastical hierarchy. The cardinal also owned a small but precious group of religious paintings: a quadro in tavola of Saint Anthony and two other religious works of art, a Passion of Christ and a devotional image of Saint Francis. 725 A fair amount of silver was also listed by the notary in charge who made note of several silver and gold cups, along with a silver crucifixion ( uno crocifisso d’argento e duo latroni in duo crocette ). 726 From the bedrooms occupied by Roberto and his son Pandolfo – rooms fitted with five materassi , several large and small bedcovers, including one red cover singled out as a particularly fine ( rosa bona ) -- it is clear that members of the cardinal’s

725 ASF, Riccardi 609, c. 159r.

726 ASF, Riccardi 609, c. 159r. ASF, Riccardi 608, c. 9b documents an earlier inventory that describes the silver in the cardinal’s possession. “1521/ Lorenzo Pucci cardinale santi IIII di contro avere per la decima delle faccia(?) del credito, ducati 3516 , soldi 35 e addì III di giennatio auti per la penitenzieria per dicembre, ducati 138, soldi 1 e addì detto auti d'Andrea Perrini per li aprexo argenti che pexorno in tutto libbre LXXIII a denari ½ di uno ducato la libra l'uno per l'altro, ducati 760, soldi 5 VIIII choppe di più sorta VIIII chonfettiere di più sorta III bochaletti di più sorta uno quadro da bichieri pexoron in tutto libre 172 oncie 5/ e addì detto auti da Francesco Chanigani per II chuchiai d'oro, ducati 49 e addì XXVo detto ci fa boni Francesco Chanighani per li argenti a prexo messi in Zecha che pexoro in tutto libbre LXI oncie VIII, ducati 502, soldi 3 Una seghetta co lo aspiex(?) Vi chuchiari di più sorta II bugieri donati con il choperchio III choppe di più sorta IIII saliere, II chol piè e II senza II bichieri dorati conn il choperchio III choppe di più sorta IIII saliere, II chol piè e II senza una lucerna a uxo di chandeliere VIIII tasse di più sorta uno fornimento di uno oriolo rotto e addì detto auti dal detto Francesco Chanigani per ritratto di II bochali d'argiento di pexo di libre 15 oncie 10, ducati 130, soldi 35 .”

217 extended family occupied Palazzo Pucci.727 A pintilletto owned by his brother, a strong box belonging to his nephew, Raffaello, and the belongings of his close friend Baccio

Valori were among the other objects documented by the apostolic notary.728

As the ritual and pageantry of life in the Eternal City gradually recovered from the devastation of the Sack of Rome, splendor once again came to the fore. Funerals called for interiors swathed in rich, black velvet and considerable expenditures on processional ceremonies commemorating eminent members of the church. The account books held by Lorenzo Pucci’s banker Bindo Altoviti denote a debt of 4,500 ducats to the physician who cared for the cardinal on his deathbed as well as for the mourning clothes worn by his family. 729 Roberto Pucci’s account books break out the expenses for the lavish displays that accompanied the cardinal’s interment and denote outlays for exequies that ran to more than 2,600 scudi . The music and services of the clerics and artisans who staged the elaborate ceremony amounted to another 3,134 scudi .730 Proper mourning attire entailed the purchase of a new ring and two hats for the cardinal’s brother Roberto, while other family members made due with new black berets. Other costs included the fee to the Capitano di San Pietro who accompanied the corpse to the

727 ASF, Riccardi 609, c. 158b.

728 ASF, Riccardi 609, c. 157b: “ coperte di panno rosso Quattro che n’hebbe dua messer Bartolomeo Valori .”

729 Alan Chong, Donatella Pegazzano, Dimitrios Zikos, Raphael, Cellini & A Renaissance Banker: The Patronage of Bindo Altoviti (Milan: Electa, 2003), 40, f. 145 notes Cardinal Lorenzo Pucci’s account books preserved in the ASF as Carte Riccardi 608 is a ledger with a title page that reads “ Piero di Giovanni Bini e compagni di corte di Roma delle partite dei conti daranno a Monsignore Reverendi Santi Quattro ,” dated between 1520 and 1528. Riccardi 611 and 616 document household expenses during the last three years of the cardinal’s life and the cost of his funeral.

730 Unpublished, AP, Filza 7, “ Pucci, Cardinal Lorenzo: Memorie delle Sostanze e Legati ,” 21-24. The cardinal’s lavish funeral, his bequests and an inventory of his household furnishings are also set out in ASF, Riccardi 609.

218 church, 50 scudi for special donations, and a similar amount for bread distributed to the poor in Florence by Giralomo Capponi.731

Lorenzo Pucci is now buried in a tomb by the sculptor Raffaello da Montelupo in the choir of the Dominican church of Santa Maria sopra Minerva in Rome (fig.

90).732 His nephew Antonio, the son of Sibilla Sassetti and Alessandro Pucci, and

731 Unpublished, AP, Filza 7.

732 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 391, Filza 11: “ Copie di partite’ del Monte’, date questo di 18 di gennaio a’ ser messer Antonio Ubertini che le mandi a’ messer Lorenzo Pucci.” C. 1a “1547

Rede del reverendissimo Lorenzo Pucci cardinale santi quattro bon me dehono dare add 18 di febraro scudi cento di moneta pagati a messer Pandolfo Pucci et per lui ad Antonio Ubertini che tanti in ha pagati al Capitolo di Santo Pietro…………………………………………………………………………..scudi 88.14.4 e addi detto scudi sette soldi 15 di moneta pagati a Giovanni da Verzelli fattore di messer Pandolfo Pucci sisse per x() ta di xii torcie messe la mattina de morti alla sepultura del reverendissimo Roberto suo padre……………………………………………………………………………………………….….scudi 6.7 .”

C. 4a. “1545/ Rede del reverendissimo Lorenzo Pucci cardinale santi quattro dehono dare’ addi 22 di settembre’ 1545 scudi dicci di Pauli x per scudi pagati al Capitolo di Santo Pietro per conto delle sua exequie…………………………………………………………………………….………………….scudi 8.18

E’ addi 5 di ottobre scudi cinque di moneta pagati a venzo spetiale per la cera delle exequie del detto reverendissimo…………………………………………………………………………..…………..scudi 4.9

E’ addi 14 detto scudi venticinque di moneta pagati a’ Raffaello da Montelupo porto contiti a conto di lavori fa per la sepultura di detto reverendissimo…………………………………………..…scudi 22.3.6

E addi 14 di novembre scudi nove soldi 80 di moneta pagati a maestro Renzo Sple (?) per 18 torcie et altro per lu’ffitio de morti del reverendissimo Lorenzo cardinale Santi quattro quest (?)…………….scudi 8.12

E addi 19 detto scudi otto di moneta pagati per polizza di messer Giovanni suo agente a Pompeo de ma() ini……………………………………………………………………………………………………….…..scudi 7.9.4

E addi 12 di decembre scudi venticinque di moneta pagati a Raffaello da Montelupo scultore a’ conto della sepultura che fa……………………………………………………………………………………………scudi 22.4

E addi dettao scudi cento di moneta pagati per organe (?) del reverendissimo Ruberto Pucci cardinal santi quattro a messer marchionne dello scutto porto conti( ) ti………………………………………...scudi 88.14.3

E addi 5 di feraro scudi quindici di moneta pagati a’ maestro Jacopo di Francesco fundatore per conto di lavori fa per la sepultura de reverendissmo cardinali defunti……………………………………..scudi 13.6.3 .”

219 Lorenzo’s younger step-brother Roberto, both elevated to the purple after Lorenzo

Pucci’s death, are resting before the high altar in tombs sculpted by the same Tuscan master, a previously unknown project investigated further in chapter seven.733

Coda: Palazzo Pucci in Rome 1531-1566

Palazzo Pucci stood at the front and center of the first onsalught of the Imperial forces on Rome, an attack on the poorly defended southern entrance to the Vatican that began in the early morning of May 6, 1527. 734 “Here, at the Porta Torrione (now

Cavalleggieri) and the Porta S. Spirito, the weakest points of the fortifications, the attack was heaviest, undertaken without artillery, only with spears, pistols, and ladders hastily constructed out of garden pilings.”735 As the papal Swiss Guards launched their

“desperate” resistence from a position at the obelisk near the Campo Santo, there can be no doubt that the cardinal’s palazzo nearby was thoroughly sacked by mobs of bloodthirsty landsknechts .736 Upon his return to Rome in 1529, the cardinal hired a

733 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 391, 1547, unpaginated is a copy of Pandolfo’s outlays for the tomb fabricated by Raffaello da Montelupo for his father Roberto. Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 618 documents the transfer of the bodies of two of the Pucci cardinals by Cardinal Roberto Pucci on the evening of October 20, 1545 (c. 35). Their burial and Cardinal Roberto’s tomb, also sculpted by Raffaello da Montelupo, are discussed in chapter seven.

734 See ff. 502 for the literature on the Sack of Rome.

735 Pastor, The History of the Popes , vol. 9, 390.

736 Pastor, The History of the Popes , vol. 9, 392. Cardinal Lorenzo’s account books for the next several years are in disarray and record numerous small payments for basic provisions and transportation, many of which are directed to his nephew Raffaello who is living in a rented property in Orvieto where the papal court took refuge. Records of Santi Quattro Coronati’s expenditures for the period between 1527 and 1531 also include several unpaid debts (Unpublished, ASF, VGL 260, “Chonti Mandati a Lapo Vespucci , 1527-1531”). In December 1528, for example, there is a notation in Cardinal Lorenzo’s ricordi which indicates that of the 67 ducats Antonio Sangallo the Younger still owes him for an unspecified project, 14 of it in the value of grain: “ Antonio Sangallo de(ve) dare scudi 14 per valuta di una soma di grani avuto da biagio nostro” (Unpublished, ASF, VGL 260, c. 5r.) Maestro Batista Muratore Chremona also owes him 39 ducats worth of grain. Another page in this same book of chonti mandatti records da Antonio da Sangallo per fida nel padula . This second payment relates to marshy land, and while the nature of Antonio the Younger’s arrangements with the cardinal are unclear, as is evident from the

220 construction team, including several muratori and a woodworker, to begin repairs on the badly damaged building.737 The palace appears to have been sufficiently restored for Antonio Pucci, who succeeded his uncle to the Sacred College of Cardinals on

September 22, 1531, to maintain a household there.738 However, by 1542 Palazzo Pucci in Rome had officially become the headquarters of the Sacred Tribunal of the

Inquisition created by Paul III, who added a section to the building housing the offices of the papal penitentiary to accommodate the special court dedicated to matters of religious heresy. 739 The full-scale conversion of the palazzo into a special office of the curia may explain why Cardinal Antonio felt the need for an outlay of over 3,000 scudi for the Orsini Palace overlooking the Campo dei Fiori, a square closely identified with the humanist pursuits and magnificent palaces of its wealthy residents. 740

The extensive damage inflicted during the Sack may also account for the expenditures on the palazzo in the Campo Santo by the third Pucci cardinal, Cardinal

Antonio’s uncle Roberto, elevated to the purple in June of 1542, who undertook further work on Palazzo Pucci in the last two years of his life.741 Expenses for the building

payments from Raffaello for his house in Orvieto dated to this same period, many of his exchanges with the Pucci involved grain and other forms of payments in kind. ( Unpublished, ASF, VGL 280, c. 124).

737 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 260, c. 8b-21.

738 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 610, 1536, c. 23 and c. 25.

739 Pastor, The History of the Popes , vol. 5, 373, 379; vol. 6, 198-200; vol. 10, 144-48; vol. 2, 291, 300; vol. 3, tables 179, 180. See also Christopher F. Black, The Italian Inquisition (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2009).

740 In addition to the Cardinal Riario’s Palazzo della Cancelleria in the same neighborhood, another powerful cardinal, Alessandro Farnese, was constructing an enormous palace around the corner to a design by Antonio da Sangallo the Younger (Frommel, Italian Renaissance Architecture , 13). Pietro Rosselli created a classical façade for a townhouse owned by Prospero Mochi in the same neighborhood (Zuraw, “Pietro di Giacomo Rosselli,” 1400).

741 Roberto Pucci died on January 17, 1547.

221 described as al nostro palazzo da san pietro ran to as much as 758 scudi in November

1546. 742 In addition to repairing the loggia, the walls, and the well, the cardinal ordered new windows for the campanella and replaced the wood on the door to the belltower

(porte per le camere della Campanella ).743 The structural nature of the improvements is clear from the purchase of lime ( calcia ), thousands of bricks ( mattoni ), and iron

(fornamento di ferro ). Giannozzo scarpellino was also paid for a basin for the chapel

(pila da acqua benedetta .) 744 Accounts maintained on behalf of the cardinal’s son

Roberto identify the designer of the pila as Raffaello da Montelupo, a commission that raises the possibility that the master sculptor was involved in other aspects of the renovation. 745

742 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 618, iii.

743 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 618, c. 3a documents payments for work on the palazzo in the Campo Santo on November 26, 1546: “Yesus MDXXXVI

Spese per murare al nostro palazzo da San Pietro deono dare addi’ primo di giugno scudi uno soldi 25 pagati a maestro Antonio muratore per sapere per finire il muro dal pozzo, dal giornale, a c.1 Francesco Pucci avere in questo c. 2, scudi 1.25 c. iii

E addi’ detto scudi uno soldi 8 e sono, per tanti n’a’ pagati Francesco (di Piermaria) Pucci avere in questo a c. 32 per sei opere, finite a soldi 18 il giornno(sic) al Corsetto, falegname, per lavorare, li palchi, e finistre, per le camere a c. 32, scudi 1.8

E addi’ 29 detto scudi nove soldi 50 e sono per valuta di tavole ciento d’abeto per fare i palchi e finistre e porte per le camere della Campanella, compere da messer Giambiagio porto’ contanti da Francesco Pucci avere in questo a c. 32, scudi 9 soldi 50 .”

744 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 618, iii.

745 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 620, c. 16: “ Yesus 1547/E’ de on’ dare scudi otto lire L per loro a maestro Raffaello da Montelupo p( ) della pila della bon me del reverendissimo cardinale Ruberto Pucci pago gli Giovanni detto avere in questo ... c. 17 ……………………………………………..…. scudi 8.50.” c. xvii “E’ de havere scudi otto lire L pagati a maestro Raffaello da Montelupo per resto della pila della bon me del cardinale rede in questo … c. 16……………………………………………………...scudi 8.50 .”

222 Another letter written by the cardinal’s son four years later registers Pandolfo’s bitter resentment of the costs associated with the upkeep of Palazzo Pucci, difficulties in receiving reimbursement for the pontiff’s use of the building, and the continued decline in its value.746 Posted soon after the death of his father, Pandolfo’s troubles were only just beginning. Repairs on the palazzo -- cleaning and repairing the cortile, sculpting new columns, replacing lost and broken tiles, closing up the holes in the roof, and fixing a window -- continued until the end of 1551, when some of the rooms were finally rented out to Fulvio Giulio della Corgna (1517-1583), a Medici ally from

Perugia who had been recently elevated to the purple.747 Nor was the damage to the

746 Unpublished, ASF, Carte Strozziane 352, Serie Prima, c. 228a-b: “ Reverendo messer Piero Antonio io non so se voi pensate ch'io habia il tesoro di san Marco poi che voi dubitavi ch'io mandassi nele some li argenti del cardinale di Seccio(?); qui fra ogni cosa ci sono stati poco più di cento libbre di argenti che si son venduti sanza serbarsi una saliera per pagare e' debiti e magnare la famiglia; adesso sì cotestoro di costà mi crederranno; si vederrà questa casa trovandosi in vita o in qualche modo et circha le cose di san Pietro si truova ogni dì cose nuove et sono io reducto a tale ch'io pagherei tucto la(sic) stabile ch'io ho qua et esserne fuora et perch'io non so come costà la s'intenda quando che loro non si ne contentano staglerò per me et per i miei figliuoli più ch'io potrò per esser quieto perchè non è giorno che non si truova qualche cosa nuova et io ho resegnato tucte le mia 12 portione et non ho potuto haver e' danari ch'hora mai è passato 15 giorni per haver questo resto et loro la mandano a lungho et pure adesso ne vengho et non truovo né rispuosta né assignamento che mi giovi. Al Papa si parla con difficultà grandissima et questi soi homini son peggio che di canchero pur a tucto è di bisogno haver pacientia. Mando il bisette(?) a Bastiano e una procura che riscuota et non lasci nulla in drietro per infino a la morte de mio padre et mectasi in su Capponi perchè cotesti è de la portione di Sandrino. Fo pensieri che servino per la Portia che altro assignamento non ci truovo quando il Vescino o la Cassandra mi domanderanno qualche cosa vossignoria vedrà quanto io li porto amore et l'altro quanto io desideri farli cosa et utile, ma mi è parso che Bastiano sia più acto per servitio del vescovo che persona del mondo ad exiger tal cosa et perchè potrebbe esser che qualcuno di quei Petri (?) di Pistoia dicessi qualche cosa, ho mandato il brieve a messer Filippo Bondelmonti al qual molto mi racomandate et di quale mi confido quanto ho che sia a Firenze. Aspecto ser Torello et però non gli scrivo el Bertone non è comparso che molto me ne maraviglio. La lettera del mi fu carissima ma non rispondo che ho il diavolo adosso per il tesaurieri per san Pietro et per la casa di messer Gian Paulo che s'è venduta un pesso di pane cioè cinquemila scudi et quando io giunsi subito se io voleva consentir che e la se vendessi me ne furno proferti 6 mila d'oro et io non sapendo che lui la volessi vender, disi che serono pochi perchè a quel prezzo io harei impignato infine al più di volteggiano(?) che infra uno anno rispecto a lo assestamento de le strade quella casa vale 8/9 mila scudi et di molte altre brighe ch'io ho mi fanno venir voglia di montar a cavallo con questi parechi quactrini et andarmene in Alexandria et comperarne pepe. Altro non ho che dirvi, el modo si prepara più torbindo che mai sia stato. Idio ci aiuti e san Piero non ci tribuli. Di Roma a di' 12 di marzo 1547 Vedere quello el Portinari resti creditore et darmene aviso vostro Pandolfo Pucci.”

747 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 620 is an account book maintained on behalf of Pandolfo Pucci that

223 Pucci properties in and around St. Peter’s confined to the palazzo. A letter dated 1543 describes Cardinal Roberto’s house in the Fornace as barely standing ( e anche in piedi ). 748

begins in the months following his father’s death. On c. L he is making payments on work undertaken in 1548: “ Yesus 1548/E adi 23 detto scudi tre d’oro moneto per noi a maestro Andrea scarpellino per piu al concimi fatti in palazo di Campo Santo rede dare in questo…………scudi 3.30 .” c. 189a is list of expenditures on repairs on the building dated to October 1552. In January 1551 (Florentine dating) the palazzo was rented out. c. xcii/” Yesus 1551/Ed adi 22 di gennaro scudi cinquanta di moneta per lui dal reverendissimo cardinale di Perugia et per lui da Francesco Scarlatti e (?) et sono per la pigione di 3 mesi cominciti adi primo di octobre paxato del palazo di Campo Santo et ne ha confesso per manno del Raidetto come Francesco dare in questo……………….. scudi 50 .” On c. lxiiii he is documented as paying for construction at the palazzo in the Campo Santo in Rome that was still ongoing a year later: “Yesus 1549/E addi detto lire xo pagata lire 50 a maestro Antonio muratore per dua h’opere a amattonare la loggia del palazo et lire 40 per calcina et 200 mattoni rede lire 90.” C. 75 documents the cleaning of the well in 1550: “ e adi 19 detto lire lxxx per pagati per fare’ nettare il pozo del palazo di Campo Santo rede dare in questo………lire 80 .” In that same year he also commissioned columns for the palazzo in the Campo Santo: “ c. lxxiiii/Yesus 1550 e adi 12 di maggio lire lx per porto delle colonne da Santo Apostola a Campo Santo pago detto Giovanni havere in questo………………………lire 60 c. 75 e adi 19 detto lire lxxx per pagati per fare’ nettare il pozo del palazo di Campo Santo rede dare in questo………lire 80 .” The payments documented on c. lxxviii indicate that work on the palazzo continued in 1551: “ Yesus 1550/E adi detto lire xxv pagati per are’ nettare il corridore rede….lire 25 E addi 31 detto scudi h’otto lire xcvii pagati a maestro Antonio muratore per rifare la sogna et lo ammatonato del palazo rede dare….scudi 8.98 c. 86 Yesus 1551 La casetta a campo alle stalle del palazo di Campo Santo de dare’ scudi centoquarantaquattro lire xxxvi che tanti neda conto havere spese Giovanni Farfamichio de danari di messer Pandolfo Pucci in alzare detta casetta piccola et alti aconcinia fatti in la detta casetta de quale nel tocca a pagare il terzo a messer Lorenzo Pucci et h 2/3 a detto messer Pandolfo ………… scudi 144.36 E’ de dare scudi trentaquattro lire lxxiii son per fare amattonare la stalla de muli et il cortile et altro del palazo di Campo Santo doppo l’ultimo conto datone a messer Antonio Ubertini et pagati de danari 4 le mani di Giovanni Farfamichio per de danari di messer Pandolfo di equali (?) etocca il 1/3 a messer Lorenzo e 2/3 a messer Pandolfo ….. scudi 34.73 E de dare scudi sessanta lire xxx ½ di moneta sono per lo amattonaro della strada del palazo di Campo Santo fatto fare Giovanni Farfamichio per h’ordine di messer Antonio Ubertini come per uno conto datoci et copiato in questo /c. 165 de quali renasa creditore detto Giovanni Farfamichio in questo c. 94/ et li 2/3 messer Pandolfo et siston’ messi in questo conto per uno accendere tanti conti …….. scudi 60.30 ½.”

748 Unpublished, ASF, Carte Strozziane 339, Serie Prima, c. 401: “ Reverendissimo signor mio colendissimo ho veduto quanto vostra signoria reverendissima mi comanda. La casa sua alle Fornaci è anche in piedi et per quanto mi par di vedere alle altre cose che sin qui patiscano per conto della fabbrica et che montariano pur assai di ricompensa poca provisione vi si fa. La signoria vostra reverendissima veda pur lei di là parlarne con chi le parerà bene anchor ch'io credo che la sarà anche a tempo al ritorno suo qui, come di tutto parlai distesamente all'huomo suo et prontamente me li offersi in servitio della signora

224 Given the confiscation of the Pucci patrimony in Florence by Duke Cosimo de’

Medici seventeen years later, Pandolfo’s bankrupted heirs must have been enormously relieved when Palazzo Pucci was purchased outright in May 1566 by Pope Pius V for use as the new Office of the Inquisition.749 After issuing the papal bull in which he announced the transaction and its relatively modest price tag of 9,000 scudi , Pius V brought in the Vatican architect Pirro Ligorio (1512/13-1583) to survey the building and draw up its floor plan (fig. 83).750 An ardent proponent of the Counter-

Reformation, Pius V requested a set of drawings for the addition of prison cells.751 In addition to Ligorio’s alterations to the building now known as Palazzo del Sant’Uffizio,

vostra reverendissima in buona gratia della quale mi raccomando humilmente pregandola a

comandarmi sempre. Da Roma alli XXIIII di giugno 1543 al reverendissimo Pucci Humile servitore il cavaliere di Carpi.”

749 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 383, insert 9, folio 7 is a copy of the purchase by Pius V of Palazzo Pucci on May 9, 1566 for a total of 9,000 scudi . One payment of 6,000 scudi , notarized by Antonius Peregrinus, was made to Pandolfo’s three surviving sons. Another heir, Roberto Pucci (a son of Giovanpaolo di Francesco d’Antonio), was paid 3,000 scudi in a separate transaction.

750 Cifres, Rari e Preziosi, 99.The extensive bibliography on Ligorio’s career, including his projects for the Casino of Pius IV and the Belvedere in the Vatican, includes: Horst Bredekamp, Sankt Peter in Rom und das Prinzip der produktiven Zerstorung (Berlin, 2000); Giampiero Brunelli, “Ligorio Pirro,” in Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani 65 (Rome: 2005), 109-14: Howard Burns, “Pirro Ligorio’s reconstruction of ancient Rome: the antiquae Urbis imago of 1561,” in Pirro Ligorio Artist and Antiquarian , Robert W. Gaston ed. (Milan, 1988); David R. Coffin, Pirro Ligorio: The Renaissance Artist, Architect, and Antiquarian (University Park: Pennsylvania State Press, 2004); Ema Mandowsky and Charles Mitchell, eds., Pirro Ligorio’s Roman Antiquities: the drawings in MS XIII. V7 in the National Library of Naples (London: Warburg Institute, 1963); Il Libro dei disegni di Pirro Ligorio all’Archivio di Stato di Torino , Caterina Volpi ed. (Rome: Edizioni dell’elefante, 1994); and Maria Losito, “ Pirro Ligorio e la casina di Paolo IV in Vaticano: l’esempio delle cose passate" (Rome: Palombi, 2000).

751 Frommel, Der Romische Palastbau der Hochrenaissance , vol. I., 2, 37, 56, 59-60, 146-48 and vol. II, tables 179-80.

225 stylistic and archival investigations of the palazzo should take into account ’s work on the palazzo in 1591.752

The so-called Holy Office, where papal inquisitors generated an extensive list of prohibited reading matter, is represented in the View of Rome from the West dated to

1557 by Nicolas Beatrizet (1515-c.1566). 753 In this aerial perspective, the colonnaded courtyard surrounded by high walls is visible, although it is difficult to discern the configuration of the façade or other of the building’s architectural details (fig. 71). The plan of Rome by the Antonio Tempesta (1555-1630) provides another aerial view of the palace, by then separated from the by a new facility built to house the noble order of the Cavalieri founded by Cardinal Lorenzo Pucci in 1520 (fig. 73).754

Subsequent accounts of Sant’Uffizio’s history note that it was considered the only private building in the immediate vicinity of St. Peter’s large enough to accommodate the administration of the Holy Office. 755 A letter from Richard Bavoillot to Monsignor Jerome Hamer dated to 1814-15 describes the architecture of the palazzo and sets out its history, commenting on its size and suitability for use as an

752 Palazzo Del S.O., “ Lavori fatti per il palazzo del S.O., Giacomo della Porta (anno 1591, 27 Agosto; Novembre 1592) con firma autografa ” Mezzanino 29, Archivio S.O. Since these documents are currently unaccounted for, the nature of Giacamo’s interventions is unknown.

753 The list of books included in the Index Librorum Prohibitorum included the writings of Machiavelli and other political philosophers (Max Lenard, "On the Origin, Development and Demise of the Index Librorum Prohibitorum," Journal of Access Services 3 (2005): 51-63. 754 Subsequent accounts of Sant’Uffizio’s history note that it was considered the only private building in the immediate vicinity of St. Peter’s large enough to accommodate the administration of the Holy Office.

755 APSU, Priv. S.O. 1814-1825, fasc. 20 terr. “ Pro memoria per la Secreta di Ferier 4 ,” September 6, 1815.

226 administrative center, prison, and military dormitory (fig. 91).756 According to this account, Sant’Uffizio suffered from its use as a dormintory for French soldiers during the Napoleanic Invasions. The headquarters of the papal inquisition was then entirely refaced under the direction of Ignazio Guidi in 1924 and further modified by the removal of the Dominican Monastary adjacent to the northern wing of the building and the installation of a modern audience hall. 757 Notwithstanding these radical changes, much of the existing interior courtyard is original to the building as are several doorways leading from the cortile through to the interior. Five of the seven granite columns are original to the courtyard, which did not have a northern portico when it was first built, as is the , which was later re-sited. 758 Other architectural details from the sixteenth century are also in evidence, including a large marble fireplace in the interior and door frames decorated with Cardinal Pucci’s stemma (fig. 92). However, the prisons on the southern side of the building installed by Pope Pius V were destroyed during the pontificate of Pius XI along with the stables in the rear. Now used to house the archival records of the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, the architectural memory of the building’s use as the nerve center of the papacy’s much-feared tribunal of the inquisition has been almost entirely eradicated.

756 APSU, Priv. S.O. 1814-1825, fasc. 20 terr. “ Pro memoria per la Secreta di Ferier 4 ,” September 6, 1815.

757 APSU, Priv. S.O. Riconstruzione di Palazzo di S.O . 1925. no. 16.

758 Cifres, Rari e Preziosi, 99-100.

227

Figure 7. Uffizi 765A. Antonio da Sangallo the Younger, Groundplan, Casa da Roberto Pucci , Florence.

VI. Pucci Patronage of Giuliano da Sangallo and Antonio da Sangallo the Younger

While Cardinal Lorenzo’s architectural focus was on his Roman palace in the

Campo Santo and the acquisition of vineyards outside the ancient Aurelian Walls, his brothers and their offspring were commited to improvements to the family properties elsewhere in Italy. Between 1528 and 1529, the papal architect Antonio da Sangallo the

Younger drew up plans for a Pucci family palace in Orvieto.759 Although the monumental palace in the ancient hilltown where Cardinal Lorenzo and his nephew

759 Bruschi, Storia dell’architettura italiana: il primo Cinquecento , 27. See also the entry on Antonio da Sangallo the Younger (“ Cordini, Antonio, detto Antonio da Sangallo il Giovane”) by Arnaldo Bruschi in Dizionario biografico degli italiani 29 (Rome, 1983).

228 Antonio d’Alessandro took refuge after the Sack of Rome was never built, Antonio the

Younger and two of his cousins, Giovan Francesco (1484-1539) and Bastiano (1481-

1551), renovated a house the Pucci were renting in the town center and excavated a cistern nearby. 760 Three years later, Raffaello Pucci hired the famous Florentine architect and his workshop to work on the Pucci mining concession in Civita

Bagnoregio (appendix 13).761 Newly discovered archival documents designate the

Sangallo workshop as the contractors who built the loggia at Casignano, a classical

760 Frommel and Adams, The Architectural Drawings of Antonio da Sangallo the Younger and his Circle provides a geneology of the Sangallo family on the frontspieces of volumes I and II. The payments are documented in Unpublished, ASF VGL 270. Figure 92 is a photograph of a previously unknown document appointing Giovan Francesco as an inspector of the house built by Giuliano da Sangallo on Borgo Pinti.

761 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 280 documents the work on the Pucci mining concession and the involvement of Maestro Francesco Scarpellino (c. 3). The identification of Francesco scarpellino as Giuliano da Sangallo’s son, Francesco, is supported by a notation in that same account book of an old debt that is not a priority ( uno sunto de debitori de’ libri vechi che non sono molto exegibili ne’ da farvi fundamento tamen in verita’ sono debitori et deveriano pagare ) by his cousin, Antonio the Younger on c. CXXiiii:

“Maestro Antonio da Sangallo per resto di grano l’anno del caro al detto libro B 143 scudi 37 .” In this project, the various workers were also involved in repairing the door to a house the Pucci owned, restoring the roof of the barn and fabricating a table for the house: c. CCXLII “ MDCCCV

Maestro Andrea di chontro de’ avere add’ addi’ (sic) xxxxi di maggio scudi uno soldi 55 si gli fanno buoni per opere xiii a soldi x l’una et opere 5 per il gharzone a soldi 5 l’una posto spese della magione dare in questo … c. 172 …… scudi 1 soldi 55

E addi xv detto(luglio) lire trenta segli fanno buoni per avere murato l’uscio a lato al cellaio et per avere ritratato el tetto dove e’ riposto el fieno posto spese di chasa dare…c. 174 …………………………………………………………...soldi 30.” See also Unpublished, MGR 373, c. 151a: “MDXXXIIII/Mastro Giovanni muratore di contro de' avere addì XVIII di maggio scudi due soldi 52 si fanno buoni per la monta di opere cioè 14 a libro 32 posto ispese de la miniera dare in questo a c. 135, scudi 2 soldi 52 e de' avere scudi uno soldi XX si gli fanni buono per 12 opere lavorò alla miniera a guli(sic) uno el dì levato dal libro segnato F a c. 60 posto spese dare c. 173, scudi 1 soldi 20 e de' avere scudi dua soldi cinquanta si gli fanno buoni per fattura del palcho della chasa alla magione e la schala di fuora dove sta Mariano fecie fino dì febraio 1534 posto spese della magione dare c. 170, scudi 2 soldi 50 e addì 25 ottobre scudi uno soldi … si gli fanno buoni per XI opere per rifare i fornelli e rachonciare la vascha della miniera posto spese della miniera dare c. 166, scudi 1 e de' avere addì X di dicembre scudi uno per opere XII a fare gli usci e murare le trave per il solare e la schala di Federigho el vero di Pierone a soldi X el dì posto spese della magione dare c. 279 scudi 1 soldi 20 .”

229 villa outside Florence, and rebuilt at least part of the Pucci compound in the parish of

San Michele Visdomini in the northern quadrant of the city. 762

Payments in the Pucci account books to Antonio the Younger’s uncle Giuliano da Sangallo for work at Casignano are testimony to patronage of one of the most renowned and classically minded architectural practices of the Renaissance that began well before Antonio the Younger, exceptionally prolific, began an apprenticeship with his famous uncles. 763 During his service as an assistant to Bramante, head architect of

St. Peter’s under Julius II, Antonio the Younger added a mastery of sectional drawing to his technical skills as a draftsman, which included the ability to combine a ground plan, elevation, and cross section on a single sheet.764 The decision to leave the fabbrica di San Pietro in 1513 coincided with his work on Sant’Egidio in Cellere, a pilgrimage

762 The payment records for the project in Casignano undertaken between 1524 and 1529 are to be found in Unpublished ASF, VGL 266. For Antonio the Younger’s drawings for the Pucci townhouse in Florence see Gustavo Giovannoni, Antonio da Sangallo il Giovane , vol. I, 322. Unpublished, ASF, VGL 260, c. 1a-4b indicates that by 1522 (the year that his older brother Francesco died), Raffaello Pucci had taken over for his father Alessandro in accounting for the wool, linen, and rents ( prigione ) from the miller ( magniao ) and for the rye, barley (orzo ), wine, bread, and mules involved in maintaining the family’s agricultural properties in Tuscany. Other records position Raffaello as the nephew in charge of the cardinal’s secular affairs, especially a letter written from the cardinal to Raffaello on July 10, 1529 in which he authorizes the payments of taxes, grain, a commission, and the payment to a notary (Unpublished, Carte Strozziane 355, Serie I, c. 230).

763 The first extant documented account of the building project in Casignano is to be found in a collective payment book maintained on behalf of Antonio Pucci’s sons: Unpublished, ASF, VGL 253, c. 35, 1486: “Giuliano da Sangallo legnaiuolo de dare fino da 29 d’agosto per conto di messer Piero per xxiiii di grano (libro?) di Casignano .” C. 163: “1486 […] ser Giovanni prete a Chasignano […] […] fino a dì 29 d'aghosto staiora 14 di grano per noi a Giuliano da san Gallo legnaiolo per chonto di messer Puccio per poliza di Giovanni Soldani debitore Giuliano a c. 35, staiora 24 .” The literature on Giuliano da Sangallo includes a new study by Sabine Frommel, Giuliano da Sangallo (Florence: Ente Cassa di Risparmio di Firenze, 2014) that provides a full bibliography on pp. 381-397.

764 Christoph L. Frommel, The Architecture of the Italian Renaissance (London: Thames and Hudson, 2007), 136 and 139; Frommel and Adams, The Architectural Drawings of Antonio da Sangallo the Younger and his Circle and (Cambridge: The MIT Press, 2000), volume II, Churches, Villas, the Pantheon, Tombs, and Ancient Inscriptions, 9 and vol. I , 14 . Vasari’s report that Antonio the Younger began his service as Bramante’s assistant in 1509, the year his uncle Giuliano returned to Florence, coincides with the promotion of Lorenzo Pucci to papal datary. (Frommel and Adams, The Architectural Drawings of Antonio da Sangallo the Younger, vol. I, 12). As head of the Vatican’s finances, Bishop Pucci would have been especially familiar with the architects working for the fabbrica di San Pietro .

230 church commissioned by the Farnese in Lazio, where the young Florentine architect modernized his uncle’s use of a Doric/Ionic sequence.765 Antonio the Younger also designed the castello of Capodimonte, Palazzo Inghirami-Ricci, Palazzo Baldassini, and Palazzo Farnese in Rome, a project whose earliest iterations were an important point of departure for the design of Palazzo Pucci in Orvieto. 766

Three years later, Antonio the Younger returned to Rome as the successor to his uncle Giuliano as the second architect in charge of the Vatican building projects. He then began working on the Villa Madama, a suburban retreat built for Cardinal Giulio de’ Medici on Monte Mario based in part on Pliny the Younger’s descriptions of

Roman gardens and villas.767 Begun by Raphael in 1519, the villa’s great circular courtyard and frescoed loggia were considered the first great artistic recreation of an

765 Christoph. L. Frommel, “ Sant’Egidio a Cellere: funzione, tipoligia e forma ” in All’ombra si ‘sa’gilio a celeri di farnesi (Atti del convegno, Cellere, 10 aprile 1999), E. Galdieri, R. Luzi, (Cellere, 2001), 79- 110. See also Maurizio Gargano, “ la chiesa di S. Egidio a Celiere da un disegno di Antonio da Sangallo il Giovane ,” Bolletttino d’Arte 67 (1991): 96-163. See also Tafuri, “The churches of Antonio da Sangallo the Younger,” in The Architectural Drawings of Antonio da Sangallo the Younger, vol. II, 8-9; Frommel, The Architecture of the Italian Renaissance , 136 and 139; and Arnaldo Bruschi, Bramante architetto (Bari, 1969), 237-241. See also Bruschi, “Cordini, Antonio, detto Antonio da Sangallo il Giovane,” in Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani Treccani , 3-23.

766 Frommel, The Architecture of the Italian Renaissance , 136 and 139 and Frommel and Adams, The Architectural Drawings of Antonio da Sangallo the Younger, vol. II, 8-9. On Palazzo Ricci, see Arnaldo Bruschi “ Il palazzo Ricci a Roma, di Antonio da Sangallo il Giovane ,” Rassegna di architettura e urbanistica 23 (1990): 50-54.

767 The literature on Villa Madama includes Howard Burns, " Raffaello e 'quell'antiqua architectura ,'" in Raffaello architetto , ed. C.L. Frommel (Milan: Electa, 1984), 381-404; Roger Jones and Nicholas Penny, Raphael (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1983), esp. 207-234; W.E. Greenwood, Villa Madama Rome: A Reconstruction (New York: William Helburn, 1928); C. L. Frommel, “ La Villa Madama e la tipologia della villa romana nel Rinascimento ,” Bullettino del Centro Internazionale di Studi di Architettura Andrea Palladio XI (1969); R. Levre, Villa Madama (Rome: Editalia, 1973); and Philip Foster, “Raphael on the Villa Madama: the Text of a Lost Letter,” Römisches Jahrbuch für Kunstgeschichte XI (1967-8): 307-312. See also the bibliography listed in ff. 590 and 692.

231 ancient structure.768 A careful reading of Pliny’s description of his own seaside villa and other ancient Roman pleasure palaces also appears to have inspired the open courts and uncovered amphitheater set into the hillside.769 Scholars have also noted the similarities between Villa Madama and the never-completed “Ninfero” at Genazzano designed for Cardinal Pompeo Colonna, a country villa attributed to Bramante.770

Antonio the Younger took over the Medici project on Monte Mario after his succession of Raphael as capomaestro of the Vatican, a position the Florentine architect held until his death twenty-six years later. 771

By 1524, when the Sangallo workshop began a new program of aggrandizement of the Pucci villa known as Casignano outside Florence, Antonio the Younger had designed a papal palace for Leo X on the . While the palace was never built, the Florentine architect did manage to complete the papal mint and take over the

768 Howard Burns, " Raffaello e 'quell'antiqua architectura ,' " and La Villa italiana del Rinascimento : Forme e funzione delle residenze di campagna, dal castello alla villa palladiana (Venice: Colla Editore, 2012).

769 John Paoletti and Gary Radke, Art, Power and Patronage in Renaissance Italy (Upper Saddle River, New Jersey: Prentice Hall, 1997), 421 observe that: “Not only is the architectural vocabulary evocative of Roman antiquity in terms of arches, pilasters, and marble revetments, the stucco decorations that illustrate nearly all of its upper surfaces derive from similar ancient forms that had been uncovered on the in Rome toward the end of the fifteenth century.”

770 Christoph L. Frommel, “Bramante’s Ninfero in Genazzano,” Römisches Jahrbuch für Kunstgeschichte XII (1969): 137-160.

771 Frommel, The Architecture of the Italian Renaissance , 139. Frommel and Adams, The Architectural Drawings of Antonio da Sangallo the Younger , vol. II, 29 point out that Antonio the Younger took over immediately as first architect of the Vatican when Raphael of Urbino died unexpectedly on April 6, 1520 and began the first of many wooden construction models of St. Peter’s, the largest and most complete of which is so large that it is possible to walk into the interior divisions of the ambulatories. See also San Pietro che non c'è : da Bramante a Sangallo il Giovane , ed. C. Tessari and Arnaldo Bruschi ( New York: Art Books, 1997) and Sandro Benedetti, “ L’officina architettonica di Antonio da Sangallo il Giovane per il San Pietro di Roma ,” Quaderni dell’Istituto di storia dell’archiittetura 15-20 (1992): 15-20, 485-504. See also St. Peter’s in the Vatican , ed. William Tronzo (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 2005), esp. 85-88 for Antonio the Younger’s drawings for the project and 305-313 for a full bibliography on the construction of St. Peter’s basilica during the Renaissance.

232 design program for both the Spanish national church in Rome and the Florentine national church of San Giovanni dei Fiorentini. He also built Palazzo Baldassini, a

Roman house whose courtyard with blind arcades reappeared in sketches for the renovation of the Pucci residential projects in Florence and Orvieto.772 Well-organized and extremely ambitious, Antonio the Younger went on to design innumerable monuments, churches, strongholds, and palatial residences for other members of the

Camera Apostolica and their retainers while still maintaining architectural responsibility for the major building projects and fortifications commissioned by the papal state. 773

Casignano: The History of the Pucci Villa in Scandicci

A previously unknown project begun by Giuliano da Sangallo, Casignano sits high on the hills southwest of Florence in the Popolo di San Zenobi in the municipality

(comune ) of Scandicci (fig. 93 and 94). Raffaello d’Alessandro d’Antonio’s great- grandfather Puccio first bought land in these wooded hills southwest of Florence from the Bardi family in 1427, an agricultural property to which his son Antonio added a podere with a house in 1457 and another small farm with a dwelling for the workers in

1460. 774 In documents regarding an arbitration of Antonio’s will, Puccio Pucci (1453-

772 Frommel, The Architecture of the Italian Renaissance , 139-40. The literature on Antonio da Sangallo the Younger during the pontificate of Leo X includes Tessari and Bruschi, eds., San Pietro che non c’e’ and Tafuri, Interpreting the Renaissance . For Antonio the Younger’s model of St. Peter’s see Sandro Benedetti, Il modello per il San Pietro in Vaticano: Antonio da Sangallo il Giovane (Rome: Gangerni, 20009) and “ Il modello per il San Pietro Vaticano di Antonio da Sangallo il Giovane ,” in Antonio da Sangallo il Giovane – La vita e l’opera , Atti del XXII congreso di storia dell’architettura (Rome, February 19-21), Gianfranco Spagnesi, ed. (Rome, 1986), 157-174. See also Frommel, Architettura alla Corte Papale nel Rinascimento. An earlier survey of Antonio’s oeuvre is to be found in Giovannoni, Antonio da Sangallo il Giovane , volumes I and II.

773 Frommel and Adams, The Architectural Drawings of Antonio da Sangallo the Younger, I, 5.

233 1494), the eldest of Antonio’s three sons by his first wife Maddalena Gini, is identified as owing Giuliano da Sangallo a delivery of grain in 1486.775 While Giuliano is here identified as a master woodworker (legnaiuolo ), the role of Antonio di Larma, named alongside the elder Sangallo in the same registry of payments, is not described. A year later, Giuliano da Sangallo and Antonio di Larma are again compensated for their work at Casignano, this time in oil and grain, a payment in kind that was the reimbursement of choice in many of the Pucci architectural and decorative projects. 776 The entry in the

774 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 387, Insert 3 is an account of Antonio di Puccio Pucci’s catasto taken in 1470 and the history of his acquisition of agricultural property. Bernardo Bardi was a Florentine merchant who lived in France and Bruges, which may explain the sale of these farmlands. Antonio’s catasto of 1480 still describes Casignano as “ un’ podere di chasa dasignori a da lavoratori .” In that same year, Antonio purchased land in that area, suggesting that his building project commenced sometime between 1480 and his death in 1484.

775 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 253 is an account book labeled Questo libro attiene a messer Lorenzo messer Puccio Alexandro d’Antonio Pucci achor[do] tra loro e a propria […] e le loro poxixioni e choxe atenenti a quelli e chiamaxi quaderno di poxixioni segnato A. It documents relations with farmers, millers and rent-collectors ( pigionali ) in Empoli, Granaiolo, Casignano, and elsewhere, as well as operators of kilns on these properties. The debits and credits account for oil, wine, wheat, barley and other grain (biade ) produced on these podere , mulano, and vineyards owned by three of Antonio’s oldest sons. C. 35a:MCCCCLXXXVI/Guliano di ... da Xanghallo legnauiolo de’ dare fino a di’ 29 d’ aghosto per chonto di messer Puccio staia XXIIII di grano ebe da Chasignano, creditore ser Giovanni prete in questo c. 162 staia 24 di grano

Per messer Puccio .” c. 35a: “ Antonio di…..di Larma de’ dare fino a di’ 23 d’aghosto per staia 24 da grano c’asegnia ser Giovanni prete avergli dato per poliza da messer Puccio chome xi vede creditore detto ser Giovanni in questo a c. 162…………………………………….. staia 24 di grano/Sopra di messer Puccio .”

C. 35b: “ Giuliano legnaiuolo de’ avere staia 24 di grano tirato in chonto di messer Puccio a libro rosso c. 29……staia 24 di grano .” C. 35b: “ Antonio di Larma de’ avere staia 24 di grano che s’aservi sopra di messer Puccio che se n’e’fatto debitore al libro rosso c. 29 ………………………………. staia 24 grano .” For the genealogy of Antonio’s branch of the family see Litta, Pucci di Firenze , Table V.

776 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 605, c. 19a lists the worker who receives grain alongside Giuliano da Sangallo as Antonio della Rena : “ 1487

Grano per conto di messer Puccio proprio […] A Giuliano da Sangallo et Antonio della Rena moggia uno per ciascuno, staia 48 c. 19b 1487 per messer Puccio proprio […]

234 Pucci accounts notes that the payments relate to an unidentified project at Casignano and appears to indicate that the project was begun on the first of November 1485 and completed on March 25, 1487. 777 The duration of Giuliano da Sangallo’s project implies a substantial improvement to the villa that may have revolved around

Giuliano’s expertise in decorative woodwork, possibly a carved door that was removed from the property in the eighteenth century. It is also possible that the Medici house architect, hard at work on Lorenzo de’ Medici’s villa at Poggio a Caiano during this period, was involved in a structural aspect of the expansion of the building from the medieval tower that anchors the building to the classical villa suburbana as it stands now, an attribution that would serve as yet another example of a commission to a learned artisan who traveled in the rarified circles of the Medici.778 Both the architectural elements of the elegant retreat and the harmonically proportioned interiors

-- a large central room flanked by one chamber half again as large and another in which

per tanto a Giuliano da Sangallo barili (olio) uno”

777 Whereas Antonio della Rena is named alongside Giuliano da Sangallo in the payments documented in ASF VGL 605, Antonio di Larma is named alongside Giuliano da Sangallo in this document. Unpublished, ASF, VGL 253, c. 172b “ per lui a Giuliano da Sangallo…. staia 1 ” and c. 170b: “1487/ Olio richolto questo anno in parte a Chasignano e prima […]

E piu barili 1 a Giuliano da Sangallo debitore messer Puccio barili 1.”

171b: “ Messer Puccio de’ dare per questo grano a spese(?) […] per lui a Guliano da Sanghallo legnaiuolo staia 48 per lui a Antonio di Larma staia 24 e per la meta’ di staia 374 loghoro a chonto lui e Alexandro in filza scritto che staia 10 del mese di mago 1486 a Chasignano chominchando a di’ primo di novembre 1485 e finito a di’ 25 di marzo 1487, staiora 187 .”

778 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 253, c. 172b: MDIIIILXVII/Messer Puccio

Per lui a Guliano da Sanghallo …………….. staia 1.”

235 the old tower has been incorporated into a regularized space with similar dimensions – are traits of Giuliano da Sangallo’s classicizing aesthetic.

There are additional payments in 1487 to Giuliano da Sangallo and a co-worker in grain; in this case una moggia , a measure of wheat worth 48 scudi that was to be distributed to each of them ( uno per ciascuo ).779 On the next page of this giornale ,

Giuliano da Sangallo is listed as the recipient of another scudi per conto Messer Puccio

Proprio tanto a Giuliano da Sangallo .780 The same series of payments makes note of the selection of Ser Petrus di Antonio de Pasqueis as the administrator of the property, here described as Palazzo Casignano in Populo San Zenobi a Casignano comitatis.781

These entries again relate this property to Puccio d’Antonio, a jurist famed for his rhetorical expositions of legal doctrine. 782 In addition to his service as ambassador to

Faenza, Puccio’s distinguished political career included a stint as the military leader of the Florentine forces at Castrocaro in 1490-91 and his post as commander of the army who fought in Arezzo a year later. 783 The brothers’ account books record Puccio’s receipt of more than 8,000 scudi in grain from the family farmlands. 784 Letters written by his wife, Gerolama Farnese (1466-1505) -- a sister of the famed beauty, Giulia

779 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 605, Contracts of Casa Pucci 1479-1574, c. 19. On the verso of this payment record associated with the accounts of Messer Puccio Proprio in which Giuliano da Sangallo is paid another R 1. The notaries of the accounts in this book are listed as Luca di ser Giovanni di Martino and Giovanni Bernardo de Soldani Florentinium . It is worth noting that the Pucci paid many of the artisans in their employ in agricultural goods; as is documented in subsequent chapters, both Baccio d’Agnolo and Antonio da Sangallo the Younger are compensated in grain.

780 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 605, c. 19.

781 Litta, “ Pucci di Firenze ,” vol. 15, table V.

782 Litta, “ Pucci di Firenze ,” vol. 15, table V.

783 Litta, “ Pucci di Firenze ,” vol. 15, table V.

784 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 252, c. xxvii.

236 Farnese, best known for her relationship with Pope Alexander VI -- indicate that

Gerolama was living in Casignano in 1493 and was hostess to a Sunday visit from her brother-in-law Giannozzo Pucci and his wife Lucretia Bini. 785 Other letters written during this period testify to Puccio’s close communication with his renowned brother- in-law, known in minoribus as Cardinale SS Cosimo e Damiano and elected Pope Paul

III in 1534. 786 A year after his death in 1494, Puccio’s widow married the Count of

Anguillara and Stabbia, an unhappy union that involved accusations of infidelity and murder.787

One of the entries for Puccio’s payments refers to the libro rosso , a lost giornale that would undoubtedly have filled in some of the gaps on the nature of his payments to

Giuliano da Sangallo, a trained woodworker whose architectural legacy is closely identified with the magnificence of Laurentian Florence. 788 Christened Giuliano

Giamberti, Lorenzo de’ Medici’s favorite architect took his nickname from the neighborhood where he was raised and later designed one of Il Magnifico’s most innovative urban planning projects, the aisleless Augustinian monastery surrounded by

785 Danilo Romei and Patrizia Rosini, eds., Regesto dei documenti di Giulia Farnese (Raleigh: Lulu, 2012), 69, 77.

786 Puccio’s marriage to Gerolama Farnese in the Palazzo Orsini in Rome was a ceremony preceded by delivery of a regal dowry. Unpublished, AP, Filza 2, unpaginated. Gerolama Farnese’s dote of 4,897 scudi was paid from the bank of Sant’Agnolo in Bologna by PierLuigi di Farnese. Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 605 c. 26b-28a is a record of the negotiations over Gerolama’s dowry in 1488 that involved Lorenzo de’ Medici, Gerolama’s brother Alessandro Farnese, Dionigi Pucci, and Nicol ò Capponi.

787 Litta, “ Pucci di Firenze ,” vol. 15, table V.

788 See L’Architettura di Lorenzo il Magnifico , ed. Gabriele Morolli, Cristina Acidini Luchinat and Luciano Marchetti (Milan: Silvana Editoriale, 1992).

237 rehabilitated buildings on an old piazza just outside Florence’s San Gallo gate. 789 Some of the most important Florentine palaces of the fifteenth century were designed in

Giuliano’s workshop, including the city palaces built for the Filippo Strozzi the Elder and Bartolomeo Gondi, who met the architect in Naples when Giuliano was sent there by Lorenzo de’ Medici to deliver plans for a royal palace designed for the Argonese king.790 Later plans by the elder Sangallo for a Medici palace complex on Via Laura

789 Vasari, Lives of the Artists , vol. I, 700. The most complete life of Giuliano da Sangallo is to be found in Giuseppe Marchini, Giuliano da Sangallo (Florence: Sansoni Editore, 1942) and P. N. Pagliara’s entry on Giuliano da Sangallo in Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani , 54 (Rome 2000), 293-299. See also F.W. Kent, “New Light on Lorenzo de’ Medici’s Convent at Porta San Gallo,” The Burlington Magazine 124 (1982), 292-94 and Riccardo Pacciani “ Firenze nel seconda metà del secolo ,” in Storia dell’architettura Italiana: il Quattrocento , Francesco Paolo Fiore, ed. (Milan: Electa, 1998), 347-357. The literature on Giuliano da Sangallo also includes a new study by Sabine Frommel, Giuliano da Sangallo (Florence: Ente Cassa di Risparmio di Firenze, 2014). While we know from a letter written in March 1489 by the poet Angelo Poliziano, Lorenzo’s great humanist companion, that Il Magnifico was intensely interested in the work that had recently begun on the convent. As Vasari reports on the construction of the monastary: “Meanwhile the work of S. Gallo was carried on, together with Lorenzo’s other buildings; but neither the convent nor the others were finished, by reason of the death of Lorenzo. And even the completed part of this structure of S. Gallo did not long remain standing, because in 1530, in account of the siege of Florence, it was destroyed and thrown to the ground, together with the whole suburb, the piazza of which was completely surrounded by beautiful buildings; and at the present day there is no trace to be seen there of house, church, or convent” (Vasari, Lives of the Artists , vol.1, 700). Both the monastery and the new buildings he commissioned around this southern entrance to the city were destroyed in preparation for the siege that returned Florence to Medici rule in 1529-30.

790 Both families married into the Pucci family in the sixteenth century. Francesco di Giovanni, a younger brother of Puccio’s, had a son who married Costanza di Leonardo Strozzi in 1514. Roberto Pucci’s daughter married into the Strozzi family forty years later. Workshop practices in the fifteenth century are another factor in the confusion over attributions to Giuliano da Sangallo of other important Florentine city palaces. More often than not in Renaissance Italy, a number of artisans and/or family members worked in tandem on important projects, and even enormously prestigious commissions were taken over and completed by other artisans. Notwithstanding the survival of Giuliano’s striking model for the Strozzi Palace, preserved in the Bargello museum in Florence, differences between the template and the finished building have prompted scholars to downplay Giuliano’s design in favor of the hand Il Cronaca had in the oversight of the finished product. Goldthwaite’s work on the accounts of the project indicate that Il Cronaca was initially hired to oversee the stonework on the project and only brought on six months after the foundations for the massive palace were started (Richard Goldthwaite, The Building of the Strozzi Palace and Private Wealth In Renaissance Florence: A Study of Four Families (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1968). Unfortunately, Vasari’s life of the Sangallo’s is of no help in this regard. He attributes the final design to Benedetto da Maiano notwithstanding the absence of evidence that Benedetto was involved in either the design or the construction of the city’s largest palace. Giuliano’s work for the Gondi, a rich and influential Florentine merchant who befriended Giuliano da Sangallo during the months that the architect spent in Naples as Lorenzo’s cultural envoy to the king and his son, the Duke of Calabria, is not contested. Documents in the Gondi family archives indicate that when Don Ferrante died in 1494, Giuliano Gondi returned to Florence and commissioned Sangallo to build his family a palace along the lines of a classical Roman house, otherwise known as a domus (Linda

238 called for an urban development plan that encompassed an area the size of the northern half of modern day Florence in the parish where both the Pucci and Bartomeo Scala owned homes. 791

Payments to Giuliano da Sangallo by Antonio Pucci’s oldest son coincide with the period in which the architect was hard at work on two other Medici commissions:

Poggio a Caiano and Santa Maria della Carceri in Prato.792 The church he designed for

Pellecchia, “Reconstructing the Greek House, Guiliano da Sangallo’s Villa for the Medici in Florence,” Journal for the Society of Architectural Historians 52 (1993): 323-3 and “Designing the Via Laura Palace: Giuliano da Sangallo, the Medici, and Time” in Lorenzo The Magnificent: Culture and Politics , Michael Mallet and Nicholas Mann eds. (London: Warburg Institute Colloquia, 1996), 37-48; as well as Georgia Clarke, Roman House – Renaissance Palaces: Inventing Antiquity in Fifteenth-century Italy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003). Gondi’s palazzo is sited on a highly strategic lot right in the center of the city, facing the old Mercatanzia on one side and the Palazzo Vecchio on the other (for see Andreas Tönnesmann, Der Palazzo Gondi in Florenz (Worms: Werner, 1983) . Organized around a central courtyard taken from Sangallo’s studies of ancient Roman houses, Palazzo Gondi features an elegant and distinctively decorated interior cortile. Giuliano’s visit to Naples came on the back of Lorenzo’s own daring effort to prevent the invasion of Florence by an erstwhile ally of the Medici family. King Ferdinand I, better known as Don Ferrante, had been persuaded to turn on Florence by Pope Sixtus IV, the same della Rovere Pope implicated in the Pazzi Conspiracy, whose legacy as the patron of the Sistine Chapel has masked his various malicious attempts to eradicate Medici power and enrich his own family. Using the same cultural ploy – sending Botticelli and other of Florence’s greatest artists to beautify the Sistine Chapel for his greatest enemy, Pope Sixtus IV -- Lorenzo packed Sangallo off to the King of Naples in 1488 with a model for a grandiose palace all’antica . In addition to its magnificent colonnaded atrium, it featured another of Giuliano da Sangallo’s innovative and much copied architectural designs, a three-aisled atrium leading to an important architectural feature, in this case a chapel (See Bianca de Devitiis, “ Giuliano da Sangallo in the : Architecture and Cultural Exchange,” Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 74 (2015): 152-178 and Linda Pellecchia, “ Architects Read Vitruvius: Renaissance Interpretations of the Atrium of the Ancient House,” Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 51 (1992): 377-416).

791 For the discussion of this project, not fully attributable to Giuliano da Sangallo, see again Elam, “Lorenzo de’ Medici and the Urban Development of Renaissance Florence,” and Pellecchia, “Reconstructing the Greek House,” 323-38.

792 For Giuliano da Sangallo’s work on Santa Maria delle Carceri see Piero Morselli and Gino Corti , La chiesa di Santa Maria delle Carceri in Prato (Florence: Edam, 1982); Claudio Cerratelli, “ Da oscura prigione a tempio di luce: La costruzione di Santa Maria delle Carceri a Prat o” in Santa Maria delle Carceri a Prato: Miracoli e devozione in un santuario toscano del Rinascimento (Florence: Mandragora, 2005), 45-95; Sabine Frommel, Giuliano da Sangallo, 59-69; Arnaldo Bruschi, “L’Antico e il processo di identificazione degli ordini nella seconda meta del Quattrocento,” in J. Guillaume, L’empoli des orders dans l’architecture de la Renaissance, Atti del Convegno (Tours 9-14 giugno 1986 ) (Paris, 1992), 11-57 ; The Architectural Drawings of Antonio da Sangallo the Younger, vol. II, 8-9; and Gabriele Morolli, “ Templi cristiani all’antica ” in L’Uomo del Rinascimento: Leon Battista Alberti e le arti a Firenze tra ragione e bellezza (Florence: Mandragora, 2006), 275-93 with a bibliography that includes Richa (1754-1762), I, 264-265; Marchini (1942), 32-33; Gabriele Morolli, “ Architetture laurenziane” in

239 the Medici in Prato is a take on the prismatic clarity of Filippo Brunelleschi’s starkly classical in San Lorenzo (1421-1440), while its organization is borrowed from Alberti’s design for San Sebastiano in Mantua (1459), one of the first centrally planned churches of the Renaissance. 793 Its Greek cross plan (a church with four arms of equal length, a structure much admired in academic circles), beautifully carved decorative details, and colonnaded support system have aptly been described as a temple turned inside out. 794 The most learned and influential of the heirs to

Brunelleschi’s revival of ancient architecture, Giuliano took up where Leon Battista

Alberti left off in the archaeological reconstruction of Greco-Roman design.795 Above

‘Per belezza, per studio, per piacere’ Lorenzo de’ Medici e gli spazi d’arte, ed. Franco Borsi (Florence, 1991). Morolli also relates Giuliano’s work at Poggio a Caiano to the literary and visual culture organized around the Albertian precepts of humanism in his article “La villa all’antica ” in this same collection as does Janet Cox-Rearick in “Themes of Time and Rule at Poggio a Caiano: The Portico Frieze of Lorenzo il Magnifico,” Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorischen Institutes in Florenz , 26 (1982): 167-210. See also Philip E. Foster, A Study of Lorenzo de' Medici's Villa at Poggio a Caiano, two Vols. (New York: Garland Publishing, 1978) and Pacciani, “Firenze nel seconda metà del secolo.”

793 Sabine Frommel, Giuliano da Sangallo ; Pacciani, “Firenze nel seconda metà del secolo ”; and Peter Murray, The Architecture of the Italian Renaissance (New York: Schocken Books, 1986), 123. Lorenzo de’ Medici is known to have requested a wood model of San Sebastiano. Although left incomplete, Brunelleschi’s rotunda for Santa Maria degli Angeli in Florence is the first centrally planned church of the Renaissance.

794 Vasari, Lives of the Artists , vol. 1, 702 described the church as the “temple of the Madonna delle Carcere.” See also Ludwig H. Heydenreich, Architecture in Italy, 1400-1500 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1974), 140-42. Carol M. Richardson, Locating Renaissance Art (New Haven: Yale University Press 2007), vol. 2, 277 analyzes Giuliano da Sangallo’s influence on Bramante’s Tempietto. See also Jack Freiberg, Bramante's Tempietto, the Roman Renaissance, and the Spanish Crown (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014), 125-26 . On the exterior of the church Sangallo converted the outer dome into a stepped cone that was suggestive of an antique tomb, while the lofty and light-filled effects he achieved in the interior appear inspired by the great Gothic cathedrals. Antonio the Younger’s experiments with centrally planned churches produced Santa Maria di Loreto in Rome, a design so closely based on the work of Giuliano da Sangallo and Bramante that scholars have attributed the plans drawn up in 1520-22 to his two most important mentors (Frommel and Adams, The Architectural Drawings of Antonio da Sangallo the Younger , vol. II, 150).

795 As with Cicero’s letters, the copy of Vitruvius’s De Architectura libri decem rediscovered early in the Quattrocento was much more widely circulated after its conversion into a less theoretical and more practical treatise on building by Leon Battista Alberti, the most famous scholar operating in the milieu of the Medici court, whose translation of the dense and obscure Latin used by Vitruvius in his Ten Books of Building was dedicated to the humanist pope Nicholas V in 1452 and first published posthumously in 1485. In marrying an artistic triad of Firmitas (robustness), Utilitas (utility) and Venustas (beauty) with

240 the innovative colonnades, an architectural articulation of the notion of rationally ordered space, is a glazed blue and white frieze all’antica separating the upper and lower zones of the interior. A trademark of Giuliano’s contribution to the grammar of

Renaissance ornament, this elegant refinement is all the more striking for its contrast with the pietra serena used to outline the formal symmetry of the interior. 796

In their lifetimes both Giuliano and his brother Antonio da Sangallo the Elder were recognized as master builders possessed of the mathematical, technical, and aesthetic expertise called for in Alberti’s enormously influential treatise on painting, written in Latin in 1435 and translated into Italian a year later. 797 Giuliano da Sangallo was also a life-long student of the aesthetic theories laid out in De re aedificatoria, the last of Alberti’s three treatises on the arts (published in 1485 but available in manuscript form in 1452).798 Building within the city environs intensified in the decade following the Pazzi conspiracy of 1478, inspired by the humanist conception of architecture as an expression of social progress with political implications for the

the practical art of building, De re aedificatoria introduced an architectural vernacular that was faithfully adopted by Giuliano da Sangallo and other of the most notable of the Quattrocento artists working in the Medici orbit. Alberti’s definition of the essential role of the humanist as that of pursuing the “knowledge of how to apply ancient texts to modern problems” was also an intellectual maxim for the Sangallo family of architects (Anthony Grafton, Leon Battista Alberti: Master Builder of the Italian Renaissance (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), 31). See also Howard Burns, “Leon Battista Alberti,” 114-165 and Pier Nicola Pagliara, “ Vitruvio da Testo a Canone ” in Salvatore Settis ed., Memoria dell’Antico nell’Arte italiana (Turin: Enaudi, 1986).

796 The deeply carved frieze was executed by Andrea della Robbia in 1492 and the tondi of the was completed a year earlier (Cerratelli, “ Da oscura prigione a tempio di luce ,” 71-85).

797 Leon Battista Alberti, On Painting , Martin Kemp ed., (London: Penguin Classics, 1991).

798 Frommel and Adams, The Architectural Drawings of Antonio da Sangallo the Younger , vol. II, 86 includes a discussion of Antonio the Younger’s application of the Vitruvian proportions of the Ionic and Corinthian architectural orders. See also Pagliara, “ Vitruvio da Testo a Canone ,” and “Studi e practica vitruviana di Antonio da Sangallo il Giovane e di suo fratello Giovanni Battista .”

241 creation of a harmonious state.799 Giuliano’s nephew, Antonio the Younger, owned four editions of Vitruvius, and his architecture was an attempt to visually translate its densely written account of the geometric proportions and harmonic arrangements underlying the ancient architectural forms he drew and studied.800 A close reading of

Alberti’s discussion of the decorum of Roman temples as the measure of all building deserving of the most expensive construction materials and ornament is especially evident in the elder Sangallo’s work. Giuliano went on to apply elements of ancient sacred architecture to a secular palace; a revolutionary adaptation of ancient architectural prototypes that changed the face of western architecture forever .801 Poggio

799 F.W. Kent, Lorenzo de’ Medici and the Art of Magnificence (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2004), 86-8. Kent’s discussion of Lorenzo de’Medici’s building projects between the years 1485 and his death in 1492 suggests that Giuliano da Sangallo and Lorenzo de’ Medici worked in close collaboration. Alina Payne, The Architectural Treatise in the Italian Renaissance , 73 discusses the influence of Alberti’s theories on political practices of the period. For an overall study of Alberti’s influence on Florentine art of the period see L’Uomo del Rinascimento: Leon Battista Alberti e le arti a Firenze tra ragione e bellezza, ed. Cristina Acidini Luchinat and Gabriele Morolli (Florence: Mandragora, 2006). See also Massimo Bulgarelli, Leon Battista Alberti: 1404-1472 Architettura e Storia (Milan: Electa, 2008) and Howard Burns, “Leon Battista Alberti,” in Storia dell’architettura italiana: il Quattrocento, 114-165.

800 Leon Battista Alberti, The Art of Building in Ten Books , trans. Joseph Rykwert, N. Leach, and R. Tavernor (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1988). See Francesco Benelli’s forthcoming study of Antonio the Younger’s analysis of Vitruvius, parts of which have been included in Benelli, “Proceedings of the Conference on Fra Giocondo” (2015) and Benelli “The Gordian knot” also delivered in 2015.

801 Alberti, The Art of Building , books V and VII. Borrowing from Cicero and Vitruvius, Leon Battista Alberti adopted a theory of decorum in which form properly calibrated to function was the theoretical basis for the architecture produced in the Sangallo family workshop over several generations. Alberti modeled his logic on the speeches of the famed Republican orator Cicero, whose speeches, first available in printed form in 1467, promoted the organization of a well-crafted essay or an effective verbal argument around the same structural and grammatical rules that govern the art of building. Alberti borrowed from Cicero the epistemological terms and conditions for the production of beautiful and graceful works of art and architecture and drew on the writings of Plato and other of the natural philosophers of antiquity the observation that “the arts were born of Chance and Observation, fostered by Use and Experiment, and matured by Knowledge and Reason.” Especially important to Giuliano da Sangallo’s reading of Alberti’s Ten books on Architecture is the axiom that grace and the aesthetic attributes that bring a work of art admiration are correlated to function and suitability. The mark of true art, according to Alberti, is to bring to light a property of beauty that has the character of something inherent, rather than something attached or additional. Alberti’s discussion of ornament in architecture, a topic that accounts for nearly half of De re architettura, is not only premised on Cicero’s literary style and his moral observations on the visual arts in general, but firmly grounded in Cicero’s theories about

242 a Caiano may have been designed as the centerpiece of a state-of-the art agricultural facility, but the so-called villa on the hill comes across as nothing short of a great

Roman temple. Giuliano was also the first Renaissance architect to fully integrate landscape architecture into the scope of his private and civic commissions and to do it on a scale inspired by Roman imperial architecture.802 Unlike the inward focus of the much-copied courtyard of the Medici-Riccardi palace built by Michelozzo di

Bartolomeo Michelozzi, Giuliano’s design for Lorenzo de’ Medici’s city palace on Via

Laura was oriented around a massive arcaded courtyard placed outside the enormous classical villa. 803 The Pucci villa of Casignano is likewise a reflection on the antique

adornment in rhetoric. Ornament, Alberti went on to say, is like nature herself, with forms that are neither wanting or lacking; a complement to beauty that has the character of something attached or additional but that nonetheless conforms to the rules of consistency that are the mark of true art. Alberti’s belief that columns were the most beautiful ornament because of their centrality underscored the geometric basis for beauty and proportion in architecture, a concept he termed concinnitas. The application of ornament is always inextricably related to the function and utility of the architecture it adorns, with temples accorded a sacred status. In addition to the dignity of temple architecture derived from a harmonious relation both with its surroundings and its internal structure, workmanship makes objects beautiful and graceful, properties derived from nature that Alberti defined as weight, lightness, density, purity, and durability. Giuliano da Sangallo and the heirs to his practice adopted the notion of proportional perfection of the human body postulated by Alberti: “In temples and colonnades the pillars are to support the structure, yet they are as dignified in appearance as they are useful. Yonder pediment of the Capitol and those of the other temples are the product not of beauty but of actual necessity.” See also Cicero: De Oratore, De Fato, Pardoxa Stoicorum, Partitione Oratoria , trans. H. Rackham (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1942), iv,179 and Bulgarelli, Leon Battista Alberti: 1404-1472 .

802 Pellecchia, “Reconstructing the Greek House,” 323-24 notes the semicircular portico facing out onto a garden of “Neronian” dimensions in Giuliano da Sangallo’s design for a new Medici palace on the Via Laura.

803 Frommel and Adams, The Architectural Drawings of Antonio da Sangallo the Younger , vol. II, 160 points out the outward-facing arrangements of Antonio the Younger’s design for a villa complex outlined in Uffizi 842Ar, which features a garden with an exedra sited on an ascending slope, a terrain closer to Pliny’s discussions of the landscape described in Epistolae , V: 6, 33-40. For a general discussion of Pliny’s influence on Renaissance art see Sarah McHam, Pliny and the Artistic Culture of the Italian Renaissance (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2013). Pliny’s influence on the artists patronized by the Pucci is also evident on the majolica plate depicting the Woman of Sestos from Xanto’s setting of dinnerware created for the Pucci family in 1532 and on the work of Giovanni Caccini, the sculptor cum architect hired to build the classicizing loggia across the façade of Santissima Annunziata (McHam, Pliny , 242-43). See also Pacciani, “Firenze nel seconda met à del secolo ” in Storia dell’architettura Italiana : il Quattrocento , 347-357 and Caroline Elam, “Lorenzo’s Architectural and Urban Polities,” in Lorenzo Il Magnifico e il suo mondo, Gian Carlo Garfagnini, ed. (Florence: Leo S. Olschki, 1994), 357- 384.

243 villas referenced in the epistles of Pliny the Younger, especially its position on a hill with the loggia oriented as much as possible toward the surrounding views. 804 The dominant themes of Giuliano’s architectural lexicon – emphatically symmetrical plans, the first-time incorporation of temple architecture into secular city palaces, a jewel-like execution of classicizing decorative motifs, and buildings sited to command the surrounding landscape -- were also defining elements of his nephew’s work, especially

Antonio the Younger’s design for the Pucci palace in Orvieto. 805

804 Frommel and Adams, The Architectural Drawings of Antonio da Sangallo the Younger , vol. II, 160.

805 For Giuliano da Sangallo’s designs for Medicean allies in Florence see Frommel, The Architecture of the Italian Renaissance , 65; F. Bordoni, “ La villa suburbana di Bartolomeo Scala a Firenze, Villamque dives pubblico peculio/insanus urbam struit ,” Quaderni dell’Istituto di Storia dell’Archiiettura , nuova serie 51 (2009): 17-38; Beverly Brown, Bartolomeo Scala: Chancellor of Florence, the Humanist as Bureaucrat (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1979); Francesca Bordoni, “ La dimora di Bartolomeo Scala nel Palazzo Della Gherardesca a Firenze ,” Annali di architettura 23 (2011): 9-36; Linda Pellecchia, “Designing the Via Laura Palace: Guiliano da Sangallo, the Medici, and Time” and “Reconstructing the Greek House”; F.W. Kent, “New Light on Lorenzo de’ Medici’s Convent at Porta San Gallo,” 292-294; Goldthwaite, The Building of the Strozzi Palace ; and Laurie Fusco and Gino Corti, Lorenzo de’ Medici: Collector and Antiquarian (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006). From 1467 until his return to Florence in 1472, Giuliano da Sangallo was in Rome where is recorded as engaged on a number of papal building projects (Beverly Louise Brown and Diana E. E. Kleiner, “Giuliano da Sangallo’s Drawings after Ciriaco d’Ancona: Transformations of Greek and Roman Antiquities in Athens ,” Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 42 (1983), 321-23). The drawings, sketches, and albums that circulated in his workshop, bound together into a sketchbook at the end of his life and passed on through Giuliano’s workshop are filled with fanciful and decorative reconstructions of the ruined classical buildings he studied and measured, architectural plans and decorative motifs inspired by these antiquities, and even recipes, all carefully labeled in Latin (Huelsen, Il Libro di Giuliano da Sangallo, Codice Vaticano Latino 4424, I-II (Leipzig, 1910), provides a facsimile of the notebook and proposes the sketchbook as a compilation of architectural drawings, sketches and smaller albums that Giuliano rebound between 1514 and 1516, the year of his death. See also Borsi, Giuliano da Sangallo: I disegni di architettura e dell'antico . The dating of Giuliano’s Vatican sketchbook is indicated by the inscription on the frontspiece: Questo libro e di Giuliano/di Francesco Giamberti/architetto nuovamente da Sangallo chiamato/ c(on) molti disegni misurati/et tratti dalo anticho/chominciato/A(nno) d(i) N(ostro) S(ignore) MCCCCLV/In Roma (Brown and Kleiner, Giuliano da Sangallo’s Drawings after Ciriaco d’Ancona, 323, ff. 13). A strong believer in the architectural primacy of classical ruins, Giuliano used scale and idealized representations to convey the solid dignity of ancient architecture in a way that not only helped his nephew launch a full-scale revival of classical architecture but set the groundwork for the exaggerated aesthetic of the next century. A second notebook, the Taccuino senese , which includes the work of the architect’s later years and incorporates dimensions and studies for specific features of his architectural designs as well as illustrations of medieval buildings that he visited on his travels throughout Italy and southern France, gives notice of Giuliano’s interest in the decorative arts (R. Falb, Il taccuino senese di Giuliano da Sangallo , (Siena, 1902) is a facsimile edition of the sketchbook, currently in the Biblioteca Comunale in Siena). This collection of drawings

244 The scope of Giuliano da Sangallo’s work at Casignano is unclear, although the description of the building in the arbitration of Antonio di Puccio’s will as a palace suggests that between 1480, when Antonio Pucci filed a catasto describing Casignano as a small working farm, and his death in 1484, the property had been transformed into a Renaissance villa suburbana .806 As it stands now, the pre-existing medieval tower has been integrated into the oldest part of the structure, which appears to include the original entrance on the east end of the building. 807 As in the interior of Lorenzo de’

Medici’s suburban villa at Poggio a Caiano, the central atrium at Casignano has been replaced with an enormous central salone that functioned as a great hall or banqueting room (fig. 97 and 98). 808 In this case, however, the L-shaped building features two enormous central halls stacked on one another to form a western wing in a configuration that quotes Giuliano’s renovation of La Magliana in Rome. 809 As in the hunting lodge modernized for use by Julius II sometime around 1506, the salone is almost independent of the front block of the building and the apertures that line three contains sketches of furniture and other artistic objects demonstrates an immersion in the study of antique architectural decoration and classicizing imagery that weighed as heavily in Giuliano da Sangallo’s aesthetic as his interest in the revival of antique architectural form, proportion, and organization. As Vasari wrote about the decorative frieze over the stone chimneypiece that Giuliano designed for Palazzo Gondi (begun in 1490), it was so “very rich in carvings, and so varied and beautiful in composition, that up to that time there had never been the like.” (Vasari, Lives of the Artists , vol. I, 700). See also Alina Payne, The Architectural Treatise in the Italian Renaissance: Architectural Invention, Ornament, and Literary Culture (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 72-3. For the known drawings of Giuliano da Sangallo see Borsi, Giuliano da Sangallo: i disegni di architettura e dell'antico . The biographical information on Alberti and his influence on Lorenzo de’ Medici is discussed in Grafton, Leon Battista Alberti, 35.

806 The villa as it stands today is cited by Daniela Lamberini, ed., Scandicci - Itinerari storico artistici nei dintorni di Firenze (Florence: Ponte alle Grazie, 1990).

807 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 605, c. 19b.

808 As illustrated in the plan drawn in his Taccuino senese, Giuliano da Sangallo calibrated the smaller rooms in each of the four equally sized wings off the central hall of Poggio a Caiano in harmonic ratios of 1:2 and 1:3.

809 Frommel, Giuliano da Sangallo , 311.

245 sides of the projecting wing look straight out onto the gardens beyond. In addition to its harmonic proportions, the patently Vitruvian proportions of the columns lining the great hall support the inference from the payment records that Giuliano da Sangallo’s involvement in Casignano may well have extended to a master plan that was executed over time. While the payment records indicate that the villa was built in stages and infer that the great hall was constructed in the early sixteenth century by Giuliano’s son,

Francesco da Sangallo, the simple Tuscan order and the Pucci stemma carved onto the neck of each column are consistent with the light touch with which Giuliano and his followers offset the austerity of classical architecture with beautifully crafted sculptural details.

Casignano in the Sixteenth Century: A Florentine villa suburbana

Even before Cardinal Lorenzo Pucci formally transferred the family properties in Tuscany to his older brother Alessandro in 1522, he provided his nephew Antonio d’Alessandro with funds for purchasing additional land in the comune of San Zanobi. 810

In February of 1509, the year Lorenzo Pucci was named Bishop Co-adjutor of Pistoia, he sent Antonio a sizable sum earmarked for other properties, a transaction concluded on April 13, 1510.811 Thereafter payments on the land were made to Giulio de Ricasole

810 These were properties transferred inter vivos. Unpublished, AP, Filza 11, no. 174 “ Cartella (…) Memorie di diverse della Famiglia Pucci ,” c. 169 “ Lorenzo cardinale donazione 1522 9 Jan rogata da Bernardo Vermigli a Roma .” See also Unpublished, ASF, VGL 299. A letter to Cardinal Lorenzo’s sister Mona Lucretia dated November 18, 1518 explains that he had arranged for the sons of his brother Alessandro to inherit Casignano and the so-called casa grande in Florence, while the sons of his brother Piero were to inherit Uliveto (Unpublished, ASF, MGR 386, insert 8, Rome, November 18, 1518).

811 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 371, folio 6 provides an account of these transactions.

246 every six months until 1513. 812 Antonio’s father Alessandro more than matched the outlays for the three small farms with houses for the workers ( poderi con case da lavorati ) and ten parcels of wooded land with a kiln for making bricks (fornace da mattoni ).813 In 1524, Cardinal Lorenzo and his brother Alessandro each gave Antonio d’Alessandro another 1,200 scudi d’oro for a total of 2,400 scudi per la compra delle posessioni poste nel popolo di S. Zanobi a Casignano le quali si consegnorno pi ù tempo fa per e distubione .814 The cardinal, intent on providing his nephew, who had become Bishop of Pistoia in his stead, with a country estate suitable to Antonio’s new station in life, authorized two additional transfers of capital in that same year, each in the amount of 4,200 scudi d’oro. 815 These gifts are consistent with payments in

Alessandro’s account books in 1524 for workers at the villa, suggesting that a new phase of building had began in earnest.816

Although the master account book (libro grande ) of the muratore for this segment of Casignano’s construction is now lost, a giornale maintained by Antonio’s younger brother, Raffaello (1490-1551) -- who took over management of the project along with oversight of the family patrimony elsewhere in Tuscany following the deaths of his older brother, Francesco, in 1522 and his father three years later -- has survived, a record that documents payments to the workers involved in expanding the

812 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 371, folio 6. The contract was notarized on April 13, 1520 by Jacopo di Martino.

813 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 371, folio 6.

814 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 371, folio 6.

815 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 371, folio 6.

816 While Alessandro’s account book for 1524 has a handful of payments to Francesco scarpellino , his earlier account books have perished, making it impossible to ascertain if the pattern of spending established by the accounts recorded between 1525 and 1528 are entirely accurate.

247 building. In the years that follow, Raffaello’s account books are filled with payments for work on the villa in sequences that effectively describe Francesco scarpellino, as the contractor in charge. 817 Unfortunately, secondary account books that refer to a master account (in this case a libro della muraglia ) often limit identification of the workers involved in a project to their Christian names.818 Aside from the stylistic attributes of the Pucci coat of arms on the columns and corbels to Francesco di Giuliano da Sangallo (1494-1576), the evidence for the identification of Francesco scarpellino as

Antonio the Younger’s cousin includes a subsequent project in which other of Antonio the Younger’s relatives were employed by the Pucci in Orvieto (a project examined in the next section of this chapter) and again at Bagnoregio, where the Pucci owned a mining concession. To confuse matters further, there is a reference in these ledgers to

Giovan Francesco da Sangallo (1484-1530), as Francesco in a later Pucci account book documenting the project at Orvieto. Here, a clarification of Francesco’s identity is only possible because the payments are also directed to Bastiano, sometimes known as

Aristotile (1481-1551), named as his brother ( fratello). 819 A letter preserved in the

Capponi family archives in Florence documents a formal request to Giovan Francesco from the Signoria in January 1525 (Florentine dating) for a review of the work of

817 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 258 is an account book of Alessandro Pucci dated to 1524 in which he makes several payments to Francesco scarpellino . The payments on c. 1 and c.12 are dated to May and August 1524. Unpublished, ASF, VGL 260, c. 5a makes note of a payment to Bernardo legnaiuolo for the construction of a bed.

818 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 257, c. 63b: “ A Maestro Piero muratore per chonto della muraglia de dare addi 14 aprile (1526) y 32 lui ditti chome lippare libro grande a 8 per aveva fatte del palazzo.” C. 57b identifies this mason as Maestro Piero muratore da Santo Chasciano . C. 56b identifies another mason, Giuliano, as originating from San Chasicano. Unpublished, ASF, VGL 257, c. 12 and 13 are payments to Francesco di Pescia by Bastiano Nori. Bastiano is paid on c. 94.

819 Although Giovan Francesco is referred to as Francesco, he is never referred to as a sculptor.

248 Giuliano da Sangallo on the palace built for Bartolommeo Scala, an accomplished humanist who was the longest serving chancellor in the Florentine government (fig.

99). 820 Bastiano also makes a brief appearance in the payment book for Casignano where he is identified as Bastiano di Francesco in a transaction involving the supply of stone for the building. Identifying the various members of the setta Sangallesca is rendered even more difficult by the fact that Antonio the Younger worked frequently with his brothers, also named Francesco (c. 1490-1552), and Giovanni Battista (1496-

1548), nicknamed il Gobbo .821 However, Francesco da Sangallo’s career as a sculptor positions him as the only member of the Sangallo family who would have been referred to as a scarpellino .822 In any event, the involvement of the de Sangalli in the project is made explicit in the note to a payment record made in 1540-1541 in which the Sangallo workshop is specifically named as having completed work on the villa many years earlier. 823

820 See ff. 801. 821 Frommel and Adams, The Architectural Drawings of Antonio da Sangallo the Younger and his Circle , vols. I and II list the projects on which Antonio the Younger collaborated with his brothers.

822 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 257 is an account book maintained between 1525 and 1527 on behalf of Raffaello Pucci. The Sangallo family genealogy is provided on the end papers of Frommel and Adams, The Architectural Drawings of Antonio da Sangallo the Younger , vols. I and II. Francesco da Sangallo had a cousin by the name of Giovan Francesco da Sangallo (1484-1530), the younger brother of Bastiano da Sangallo (1481-1551). The payment records to Francesco for the Pucci commissions in Orvieto refer to Giovan Francesco (1484-1530). Francesco di Giuliano da Sangallo was a sculptor who worked with his cousin Antonio da Sangallo the Younger on the ceiling of Santa Maria della Quercia in Viterbo in 1526 (Rona Roisman, Francesco da Sangallo: The Tombs (PhD Dissertation, Institute of Fine Arts, New York University (1995), 13). Michelangelo’s dissatisfaction with the quality of Francesco’s carving of part of the frieze of grotesque masks near the tomb of Lorenzo de’ Medici (Roisman, Francesco da Sangallo , 12) is consistent with an interpretation of the payment records for the project at Casignano as a commission overseen by the architect Antonio da Sangallo the Younger in which Francesco (rather than Giovan Francesco) was employed to oversee the teams of stone masons working at Casignano. See also Vasari, Lives of the Artists , vol. II, 886.

823 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 274, 1540-1541, c. 50 b:

“ di contro a fatto creditore a libro C Furet.rio[?] c. 45 di ducati 48 de quali gli tene da credito senza ta proguiditio credentori sia mesa per errore per che la scretturo Giulio Ottovanti

249 An eye for decorative detail, knowledge of ancient sculpture, and a mastery of the art of carving in stone, marble, and wood, were talents that ran in the Sangallo family. Francesco di Giuliano da Sangallo, sometimes known as Il Margotta, wrote a letter ten years before his death in 1576 in which his described his experience as a ten- year-old boy standing with his father in a Roman vineyard as the famous antique sculpture of the Laocoön was unveiled. 824 The statue of the Trojan priest had been unearthed by a farmer in a hole near the Esqualine Hill and transported to the papal residence where it was admired as one of the great wonders of Roman art. Francesco, who studied under the sculptor Andrea Sansovino, who also worked with his father at the Palazzo Alfonsina Orsini in Rome, probably gave Vasari the drawing preserved in the Uffizi of his father’s scheme for the Medici palace on Via Laura, and consulted with the biographer about his life of the Sangallo family. 825 Francesco’s handwriting is found in his father’s Vatican sketchbook, where he added more elaborate inscriptions over earlier drawings of the Parthenon, for example, and on drawings added after

Giuliano’s death. 826 He became known for the high level of detail on his sculptural

moltanni doppo quale non era di questo negotio sciente[?] e non li deve credere che il Sangalli quale molti Anni Innanti gliaveva dato debito della chiontro partite et haveva visitato tutti e sua conti havessi preso tale errore pero li deve visitare d.o conto a stando come si crede stornare d.a par’ta col’ tornare a dagliene debito’… a Scudi 48 .”

824 Leonard Barkan, Unearthing the Past: Archaeology and Aesthetics in the Making of Renaissance Culture (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1999), 3. See also Till Verellen, “Patterns of patronage: Antonio da Sangallo the Younger and the "Setta" of sculptors” in Patronage, Art, and Society in Renaissance Italy , F. W. Kent, Patricia Simons and J. C. Eade, eds. (Canaberra and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987).

825 Brown and Kleiner, “Giuliano da Sangallo’s Drawings after Ciriaco d’Ancona,” 324.

826 Brown and Kleiner, “Giuliano da Sangallo’s Drawings after Ciriaco d’Ancona,” 324. For Francesco’s career as a sculptor see also Alan Phipps Darr and Rona Roisman, “Francesco da Sangallo: a rediscovered early Donatellesque ‘Magdalen’ and two Wills from 1574 and 1576,” The Burlington Magazine 129 (1987): 784-793. See also Borsi, Giuliano da Sangallo: I Desegni di Architettura e Dell’Antico , 127-28.

250 works and was engaged in the building of St. Peter’s basilica before being named architect of the Duomo in Florence in 1543. 827

Francesco da Sangallo’s career as a master builder began several years before his work at Casignano. The Pucci cardinal would have known Giuliano’s son from his employment within the fabbrica of St. Peter’s in Rome where Francesco is identified as soprastante in 1521. 828 An immediate subordinate to his cousin Antonio the Younger and Baldassare Peruzzi (1481-1536), Francesco helped measure and draw the column shafts of the old basilica. 829 During the years in which Francesco was involved with the construction of Casignano, he must have shuttled back and forth to Florence where he was brought in to sculpt the Virgin and Child with for the church of

Orsanmichele in Florence (1522-26) and employed by Michelangelo for work on the

Medici Chapel in San Lorenzo (1524-1525). 830 His more famous cousin Antonio the

Younger brought him in to work on the ceiling of Santa Maria della Quercia in Viterbo in 1526, although the payment records for the expansion of Casignano indicate that

Francesco began to oversee Antonio the Younger’s architectural projects at least two years earlier than was previously known. 831

827 Darr and Roisman, “Francesco da Sangallo,” 784.

828 Frommel and Adams , The Architectural Drawings of Antonio da Sangallo the Younger, vol. 1, 49.

829 Frommel and Adams , The Architectural Drawings of Antonio da Sangallo the Younger, vol. 1, 49.

830 Roisman, Francesco da Sangallo , 10 and 12. His subsequent work in Florence under Duke Alessandro de’ Medici is attested to in ASF, MAP, volume 181, folio 26, dated May 15, 1534 in which the duke ordered one Pasquino of Santa Maria a Campi to give Francesco da Sangllo a block of marble: “[...] Mi sara grato che v.s. comandi a Pasquino of S.ta Maria a Campi che carichi subito il paragone che è a S.ta Anna aevato et lo consegni a Franc.o da S.to Gallo et della sua fatica sara remunerata [...].”

831 Roisman, Francesco da Sangallo , 13. See also Sandro Bellesi’s entry “ Giamberti, Francesco, detto Francesco da Sangallo o Il Margotta ,” in Dizionario biografico degli italiani, 54 (Rome, 2000).

251 Francesco scarpellino’s privileged relationship with the Pucci is evident from the entries in the account books maintained by Raffaello d’Alessandro Pucci between

1525 and 1528. The sculptor was living on family property and working in lieu of rent while he helped carve the columns, , roundels, and console capitals that adorn the villa, many decorated with the Pucci coat of arms.832 Beyond his regular compensation of 8 lire per week for the construction of the heraldic capitals and other decorative carvings, Francesco paid the salaries of other contractors involved in the project, compensating the bricklayer to haul the mezane from the kilns and lay them as well as the spanatore who covered them with stucco. 833 In addition to paying the apprentice working with him on the carvings, he also paid the garzoni and the masons, another indication that Francesco supervised the project.834 In June 1526, the payment records describe a flurry of construction activity on a project that must have been nearing completion since the gardener was already busy planting flowers in plots surrounded by newly built borders; Francesco received a payment of 681 lire, followed by 173 lire over the next several weeks.835 Payments to Bastiano di Francesco , who

832 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 257, c. 111a: “Francesco Scarpellino in di 29 d’ottobre y (lire) 21 per tanti ser vi tonelo Raffaello Pucci [parte] per reaverlo a pigione seli … di fare boni alla stima di centi pietre .”

833 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 257, c. 60b: “ E addi detto a Francesco Scarpellino per opere a detto … y 8.2 ” is his salary. C. 95b: “ Francesco Scarpellino de avere addi 22 settembre (1526) y 14 per tanti siliena le far buoni per ordin’ del ... per chonto della muraglia coe y 14/agni sabato che sene fa reditore in grano … E de avere addi detto y 14 siliano la far buoni per detto conto da reverendissimo Pucci per camera .” On c. 128 he is paid 827.11.8 lire: “ A Francesco Scarpellino per lavorare conci per la muraglia ... volte come leppare le ... della muraglia dalli 27 ottobre al libro … ”

834 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 257, c. 111.

835 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 257, c. 32a: “ 1526/Francesco di chontro (Francesco scarpellino) de’ dare fino a questo di’ 13 di giugno lire 681. 4. 4 sono in danari e robe auto dalla chasa chome appar a libro della muraglia, lire 681.4.4

Addi’ 16 di giugno auti detti(?) in barili 40, lire 25

252 was transporting stone and lime ( chalcina ) to the kiln, is another indication that

Francesco was a member of the Sangallo clan, since Bastiano, in business with

Giuliano Leno in providing building materials to the Vatican, was another of Antonio the Younger’s cousins who subsequently worked on the Pucci project in Orvieto and

Bagnoregio.836

Several other stonemasons were involved in a construction project undertaken in stages, beginning with the contributions from Francesco’s father Giuliano da

Sangallo. Francesco de Pescia was compensated for his work on the fountain, part of the decorative program that could refer to the elegantly carved wall fountain in the great hall on the ground floor or the courtyard fountain outside. 837 Francesco de Pescia and his brother, also named Bastiano, are among the artisans paid for other of the sculptural elements of the villa. Payment records further reveal that on occasion

E addi’ 19 detto per roba auta dal Dic […]no come apar al suo libro, lire 7.1.4 .”

C. 32b: “ Francesco scarppellino de’ avere lire 9 si li fanno bone per opere fatte alla fonte chome appar al libro della muraglia a c. 38, lire .”

C. 53b: “ Antonio giardiniere de dare all 5 agosto (1526) y 2 l’un di libro contro per suo salario in grano .”

836 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 257, c. 12a is an agreement made in April 1526 in which they will be paid by Roberto di Bernardo Bini, the cardinal’s banker: “ Bastiano di Francesco da sto a ghabrolu s’opregha a rafaello di messer alessandro Pucci portarli et recondurli la pietra derecleina dalla cava alla fornace coe posta luna casa.” C. 106b: “ A Bastiano di Francesco renduttore a pietre in 21 dottobre (1526) per … (lire 3.10 ) alla fornace .” C. 36a: “c. 36a: “1526/ Bastiano di Francesco chonduttore di pietre da chalcina dalla chava alla fornace a lire 14.10 per chotta de’ avere per tanti se ne fa chreditore al libro della fornace a c. 16 per tutto li 21 di giugno, lire 37.11.8

Et per tanti si li fanno boni per tutto questo di’ 30 detto per una chotta di pietre condotte alla fornace al pregio di lire 14.10, lire 14.10

E per 2 giornate chon 3 muli ando’ a Pistoia per tavole, lire 3. 18

E per una giornata per tutto di’ detto chon 3 muli a Santa Maria Impruneta, lire 1. 19 …”

C. 134b “ Da Bastiano di Francesco conduttore a pietre in di 23 da febraio y 7 per lun … parte … contro a … pietre a la fornace .”

837 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 257, c. 30 is a payment dated January/ February 1526 (Florentine dating).

253 Francesco de Pescia received his salary directly from the cardinal’s accounts, indicating that Lorenzo Pucci had a personal relationship with the papal architect and the craftsmen in his employ. 838 Subsequent payment records for the next Sangallo project, a proposal for a Pucci palace in Orvieto, support the hypothesis that the cardinal was in charge of negotiating with the Sangallo workshop.839 Even though Raffaello had taken over the cardinal’s account books for a household scattered and impoverished by the

Sack of Rome, many of the payments to Antonio the Younger were still authorized by his powerful uncle, a format that makes it difficult to ascertain which Sangallo project the cardinal was funding at any given time.

Likewise, although the property in the comune of San Zanobi was clearly intended to be Antonio d’Alessandro’s patrimony, other letters and account records attest to Cardinal Lorenzo’s careful oversight over a project for which he fronted a substantial amount of construction capital. Raffaello’s account books for the period between 1525 and 1527 quote a letter from Cardinal Lorenzo to his banker Piero Bini in which he lays out specific instructions on what the scarpellini and legniauolo are to be paid each week and how. 840 In addition to instructions on the kinds of stones to be used,

838 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 257, c. 95a and 95b are lists of payments authorized by the cardinal to Francesco scarpellino who is her paid 14 lire every Saturday ( ogni sabato ): “ Francesco di chonto de fare dell 22 settembre (1526) y 7 … lun ditti per conto della muraglia da reverendissimo Pucci .” He is the only worker who is paid directly by the cardinal.

839 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 260 c. 6a. The payment in December 1528 is for 11-10-8 scudi .

840 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 257, c. 84b: Copia d’una lettera e’scrive el chardinale a Piero Bini anzi a Bernardo videlicet(?):

Bernardo pagherete a Raffaello a ssuo piacere lire 121 di piccoli per chavatura di pietre da chalce e tagliatura e portatura di stipa e per fattura di miliara venti di mattoni e rimettere al choperto e per portatura di terra da mescolare et quando si chonduranno al palazo, traini 46 d’abeto lire 61 et allo scarpellino et al legnaiuolo denari 5 la settimana eccetto e’ dui primi sabati che allo scarpellino si liene dara’ 3 e da poi ogni sabato dua e senza mia lettera non pagate altro et e pui promettete paghare e’

254 cut, and transported to the palazzo, the cardinal authorized his banker to pay for 20,000 mattoni (bricks) and remettere (soil mixed with the lime). Cardinal Pucci had agreed to pay the scarpellino and the legniauoluo 5 denari la settimana (each week) except for the first two Saturdays when the scarpellino must only get 3 denari and then every other Saturday when they are to be paid just two. 841 “Without my instructions,” the cardinal wrote his banker, “do not pay anything else.” “Maybe in five years Antonio will be here and maybe in five years I won’t be here,” he added somewhat playfully, referring to the money his nephew, the Bishop of Pistoia, has agreed to pay back over a five-year period to complete work on the sprawling villa. 842

In any event, beginning in December 1525 the ricordi maintained by the

Bancaria Bini document regular outlays for Casignano. Each month Cardinal Pucci authorized the transfer of 102.7 scudi in capital to Raffaello for the muraglia, supplementing these outlays with additional funds in May 1526 and again in June of that year.843 In July 1526, for example, Lorenzo’s expenditures for woodworkers, scarpellini and legniauoli at Casignano totaled 418 scudi . The tally of payments in

Raffaello’s account book covered by the cardinal’s banker in August also included

denari 50 dello achatto ch’e’ stato posto a Raffaello con questo che voglio che’l veschovo ve lo restituischa che prestera’ uxura al chomune per riavelli in 5 anni che lui ci sara’ et io forse non ci saro’.

Dicho di sopra lire 121 in questo e per questo sabato il legnaiuolo non aver niente

Venerabilis Ludovichus Cardinalis

Santorum quartorum (?) manu propria .

841 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 257, c. 84b.

842 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 257, c. 84b.

843 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 608, c. 112a-123b.

255 building materials: chalcina, tegoli , legname, and pietra.844 The payment records specify outlays for a room made of wood ( camera di legname ), five windows ( finestre dan panarzo ),a portico, a fountain ( fonte ) and the heads of the columns ( teste nelle cholonne ), indicating that the heraldic columns lining the loggia on the ground floor were part of the building campaign begun in 1524.845 The payments also involved a fair amount of new furniture: three beds, mattresses, several tables, including a tavola for the cardinal, and a credenza. 846 Infrastructure was also part of the scope of work; the artisans and journeymen were compensated for work on a well ( pozza da chasignano ).

As the bills owed to the workers continued to mount, Raffaello raised money, hocking family possessions to a Jewish pawnbroker, one Daniello d’Isac da Pisa ebreo. 847

844 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 257, c. 84b and 85a: “ Reverdendissimo da pippo marmagli in di 5 detto per o per 2 al palazzo ...... lire 1 .” C. 85 a is a long list of payments approaching 50 lire for the terra (sand), chalcinia, tegoli, legniame, pietre and other materials involved in construction of the palazzo.

845 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 257 c. 22a documents the fountain, c. 30 refers to a trappola and c. 30 b records the payment for the columns: “ lo scultore delle pietre a bon conto re a fatto le teste nelle cholonne allo scultore per 2 delle testa .”

846 Unpublished, Riccardi 608, c. 20, 27b, and 28a.

847 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 257, c. 90a: “1526/ Copia d’una scritta fatta Raffaello Pucci a Daniello ebreo in di’ 14 d’aghosto et prima:

Io Raffaello di messer Alexandro Pucci confesso liberamente e sanza alchuna excezione chome oggi questo di’ o’ fatto saldo d’achordo chon Daniello d’Isac da Pisa ebreo e chon Dattero e fratelli ebrei di pegni e scritture e promesse che li ero debitore e chonti settanta d’oro larghi fatti boni per me a Alessandro Corsini e scudi 35 paghati per me a Francesco Tanagli e a Roberto(?) vero e legittimo debitore di denari mille cento cinquanta tre di larghi e’ quali prometto e obrigho e’ mia beni erede presenti e futuri in ogni miglior forma e di ragion valida di pagharlli infra il termine di mesi 6 proximi futuri sanza alchuno interesso et dal di’ di 6 mesi finiti come di sopra prometto pagharlli ad ogni lhoro piacere e volonta’ sanza excezione chon tutti li interessi per tutto il tempo sopra tenessi e’ detti danari richusando a ogni leggie e istatuto che per me facessi, accettando tutti quelli che siano in benefitio de’ detti ebrei e per parte di lor chauzione ho chonsegniato le infrascritte chose delle quale se ne fa menzione qui drietro al foglio et per fede del vero o’ fatto questa iscritta di mia propria mano addi’ soprascritto volendo che vaglia e tengha chome fusse contratto publicho di man di notaro.

Notando che denari 1153 la porzione di Daniello son fiorini 953 el resto son di Dattero e fratelli e’ quali consentono che passati e’ detti 6 mesi li posso dar per la ditta somma chome di sopra e’ detto per uno anno o 2 chauzione e mallevadori reali e sufizienti chome simili Giovanni Francesco e Rinieri de’ Bardi come oggi si trovano e prima:

256 Responsible for these large expenditures, Raffaello pawned a ruby pendant, a tapestry, and other luxury goods in August 1526 to raise 1153 denari , of which 953 florins related to the transaction with Daniello.848

As was the case in the construction of the Pucci oratory in Santissima

Annunziata, Casignano was a family project in every sense of the word, overseen by

Raffaello on behalf of his uncle the cardinal and his brother, the Bishop of Pistoia. 849 In a period in which women were seldom involved in business matters, even Raffaello’s wife, Madama Vettoria, paid Francesco scarpellino on numerous occasions.850 The account books make note of the son born in October 1526, a year in which the outlays for a wood-paneled scrittorio equipped with a desk, pens, and an oil lamp included payments to a painter identified as Andrea dipintore .851 In addition to the sculptors and

Uno chiavaquore d’ argiento dorato/Un fil di perlle di numero 49 che l’o’ impresto da lui/Un pendente d’oro chor un diamantino e 3 rubini e 3 perluze/Una chatena d’oro chor un agnus deo/Un chorsaletto da armare/Un saion di raso nero/Un lucho nero foderato di raso rosso/Una chotta di domaschino pagonazo/Una sbernia di velluto tane’ foderata di domaschino/Bracca (sic) 10 di tabi’ pagonazo chermisi/Un saion di raso nero chon balzone(?) di velluto nero/Un saion di raso chermisi/Una vesta di domasco foderata di velluto/Una fodera di ghatti/Una fodera di dossi/Un lucho foderato di velluto nero/Una chanacha d’oro ismaltata/Un forzeretto d’argiento di filo/Uno ghabbano foderato di pelle/Una veste di tabi’ nero da donna/Una chatena d’oro/Dua veste di seta coe’ una vesta di tabi’ pagonazo chermisi foderata di velluto tane’ haveva Tanaglione tutte le infrascritte chose sono in mano di Daniello e queste qui da ppie’ ha Dattero coe’ :/Un mantello nero/16 braca di domasco nero/Un saion nero di panno/Un usciale a verzure/Un farsetto di raso pagonazo/ Un tapeto/Una chotta di raso/ Una zimara di panno nero/Un forziere/Un rubino in anello/Una turchina in anello/Un fornimento da chucca di taffetta’/Una choltre di seta da letto/Una chotta di domasco/Una sbrevia(?) di raso nero foderata a luccalato(?)/ Un giubon di raso pagonazo.”

848 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 257, c. 90 the items hocked included a chianaguore d’argiento d’orato , a chorsaletto da amore , a black and a di Dossi .

849 Unpublished, ASF, VGl 257, c. 112b: “ Reverendo Vescovo di pistoia de avere per tanto grano di 6 di novembre (1526) silifano boni per tanto grano riceva a suo vendutore ………………………..lire 450.9 .”

850 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 266 c. 38 is a payment in account book dated to 1536 when additional work was undertaken at Casignano. “ A Bartolomeo scarpellino addi 7 di genaio per infino addi 20 dicembre Y sette per li porto contti da madama Vettoria avere al libro .” Indeed in late 1536 she paid all the household accounts, including the craftsmen working on Casignano.

851 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 257, c. 106a. Madama Vettoria had a child on October 27, 1526 that she named after her father-in-law Alessandro: “ Richordo come’ questo di xvii dottobre (1526) a hore’ 12 ½

257 masons, the loyalty of the Pucci family to the artisans in their employ posit the possibility that the artist was the same Andrea dipintore who had been involved in the installation of the scrittorio in the house in Florence twenty years earlier. 852 Whether or not he was Andrea di Giovanni Feltrini, Andrea dipintore was compensated along with a goldsmith for his contribution to Casignano’s decorative program.

Notwithstanding the fallout from the Sack of Rome, work continued on the villa sporadically throughout the spring and summer of 1528. Raffaello was still living in

Florence and appears to have commuted to the villa on the outskirts of the city to manage the workers. 853 In April 1528, a month before the garden walls were built, the cardinal reimbursed Raffaello for expenses incurred on a trip to Orvieto. 854 Salaries for

che sera presso al giorno nacque un’ figliolo mascchio a Rafaello Pucci di madama vettoria a sipose’ nome Alessandro .” Unpublished, ASF, VGL 257, c. 109a records payments in the fall of 1526 for the wood for the scrittorio , the gold, the lamp and the painting: “ E addi detto per fogli per lo scrittorio … Lire 17.4” and “ E addi 4 detto per resto duna lucerna” and “E addi 20 novembre p( … ) conto … Andrea dipintore. ”. C. 98b is a payment for the pens: “ E adi detto spese impenne per lo scrittoro in casignano … y 1.8 .” C. 49a records a series of payments to Rosso scritore who is paid his sarlary of 47.16 lire in April 1526. As with the payment records for Casa Pucci in 1506-1507 the payments only identify Andrea dipintore by his Christian name.

852 Unpublished ASF, VGL 276, c. 276 records another payment to Maestro Andrea dipintore in 1515- 16.

853 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 260 is an account book that begins in August 1527, three months after the Sack of Rome and ends in 1530. The geography is unclear and the dates are erratic, as for example, the entry on c. 20a for the installation of a wood-paneled room in late 1523: “ per fatura duna camera di legname .” It appears to involve catch-up payments, a number of which are several years old. The payments in 1527 are primarily reimbursements to the cardinal’s nephew Raffaello who is living in Florence and supervising work there: “ Da Rafaello Pucci ad di 12 di genaio y 1 b B 7 di 2 per uno ... esto di aspese fatte per lui in firenze .” Most of the payments, however, relate to work in Casignano. Raffaello paid Piero muratore who was building the wall of the garden in May 1528 and in July for the lavatore di Casignano (c. 6b). In June 1528 he made a payment for the transport of materials ( vetrira ) and for workers ( garzoni ) at Casignano. Given this pattern of payments, it is most likely that the payment to Antonio da Sangallo in December 1528 (see ff 812 below) relates to Casignano although by this time the cardinal is living in Orvieto where the Pucci engaged Antonio da Sangallo to renovate a house they were renting.

854 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 260, c. 6a records a payment of B ( soldi ) 10 for Raffaello’s travel expenses: “Havere Rafaello Pucci adi 18 Aprille B 10 sono per la lalveagia da chotto per detto Rafaello per potere

258 the workers in Casignano continued until August of 1528 when payments for work on the palazzo came to an abrupt halt, the victim of the imperial invasion of Rome and the departure of Raffaello for Orvieto where his uncle and the cardinal’s nephew took refuge from the imperial occupation of the Eternal City. Lorenzo Pucci’s account books then specify a payment to Antonio da Sangallo the Younger in December 1528, and while this compensation is for an unidentified endeavor, maestro Bernardo muratore was paid for his work at Casignano in May 1529.855

In 1532, Antonio d’Alessandro inherited the shares in the estate owned by his father and his uncle the cardinal, who had died in 1531. 856 At the time of Cardinal

Antonio’s own death in 1544, the property with its enormous palazzo was valued at a relatively modest 1,400 s.dni.1 d’oro .857 Unfortunately, what is attributable to the original fifteenth and sixteenth construction projects is hampered by the ambiguity of payment records with regard to a villa that, as was typical in the Renaissance, was built and decorated in stages by several generations of the same family. The first of the many

andara aorvetto .” His uncle’s travel expenses from Rome to Florence of 5 lire in May 1522 are recorded in this same book (c. 16b): “ Per spese andare a firenze .”

855 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 260, c. 5 are payments to Antonio da Sangallo in November and December 1528: “ Maestro Antonio da Sangallo de darra scudi 14 per valuta duna soma di grano a nostro … E de darra per da biagio nostro 7 de dava addi 7 novembre una soma di grano … e da dare addi….dicembre 1528 per…some di grano….e deve dare…a rubia di …sifanno buoni.” C. 11a documents the payment to Maestro Bernardo muratore : “ per Casignano scudi 4.6.1 .” While Raffaello Pucci’s account records for the work in Orvieto (ASF, VGL 270) document payments that began in November/December 1528 the cardinal’s accounts do not contain reimbusements for this project, suggesting that the payment relates to Casignano.

856 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 371, folio 6.

857 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 371, folio 6. This collection of documents refers to Cardinal Antonio Pucci’s will dated to 1544. Similarly, a will (unpublished, ASF, VGL 299) notes that when a nephew of Raffaello’s inherited part of Casignano in 1544 following the death of Raffaello’s brother Cardinal Antonio the palazzo was valued at 1,400 scudi d’oro . By this time, Raffaello’s net worth had reached 33,636 scudi d’oro .

259 interventions that followed Puccio Pucci’s commission to Giuliano da Sangallo between 1485 and 1487 included the building campaign planned by his brother

Cardinal Santi Quattro in 1517. In May of that year Lorenzo Pucci wrote to his widowed sister Lucretia about his plans to have another relative, Andrea Pucci, collect three years worth of the income generated by the cardinal’s landholdings to pay for the construction of new walls and a vaulted loggia ( loggia in volta ) at Casignano. 858

Between 1521 and 1522, another of the cardinal’s brothers, Alessandro d’Antonio, by now the villa’s custodian, engaged Baccio and Raffaello da Montelupo to contribute to the its decorative architecture.859 Although the commission is again unidentified, the carved roundels in the ceilings in the oldest part of the hall bear are stylistically compatible with the family coat of arms that hung on the garden wall of their home in

Florence by the Montelupo workshop (fig. 100). Given the payment in 1526 to Lorenzo scarpettino 1526 for the scalina dal palazzo , the improvements to the villa undertaken between 1524 and 1528 overseen by Francesco da Sangallo included at least some of

858 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 386, Insert 10 is a letter written to his sister dated May 2, 1517. Another letter written to her in 1517 let her know that he has set aside 1,000 ducati on her behalf for four years that he does not want anyone else to know about. Insert 8 is a folio of correspondence that includes this letter from the cardinal to his widowed sister ( mona Lucretia ) and another letter dated November 18, 1518 in which he explains that he has arranged for Piero’s sons to inherit Uliveto, Alessandro’s heirs to inherit Casignano, and for his widowed sister to receive a thousand ducats. This folio also includes eighteen letters written by his father Antonio.

859 Unpublished, ASF VGL 261 documents payments to Baccio da Montelupo and his workers at Casignano in 1521 and 1522, c. 75b: “venerdi’ addi’ 24 di Maggio … Mariano di Marcho Mariani da Casignano lavoratore de’ Brandi de’ dare addi’ 24 di magio lire undici sono che tanti gli a’ lascato Baccino da Montelupo per aconciare la chasa non gli murando(?) gli debbe pagare a Alexandro Pucci, lire 11 a libro 326 a Masone creditore Baccino da Montelupo di denari 6 d’oro in oro per valuta di uno bue compero’ dal lui e’ denari s’anno a pagare a Baccio sellaio in borgo san Lorenzo, denari 6 a libro 326.” c. 121a: “e addi 25 di marzo 1522 siamone a baccio scarpellino questo di 27 di marzo domenicho davini cirisi come passato Siamone a baccio scarpellino a ponti a signa arastato pello rolto e con cicimonchanano ercheciprano questo di 27 di Marzo Domenico davini ciri come al passato siamone di baccio scarpellino a punte a signa a restato quella luscofuionolo .”

260 the second floor.860 This expansion was followed by another phase of modernization between 1536 and 1539.861 The payment records for this stage of the building campaign indicate that Raffaello and his brother the cardinal engaged a cadre of sculptors and decorative woodworkers that included Raffaello legnaiuolo , Bastiano scarpellino , and

Francesco legnaiuolo.862 Bartolomeo scarpellino is also included in these payments; his subsequent identification with Domenico scarpellino, also named in the accounts, makes it likely that he was in the employ of Domenico Rosselli (active 1518-1560), hired to oversee the renovations of the Roman palazzo in the Campo dei Fiori by

Antonio d’Alessandro Pucci during that same period.863 Aside from the fabrication of a door and stairs by Domenico scarpellino , however, the payment records reveal little of what was structurally amended within the palazzo between 1536 and 1539, although the costs, number of artisans involved in the project, and the length of the commission

860 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 257, c. 16.

861 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 266 refers to the building book for Casignano. Numerous artisans are paid, including Raffaello di Orvieto sculture , This giornali also includes an inventory of Casignano and the house in Florence. Similarly (Unpublished, ASF, VGL 281, c. IX) there is a payment to Jacopo legnaiuolo for 14.15 lire in 1536. Unpublished, ASF, MGR 453, filza 5 documents payments by Roberto di Pandolfo Pucci to Simone di Giovanni scarpettini in January 1602 for work on Casignano.

862 Unpublished, ASF VGL 266 documents the building campaign in 1536-1537 and identifies the oversight over the sculptors involved in the project as Domenico scarpellino , who also carves a door. He is very possibly Domenico Rosselli, who worked for the Pucci on Palazzo Pucci in Rome and on the palazzo in the Campo dei Fiori purchased from the Orsini in 1536. C. 16a is a list of the artisans involved in the project in June, 1536 and on c. 36b Bartolomeo is identified as a member of the workshop of Domenico scarpellino. The payments on c. 21b-22b indicate that the work was overseen by a priest by the name of Giovanni on behalf of the reverend in Rome, a link that strengthens the evidence for an identification of the Domenico Rosselli as the manager of the artisans involved in this aspect of the project since he also worked on the palace in Campo dei Fiori. On c. 21b: “ A Bartolomeo scharpelino a Chasignano a di’ detto insino al primo lire XVII soldi XV piccioli si fanno buoni a ser Giovanni prete di Chasignano avere al libro sono per contanti auto da lui da di’ XII di giugno a questo di’, denari 2 soldi 10. 10” and 22b: “ spese da chasignano prassettore al palazo addi 30 aghosto in fino addi x … fa si buoni al reverendissimo da domenicho scarpellino opere libro.” C. 22b: “per fatura duna portta … appra lungha da fuora ... 1 1/8 al meno …”

863 Domenico Rosselli’s work on Cardinal Antonio Pucci’s palazzo in the Campo dei Fiori is to be found in ASF, Riccardi 610.

261 signal yet another major intervention.864 Improvements to the villa recommenced in

1541 when Raffaello added a bathroom ( necesario ) to the loggia and repaired the door to the garden. 865

While the payment records are abstruse with regard to the nature of a decorative program undertaken in stages, Raffaello’s giornali lists the rich clothing, precious gemstones, silver, tapestries, and other luxury items on display within the villa walls. 866

864 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 266, c. 22b: “ per fatura duna portta ... appra lungha da fuora ... 1 1/8 al meno …” Raffaello’s payment book indicates that work was underway by March 1536 and that a stonecutter was in the employ of the family as late as June 1539 (c. 117b). C. 41b (1536): Spese da chasignano addi detto B venzette [ventisette] B x d. 3: si fanno buoni a maestro antonio da santo ghodenzo: muratore a.. al libro sono per la monta di 20 opere di maestro, et 15 di manovale e fatte: da (crossed out) chasignano da addi 28 di novembre in fino addi 9 di questo ducati 3 soldi 18 denari -

C. 42a: “ A maestro Antonio Muratore addi 27 gienaio y quatordici piccoli si fanno buoni a {crossed out} (ser giovanni prete da casignano): a uscita al libro e sono per la monta d’una catasta di legna posto: in firenze, scudi 2 soldi -

A maestro Antonio sopradetto addi detto y dua B xiiii si fanno buoni (a ser giovanni prete a uscita al libro dette [proposed reading: date] per me a prefatto maestro Antonio scudi – soldi 7 denari - a maestro Antonio murarore a Chasign[an]o in fino addi 6 di genaio scudi uno d’oro ? per me da la Vettoria opere al libro scudi1 soldi 1 .”

865 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 269, 1541 ricordanzi di Rafaello Pucci, c.19:

“a spese adi 9 di giugno lire otto soldi 5 si fanno buoni alessandro baccioni avere alibro tante pago a maestro domenicho muratore per aconcimi fatti nella loggia a un’ necesario e per lastricare alla portta del’giardino…… fiorini 1 soldi 4 .”

866 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 266, c. 392a: “ Yesus MDXXXVIII/Chopia di piu’ chose et chatene et anella sute di madonna Vettoria mia donna dove restino a chi l’a in mano per asegniarmele questo di’ XV di giennaio 1538 e prima:

A Rafaello Pucci auto

Uno vezo di sei perlle chor uno rubino e uno chasore per perlle/Una chatena a rrochetti e smaltata d’oro

A la Francesca serva/Uno rubino leghato in oro/Una chatena e smaltata d’oro chon una chrocie nota come l’a (have) renduto a Rafaello e la […] di bancho

In mano de la Nera d’Alessandro disse la messe in san Giorgio a me la chiave

42 sciughatoi cho’ cerri di sotto(?) e di seta e 2 cho’ cerri d’oro e d’argiento/uno telo d’azana(?) chon trine d’oro/2 chamicie lavorate d’oro/una chamicia lavorata di seta near/2 paia di federe lavorate di seta near/reticella per un paio di lenzuola/11 paia di pivatteri(?) d’oro/uno vezzo d’argiento cho’ segniali d’oro/uno vezzo di perle di et con 6 bottoni d’oro e una chocie (sic) di berilli/uno vezzo d’argiento chon segniali di patenostri(sic) neri/uno vezzo di chorgniuole chon segni d’oro/una chatena

262 Dated 1538, this inventory of valuables implies the successful recovery of the family patrimony from the real or threatened confiscation of the building implied by an inventory undertaken on September 4, 1537.867 Compiled a month after Duke Cosimo’s victory over the pro-Republican forces at the Battle of Montemurlo, the list very usefully describes the layout of Casignano as it stood at this point in its construction.868

d’oro chor una chocietta ismaltata/una chatena ismaltata d’azurro cho’ uno turchino/una chatena apicchatovi uno quore/3 bottoni grandi e uno picholo ismaltati/uno paio di patenostri(sic) di chorallo/uno paio di patrenostri di chorgniuole chon segnali d’oro/3 anella/uno zaffiro biancho/ uno ismiraldino/uno rubinuzzo/uno pugniale fornito tutto d’ argientto

Nota chome ogni restante l’aute monna Nera mia sorella disse d’avelle mandate in san Giorgio per servire alla Chornelia quando Raffaello vorra’.

867 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 266, c. 244a is an inventory of Raffaello’s clothing made in September 1537. That same account book documents numerous transactions with Filippo Strozzi, the leader of the opposition to Cosimo de’ Medici’s ascension to power.

Chopia di uno Inventario di robe di Rafaello mandate nel munistero di Chandeli questo di’ 7 di settembre

Uno foziere di numero(?) uno dipinto messo a horo drentovi: uno ghuarnello biancho/2 ciope di saia nere/una ciopa di panno nero/uno giubone di raso nero/ uno ghuarnello biancho/4 candele papale/2 torcie di ciera ciancha/uno sachetto pieno di busti e ritagli di seta e panno/una ispera grande/ numero dua entrovi: uno saio di racia nera/uno saio di panno foderato di velluto/2 sai neri di sandrino/una chassa c’ha di mistio di sandrino/uno saio di veluto tane’ di sandrino/uno saio di velluto nero di Raffaello foderato di ghuarnello/uno saio nero achotonato/2 paia di chalze/una vesta di tafetta’ nero di Rafaello/uno cholletto di chuoio di Rafaello/una vesta di cianbelloto tane’ isdrucita/uno chapello di velluto nero/2 chapelli di lana/uno piaio di ghuanti pelosi/uno paio di ghuanciali di velluto biancho/uno paio di ghuanciali di tabi’ rosso/uno matello nero nuovo di Rafaello c. 244 b: seghuano dette masseritie di qua Yesus MDXXXVII

Numero 3 una argientiera entrovi/ piu’ pezze di bassette e fodere bianche/2 paia di maniche di velluto e di raso/uno inbusto da parto cho’ le maniche di panno bianco fine/uno saio di panno nero fine, fodera di franchi di gholpe/uno saio di panno nero achotenato, fodera di bassette una chassa numero 4 entrovi

piu’ pezzi di di (sic) terra lavorata a Pesero, chosa bella/5-V piatti grandi di maiuolicha fuora di detta chassa/3 piatti grandi lavorati a Pesero, fuora di detta chassa/2 bochali di porciellana a la domachina, fogliami azurri/ uno sacho di tela numero 5 entrovi:libbre 105 d’acia dipanata chol sacho.”

868 For Duke Cosimo’s victory over the Republican forces at Montemurlo in August 1537 see Giorgio Spini, Cosimo I e l’indipendenza del Principato Mediceo (Florence: Vallecchi Editore, 1980), 84-91.

263

Unpublished, ASF, VGL 266, c. 240 is a copy of the inventory of Casignano made on September 4, 1537:

“A Chasingnano/Yesus MDXXXVII/Invettario delle robe che sono a Chasigniano cioe’ al palazo di Rafaello Pucci

In prima camera a terreno:

Uno letto nuovo elle sua chasse intorno/Una choltrice/Una materassa azurra/2 sachoni/Uno choltrone biancho/Uno primacio/Uno paio di lenzuola/

In chamera attereno a mano mancha

Uno letto nuovo cholle sua chasse di torno/Una choltrice/2 sachoni/uno primaccio/una materassa azurra/uno choltrone biancho/uno paio di lenzuola/ in su letto di chamera e in detta chamera in una chassa una chuccia 3 mantili /una tovaglia di rensa/

2 sachoni 15 mantilucci una materassa azurra 5 bandinelle una sargia azurra in chamera grande di chamera una chuccia/2 sachoni/una coltricie/ una materessa biancha/uno primaccio in detta chamera in una chassa

15 guanciali et 8 federe in chamera di sala in sala una choltricie uno paio d’alari grandi

2 sachoni uno paio di molli una materasa biancha 5 bandinelle uno primaccio uno Secchione di rame

uno Sechietta micina di rame

In detta chamera

Una chariuola/uno sachone/una materassa biancha in chamera della logia uno sachone chativo/una materassa di chapechio/uno choltrone azurro/Uno primaccio

240b:

Yesus MDXXXVII

264 A loggia, the rooms reserved for the head of the household on the ground floor, the sala on the piano nobile, the kitchen, and the bedrooms indicate that the third story of the villa was added after the building program of 1536-1539. 869 Two smaller rooms on the ground floor, one on the right and one on the left ( in chamera a ttereno a mano mancha ) were furnished with beds fitted with storage cabinets where the family kept linens and bedding. Upstairs, a large family room led to a dining room serviced by a smaller chamber, all of which were similarly furnished with beds and mattresses. A chamera near the kitchen was designated for Madama Lorenza, the children’s governess. 870 The floor plan too is testimony to an architect working to an ideal of

Vitruvian proportions: the rooms on the ground floor are carved out of two identically sized rectangular spaces on either side of a central quadrilateral area neatly situated to

In chamera di madonna Lorenza

Uno sachone/Una materassa azurra/Uno choltrone azurro/Uno primaccio/Uno paio di lenzuola

In prima chamera del teracio

2 sachoni/una materassa azurra/Uno materassa di chapechio

In chamera di mezio

2 sachoni/una materassa azurra/una sargia da tavola di seta/uno tapeto da tavolino

In chucina

Una chatena/Uno paio d’alari/2 palette/2 stioni/2 trepie’ grandi/2 trepie’ pichini/una chaldaia/4 paiuoli/

2 teglie di rame/3 padelle/uno ramino da chucina/uno ramino da fare el buchato/uno paio di stadere che pesano libre 104/50 pezzi di stagnio/4 lucierne chol piede/4 chandellieri

Nota questo di’ 4 di settembre 1537 che le sopranominate robe e maserizie restano a Chasignano nel palazo di Chasigniano come di sopra ”

869 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 266, c. 240 is the inventory of Casignano “ Invettario delle robe che sono a Chasignano cioe al Palazo di Rafaello Pucci ” taken on September 4, 1537.

870 Ser Giovanni was a priest or notary in charge of the workers. The giornali indicates that Raffaello Pucci was traveling between Bologna, Florence, Bagnoregio (where he managed the family mining concession) and Casignano, where his family lived for much of the year.

265 accommodate a stairway in the rear (fig. 95). The loggia, an enormous hall that juts out on the western side of the villa, was as simply outfitted as the chambers in this part of the villa, suggesting that tables, chairs, artwork and other portable aspects of the décor had been removed from the premises. Considered alongside the inventory of

Raffaello’s clothing mandated by the munistero di Chandeli on September 7, 1537, the family anticipated the confiscation of the building’s contents: Beyond the altars in the sala and the kitchen, there was no artwork to speak of and, with the exception of the kitchen where the servants would have slept on one of the two palette , each room was simply furnished with a letto and one or more sachone .871

871 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 266, c. 244 is a copy of the inventory of Raffaello’s personal effects: “Chopia di uno Inventario di robe di Rafaello mandate nel munistero di Chandeli questo di’ 7 di settembre

Uno foziere di numero(?) uno dipinto messo a horo drentovi uno ghuarnello biancho/2 ciope di saia nere/una ciopa di panno nero/uno ghuarnello biancho/4 candele papale/2 torcie di ciera ciancha/uno sachetto pieno di busti e ritagli di seta e panno/una ispera grande numero dua entrovi uno saio di racia nera/uno saio di panno foderato di velluto/2 sai neri di sandrino/una chassa c’ha di mistio di sandrino/uno saio di veluto tane’ di sandrino/uno saio di velluto nero di Raffaello foderato di ghuarnello/uno saio nero achotonato/2 paia di chalze/una vesta di tafetta’ nero di Rafaello/uno cholletto di chuoio di Rafaello/una vesta di cianbelloto tane’ isdrucita/uno chapello di velluto nero/2 chapelli di lana/uno piaio di ghuanti Pelosi/uno paio di ghuanciali di velluto biancho/uno paio di ghuanciali di tabi’ rosso/uno matello nero nuovo di Rafaello

244b: “ seghuano dette masseritie di qua/Yesus MDXXXVII

Numero 3 una argientiera entrovi piu’ pezze di bassette e fodere bianche/2 paia di maniche di velluto e di raso/uno inbusto da parto cho’ le maniche di panno bianco fine/uno saio di panno nero fine, fodera di franchi di gholpe/uno saio di panno nero achotenato, fodera di bassette una chassa numero 4 entrovi

266 While the extensive restorations to the building over the ensuing centuries and the absence of architectural plans or graphic evidence of its original structure are a real hindrance in an attempt to reconstruct these earlier aspects of the project, a visual survey of the villa in its current state reveals the incorporation of a freestanding medieval corner tower accessed by an interior spiral staircase. The modern addition of a third-story level and a related portico indicates that the grand hall on the ground floor was originally an outdoor loggia typical of Tuscan villas of the period.872

Notwithstanding these changes, signature elements of the workshop begun by Giuliano da Sangallo and inherited by his nephew Antonio the Younger abound. The abstract classicism of the design, symmetrical layout, grand proportions of the central hall, and relatively restrained application of decorative elements throughout are all trademarks of the family’s architectural practice.873 On the façade, the crisply carved pietra serena moldings surrounding the doors and windows lend depth and texture to a Florentine prototype characterized by the flat planes of the simple stucco finish. On the interior, the columns with armorial capitals that line the great hall on the ground floor articulate the grid of vertical and horizontal symmetry that organizes the building inside and out, the deeply drafted masonry of the columns lining the salone a particularly effective counterpoint to the soaring ceiling heights (fig. 101). Clearly designed for entertaining

piu’ pezzi di di (sic) terra lavorata a Pesero, chosa bella/5-V piatti grandi di maiuolicha fuora di detta chassa/3 piatti grandi lavorati a Pesero, fuora di detta chassa/2 bochali di porciellana a la domachina, fogliami azurri uno sacho di tela numero 5 entrovi libbre 105 d’acia dipanata chol sacho”

872 See Ackerman, The Villa: Form and Idealogy of Country Houses , chapters three and five.

873 See Marchini, Giuliano da Sangallo.

267 on a grand scale, traces of the original paintwork indicating decorative friezes running along the borders of the wood-beamed ceilings and the large Pucci stemma painted around the doorway to the center hall on the piano nobile advertised the family’s social standing (fig. 102).

What remains of the original villa is a virtual museum of Renaissance decorative sculpture typical of grand country estates. The androne leading from the public wing of the L-shaped building to the apartments in the east wing of the palazzo is groin-vaulted as is the vestibule leading to the stairs accessing the sequence of smaller rooms above; both are fitted with beautifully carved peducci (fig. 103).

Whereas the console capitals at the base of the lunette vaults in the antecamera on this side of the villa are carved with graceful foliate forms that most likely date to Giuliano da Sangallo’s tenure at the villa, the corbels in the great hall feature the same Pucci coat of arms featured onto the capitals, heraldic decorations almost certainly sculpted by

Francesco da Sangallo and his crew during the aggrandizement of the villa begun in

1524 (fig. 104). In addition to the payments for capitals, the attribution of these capitals to Francesco da Sangallo is supported by Francesco’s stylistic emphasis on the labial folds of his subjects and other deeply carved facial details are particularly evident in his earliest commission, the Virgin and Child with Saint Anne, sculpted for Orsanmichele in Florence during this same period, that is to say, between 1522 and 1526 (fig. 105).

There is a large mantelpiece carved in pietra serena in one of the camere with lightly carved motifs that are not as patently armorial as those on the grand sala in the other wing.

268 The rooms adjoining the anticamera are arranged on an axis that moves north- south along the spine of the building and opens onto the sweeping views of the olive groves beyond. This was the original entryway to the elevated villa on the hill, whose grandiose scale generates a sense of authority over the surrounding countryside. From a more practical perspective, Casignano functioned as a lushly planted retreat from the heat and disease of Florence that generated more than enough food to feed its occupants. Surplus agricultural products and herds could be sold to offset taxes or traded for goods and services, as they were in the payments to Giuliano da Sangallo in

1485-1487 and his nephew’s workshop in 1524-1528.874

Antonio da Sangallo the Younger and his Workshop: The Pucci Commissions in Orvieto, 1528-1529

Political conflict and its economic ramifications were nothing new to the Pucci.

As the year 1528 drew to a close, Raffaello turned his attentions from Casignano to

Orvieto, the medieval hilltown built over an ancient Etruscan acropolis in southwest

Umbria.875 Long a favored papal retreat with its own pontifical palace, Orvieto’s virtually impregnable volcanic bluffs afforded Cardinal Pucci, the pope, and other members of the College of Cardinals who managed to escape from their imprisonment in Castel Sant’Angelo with an effective defense against the imperial forces occupying

Rome. 876 Famous for the nest of picturesque streets winding their way up through the

874 Chong, Raphael, Cellini & A Renaissance Banker, 45 provides examples of payments in kind authorized by the Pucci’s banker.

875 See Lucio Riccetti, “ Antonio da Sangallo il Giovane in Orvieto. Una lettera ed altri documenti inediti ,” Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorischen Institutes in Florenz 42 (1998): 67-100 for a discussion of Raffaello’s stature within Orvieto. The article analyzes the plans for a palace in Orvieto but does not contextualize these drawings within the terms of the renovation.

876 See Chastel, The Sack of Rome and Pastor, The History of the Popes , vol. 9, chapter XI. See also David Chambers, Popes, Cardinals and War: The Military Church in Renaissance and Early Modern

269 ancient municipality, the town was already well known to Antonio the Younger from his work on the Duomo with the Venetian architect Michele Sanmicheli (1484-1559)

(fig. 106).877

While the plans drawn up by Antonio the Younger for a grandiose palazzo designated for the Pucci were abandoned on the drawing board, newly unearthed payment records detail a refurbishment by his workshop of one of the properties involved in the scheme, an old house the family were renting in the town center on the corner of what is now Via Cavour (della casa ad canto al forno che havanno pigione )

(fig. 107).878 Payments to Antonio the Younger and two of his cousins, the brothers

Giovan Francesco da Sangallo and Bastiano da Sangallo, invite a fresh examination of the workshop drawings for Palazzo Pucci, both as tools for thinking through the proposed city palace and as blueprints for a renovation begun in December 1528 that

Europe (London and New York: I.B. Tauris, 2006), 148- 151. Jessica Goethals works on vernacular literary responses to the violence and devastation of the Sack of Rome and delivered a paper entitled “Catastrophe and Catharsis in Early Modern Italy: Representing the Sack of Rome and its Aftermath” at the 2013-2014 Penn Humanities Forum on violence. Ann Reynolds discusses the papal court in Orvieto between 1527 and 1528 in her essay in The Pontificate of Clement VII: History, Politics, Culture: Catholic Christendom, 1300–1700 , 143-161.

877 Giovannoni, Antonio da Sangallo il Giovane , vol. I, 258. Frommel and Adams, The Architectural Drawings of Antonio da Sangallo the Younger , vol. II, 261 makes note of Antonio the Younger’s interest in Etruscan antiquities.

878 Giovannoni, Antonio da Sangallo il Giovane , vol. I, 294-97 identifies Uffizi 1070A as preparatory drawings of the site by Battista da Sangallo, Uffizi 968A as a survey drawing by both Bastiano and Antonio the Younger and Uffizi 969A as a finished drawing for Palazzo Pucci in Orvieto in Antonio the Younger’s hand. A finished drawing of a smaller version of a palace (Uffizi 1074A) may be a study for Palazzo Pucci notwithstanding the obvious differences in the arrangement of the stairways and suites of rooms. Giovannoni also catalogued Uffizi 1116A as a study for Palazzo Pucci, presumably on the basis of certain motifs that this drawing has in common with Uffizi 969A. Uffizi 969A has also been published in Storia dell’architettura italiana: il primo Cinquecento , 27 and Italian Renaissance Architecture From Brunelleschi to Michelangelo , Henry A. Millon ed., (London: Thames and Hudson, 1996), 198. A house in the vicinity of the Torre del Moro was awarded to Antonio da Sangallo the Younger in October of 1532 in recognition of his services restoring water to the ancient city. See Riccetti, “ Antonio da Sangallo il Giovane in Orvieto, 67.

270 was completed in the spring of 1530. 879 Located directly across from the medieval

Torre del Moro, the distinctive Pucci stemma is still visible over the doorway of the house where the Sangallo workshop built an andito, a sala , a new kitchen with a chimney, a balcony, a storage room, and replaced the roof on part of the house and the barn (fig. 108). Along with a team of workers, the three Sangallo cousins also excavated a nearby cistern (appendix 11). 880

An account book entitled Raffaello di Alessandro di Antonio Entrate e Uscite

1528-1541 , with an opening date of October 1528, outlines the commission and helps date the drawings associated with the project. 881 Work on the Pucci house in Orvieto was underway by November, almost a year after the beleaguered and bedraggled papal court decamped from Castel Sant’Angelo in Rome and made the thousand-foot trek up to the scenic old town. 882 Over the following year and a half Antonio da Sangallo the

Younger and two of his cousins were also compensated for their work on a nearby cistern that involved the excavation of a waterline to an ancient receptacle designed to

879 Sebastiano was sometimes known as Aristotile, although in the Pucci payment records he is identified as Bastiano. Frommel’s discussion of Antonio the Younger’s collaborators (Frommel and Adams, The Architectural Drawings of Antonio da Sangallo the Younger, vol. I, 39) places Bastiano’s involvement in his cousin’s workshop to after 1530, but these payment records document his collaboration with Antonio the Younger to 1529 if not before. See also F. Cruciani, Il Teatro del Campidoglio e le feste Romane del 1513. Con la ricostruzione architettonica del teatro di Arnaldo Bruschi (Milan, 1968).

880 A letter by Duke Cosimo de’ Medici makes mention of a visit to Bagnoregio where the Pucci had their mining concession and to Orvieto in the company of Raffaello’s brother Cardinal Antonio Pucci more than a decade after the papacy returned to Rome. Unpublished, ASF, MAP 542, August 31, 1542: “Paulus III] dimorerà quel tutto domani, sabato a Montefiasconi, et domenica a Bagniarea con il Reverendissimo Santi Quatro [Antonio Pucci] et di lì a Orvieto, et si andava temporeggiando in queste bande per essere la mattina della Madonna a Santa Maria delli Angeli per cantare lì una messa .”

881 Unpublished, ASF VGL 270 is the account book maintained on behalf of Raffaello Pucci with payments to the Sangallo workshop authorized by his cancelliere Ser Guidantonio. It is worth noting that Raffaello’s name is spelled both with a double L and a single L in these documents.

882 See Chastel, The Sack of Rome, 35 and Fletcher, The Divorce of Henry VIII: The Untold Story from Inside the Vatican , 15 for an account of the conditions under which the papal court lived in Orvieto.

271 catch and store rainwater near the . 883 Sangallo’s workshop, often paid in grain, received a payment in July 1529 in which some part of the work on the cylindrical tank was reported as complete: Maestro Francesco e maestro Bastianno murati et fini la citerna ad 1.2 et luglio per Ser Guidantonio .884 Francesco’s cousin,

Antonio the Younger, was also paid for this work by Guidantonio dal Borgo cancelliere di messer Raffaello Pucci throughout the spring and summer of 1529. By

March 1530 the connection from the cistern to the house was operable: Saldo per essere per lui per di 19 marzo in di per la citerna da pr 110 verso per si fanno buono condit per pigione della casa da (l) me da maestro da Sangallo 1-50 .885

The involvement of Antonio the Younger, his cousins, and the garzoni they hired to dig out a line to the cistern in the center of Orvieto adds to a growing understanding of the role of the Sangallo workshop in restoring the water supply to the ancient township during this tense chapter in Pope Clement VII’s reign. 886 Antonio the

Younger’s oversight of the excavation of the Pozzo della Cava on the western end of

Orvieto near Porta Maggiore re-established a sufficient level of water flow to the

883 Riccetti, “ Antonio da Sangallo il Giovane in Orvieto,” 72.

884 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 270, 34b. See also Unpublished, ASF VGL 270, c. 17b: “ Maestro Antonio da Sangallo duo quintale da grano sono 4 ;” c. 19a: “ A maestro Antonio da Sangallo addi 22 novembre porto el fratello una soma di granno scudi 1 .” The location of the cistern is explained in Unpublished, ASF, VGL 270, c. 35a “ Messer Baltrammo e messer Francesco contra scripsi dieno da quando harano vinito la cisterna fra Corso et la casa posta, questa la hanno tanto da fuori ad ogni loro spesa per scudi quaranta cinque da solo…45 scudi .” Unlike the master accounts for the construction of Casignano, these payments indicate that there is no separate record for this project, hence the full names of the architect and his crew. Note, for example, ASF, VGL 270, 35a: “ Et di havere scudi uno soldi venti per uno…di lavoro fatto all cucina senza conto in questo 64 scudi .”

885 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 270, c. 110a.

886 See also R. Marta, “ Antonio di Sangallo il Giovane: Architetto, Urbanista, Archeologo, Ingegnere ”, (Rome, 2007). Pozzo della Cava and Pozzo di San Patrizio were both rediscovered in the twentieth century (see www.pozzodellaCava.it).

272 cistern in Piazza del Popolo by creating access to an underground network of wells, channels, and cisterns dating back thousands of years (fig. 109).887 A feat of engineering and ingenuity that took nearly a decade to complete, the Pozzo di San

Patrizio on the other end of the city is a shaft in the shape of a cylindrical helix that

Sangallo’s crew bore through soft volcanic tufa to an aquifer fifty-three meters below grade (fig. 110). 888 The supervision by the Sangallo workshop over both the renovations of the house and the excavation of the cistern help substantiate speculation that some of the tufa removed during work on the Pozzo della Cava, the fifty-meter- deep well that Clement VII ordered excavated at the time of his arrival in December

1527, was reserved for Palazzo Pucci. 889

Notwithstanding the association of the expenditures for the renovation as a project undertaken on Raffaello’s behalf, his uncle the cardinal explicitly authorized the payments to Antonio the Younger and instructed his nephew to make other payments to the Florentine architect on the family’s behalf. 890 Again, the notations on these outlays corroborate the inference in other of Raffaello’s giornali that the powerful major penitentiary controlled the working relationship with the papal architect Antonio the

887 Riccetti, “ Antonio da Sangallo il Giovane in Orvieto,” 67, figure 3 provides a map of Orvieto.

888 Riccetti, “ Antonio da Sangallo il Giovane in Orvieto,” 87 and Reynolds, “The Papal Court in Orvieto,” 152.

889 Riccetti, “ Antonio da Sangallo il Giovane in Orvieto, ” 72.

890 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 270, c. 16b “ A maestro Antonio da Sangallo una soma ½ grano, alle 30 da genaio de ... sconti 6 a messe Cardinal Pucci scudi 1 .” C. 17a is dated December 1528: “ a Maestro Antonio da Sangallo 5 soma di grano, alle 30 de genaio de dare ducati 6 a messer cardinali pucci sono .” C. 19b: “ A maestro Antonio da Sangallo addi 22 novembre porto el fratello una soma di granno scudi 1.” On c. 19b the cardinal also paid one scudo to Maestro Baptista da Cortona muratore : A maestro Baptista muratore adi detto scudi uno Reverdendissimo Santi Quattro . Moreover, the payments to Antonio da Sangallo the Younger from Raffaello Pucci in December 1528 are in the cardinal’s account books in a series of payments related to Bagnoregio.

273 Younger. 891 Measured in grain, the payments-in-kind to Antonio the Younger and his workshop are emblematic of the reduced circumstances in which the papal court subsisted in the years following Clement’s imprisonment and his promise of a ransom to the French King in the amount of 400,000 ducats in exchange for his life. 892 There is an obligation recorded in a later payment book, an Entrata e Uscita e Recordi da

Orvieto dated 1532, that makes note of a debt by Antonio da Sangallo the Younger to

Raffaello Pucci for grain during a period in which provisions were scarce, a delivery presumably related to this same period: Maestro Antonio da Sangallo de’dare per resto di grani ebbe l’anno del caro come a libro B a (folio) 143 scudi 37 posto qui questo di’10 di genaio 1532 detto .893 In addition to basic subsistence, there was always the threat of another attack on the papal state. Raffaello Pucci may have been provisioning a private militia or hired soldiers from the papal army to manage his mining business, as there are numerous payments to a certain Capitano Alessandro of San Pietro , one

Captain Rinaldo, and a Captain Zingaro. 894 The same account book references

891 The first of Cardinal Lorenzo’s extant account books, dated from 1520 to 1527, ends abruptly at the time of the Sack of Rome. A second giornale indicates the disarray of the cardinal’s finances from 1527 until his death in 1531. Unpublished, ASF, VGL 270 is Raffaello’s account book for the period between October 1528 and 1529 in which he also makes payments on behalf of Cardinal Lorenzo Pucci and another uncle, Roberto. The manager of the Pucci financial affairs met many of the family’s obligations in grain, a reflection of the extremely reduced circumstances of the papal court. At one point there is a payment to a doctor, Octavio medicho (c. 40b and 41a). 892 892 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 270, c. 39b: “ Maestro Antonio da Sangallo di dare per rubbio dua di granno a da cinque vecchia doro adi 28 d’avrile 1529 per suo cotti a maestro suo .” A notation in the margin indicates that the cardinal authorized this payment. Unpublished, ASF, VGL 270, c. 17a: “ A Maestro Antonio da Sangallo duo quintale da grano sono .” Antonio the Younger is also paid on 87b: “ A maestro Antonio da Sangallo ... soma 1R (soldi) 7 .” The terms of Pope Clement VII’s ransom to the imperials is laid out in Francesco Giuciardini, The History of Italy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1969), 389.

893 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 262, c. 4b.

894 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 270, c. 17a documents a payment to Capitano Alessandro of St. Peter’s: “ al Capitano Alessandro San Pietro adi 24 soma iii Rubbio 2 di grano soma………...…3.2) ;” c. 16b is a

274 Raffaello’s activities mining sulfuric acid in Bagnoregio, a key ingredient in the production of the high quality gunpowder supplied to the papal army. 895

In addition to the modernization of the house, the Sangallo workshop drew up a series of proposals for the transformation of the adjacent properties into a full-scale palace. As in numerous other urban endeavors, Antonio the Younger’s plans revolved around a preexisting structure, here a maze of old structures surrounding the house that the Pucci were renting on Via Cavour.896 Uffizi 1070A is a rough survey of the property attributed to Antonio the Younger’s older cousin Bastiano (1481-1551), whose chiaroscuro effects reflect his training in painting by Ridolfo Ghirlandaio and a grounding in perspectival drawing picked up from Donato Bramante in the years when

Bramante was chief architect of the Vatican (fig. 111).897 Bastiano, highly regarded for his understanding of the perspectival issues posed by a curved surface, is the draftsman- geometer identified with the preparatory drawings for a number of Antonio the

Younger’s religious projects, including Santa Maria di Loreto, San Giovanni dei

Fiorentini, and the church of Sant’Agostino near Piazza Navona in Rome.898 He also

payment to Capitano Zingaro al Capitano Zingaro adi 15 una soma da grano. Capitano Rinaldo is also paid.

895 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 270, c. 121a.

896 Coffin, The Villa in the Life of Renaissance Rome , 24 discusses the security that Viterbo afforded to the papacy and the extensive stays of the papal court in the region. The climate and ability to fortify the hillside town are explanations for the Pucci lodgings and their consideration of a larger palace in Orivieto.

897 Frommel, and Adams, The Architectural Drawings of Antonio da Sangallo the Younger, vol . 1, 48 observes that Uffizi 1070A is the only known drawing in Bastiano’s hand directly connected with Antonio the Younger’s design work for Palazzo Pucci in Orvieto. For an account of Bastiano’s friendship with Michelangelo and Vasari and his contribution to the Sistine Ceiling see Wallace, “Michelangelo’s Assistants in the Sistine Chapel,” 206.

898 Wallace, “Michelangelo’s Assistants in the Sistine Chapel,” 206. The catalogue of the architectural drawings by Sebastanio (Aristotile) da Sangallo in the Gabinetto Disegni e Stampe degli Uffizi by Pasquale Nerino Ferri (1851-1917) includes: Uffizi 174A, 176A, 366A, 1013A, 1034A, 1043A, 1345A,

275 drew up rooms, facades, and doors for various other unidentified palaces. 899 Sketches of the porticus of Octavia, the , and an octagonal temple demonstrate his interest in the antiquities that inspired these designs. 900 Wallace notes that the many drawings by Bastiano based on Michelangelo’s work, his access to Michelangelo’s drawings, and his later position as capomaestro dei muratori in the employ of the

Vatican fabbrica during the period when Michelangelo was hard at work on the Pauline

Chapel suggest a position as a professional draftsman in the employ of the Florentine master on more than one occasion.901 On a more practical note, Bastiano, sometimes known as Aristotile, was a business partner in the brick and stone business that his younger brother Giovan Francesco operated in the Fornace. 902 The close association of the Sangallo brothers with Giuliano Leno – the shrewd manager of the Fabbrica di San

Pietro charged with oversight over construction of Palazzo Pucci in the Campo Santo – paid off handsomely. According to Vasari, Giovan Francesco became wealthy from his involvement in the furnaces supplying lime for the Vatican building works and from procuring pozzolana and tufa for the new basilica of St. Peter’s. As it turned out,

Antonio the Younger’s cousin, hard at work since 1516 building Palazzo Pandolfini in

1371A, 1755A, 1828A, 1829A, 1830A, 1833A, 1848A, 1858A, 1885A, 1887A, 1895A, 1903A, 1905A, 2048A, 3141A, 4305A, 4308A, and 4309A.

899 See Frommel and Adams, The Architectural Drawings of Antonio da Sangallo the Younger. vol. 1 and II and Giovannoni, Antonio da Sangallo il Giovane , vol. I and II for a discussion of Antonio the Younger’s secular and religious projects.

900 See Giovannoni, Antonio da Sangallo il Giovane , vol. I, 10, 21 and 96.

901 Wallace, “Michelangelo’s Assistants in the Sistine Chapel,” 214, ff. 40.

902 Vasari’s life of Bastiano da Sangallo evinces a close relationship with this member of the Sangallo clan, whose affinity for Michelangelo’s work earned him Vasari’s high regard and friendship. Although these payment books associate Bastiano with Francesco, the use of the term fratello to identify these members of the Sangallo family identifies him as Bastiano’s brother Giovan Francesco rather than his cousin, Francesco di Giuliano da Sangallo.

276 Florence, died within a year of his sojourn in Orvieto working alongside his older brother and other members of the Sangallo workshop.903

A freehand survey drawing that may have been made on site, Uffizi 1070A renders the labyrinth of structures facing Via Cavour joined into one irregularly shaped residence, which, along with the neighboring houses, would have been torn down if

Palazzo Pucci had been built. Bastiano’s preparatory sketch anticipates the various schemes aimed at regularizing the site on which his cousin Antonio the Younger envisioned a palazzo of epic proportions. Bordered on the left by the Piazza del Moro, the survey uses simplified forms to set out the existing towers, walls, and stairways of the cluster of houses facing the main thoroughfare, labeling the properties owned by a neighbor and carefully delineating the garden walls in the rear and the tower on the other side of the strada pubblica. In the back of the property, Bastiano drew in the large house belonging to another neighbor, while on the right hand side of the drawing labeled vicini and forno , he made note of a horse stall and large gardens. The houses facing Via Cavour are shown as erratically shaped spaces with four preexisting staircases. The walls are clearly delineated and another label outside the property boundaries is marked with the scale underlying the measurements, piedi di xxx . Several spaces within these medieval dwellings are identified, including the schoperta with an andato scoperto running between the large house on the block of what would have been the front entrance to the palace. These smaller areas are overlaid with red chalk

903 Frommel, The Architectural Drawings of Antonio da Sangallo the Younger , frontspiece provides the geneology of the da Sangallo clan. For a discussion of Giovanni Francesco da Sangallo’s involvement in Palazzo Pandolfoni see Pietro Ruschi, “ un episodio architettonico a Firenze in eta leonine: Raffaello e Palazzo Pandolfini ,” in Nello splendore mediceo: Papa Leone X e Firenze , ed. Nicoletta Baldini and Monica Bietti (Livorno: Sillabe, 2013), 287-291 with bibliography, esp. 290.

277 marking the single, much larger chamera di sopra , along with arches and towers marked tunello di sopra and a space in the lower southwest corner of the property marked tutto stalla . The note on the side of the plan Non c’e muro che valga uno baiocho se non le mura atorno alla sala e alle chamere; tutto lo resto benche siano segnate potete fare quello che volete appears to refer to the walls and towers associated with these original structures. 904

The written details and chalk addenda overlaid on the drawing suggest that this planimetric study may, at least initially, have been prepared for use in the renovations to the house the Pucci were renting on Via Cavour. The notations indicate a sala and two related chambers, important aspects of Antonio the Younger’s intervention, while the elevations suggest improvements to the revised layout that may have involved a room on the piano nobile (chamera sopra). The account books make note of the replacement of the roof ( la volta ) along with a new roof for the barn ( li tetti per fieno ). 905 According to Raffaello Pucci’s giornale, Antonio’s crew, which included the master mason Baptista da Cortona, also installed a new kitchen (cucina nuova ) with windows, a storage room, and a new fireplace ( camino ). 906 The inclusion of a lufoio in the commission suggests that the project entailed a drainage pipe, a facet of the project the cistern across the street: fra loro et la casa posta.907 In March of 1530 Maestro

904 Giovannoni, Antonio da Sangallo il Giovane, vol. I, 295.

905 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 270, c. 36a: “ Maestro Baptista contro scripto che havere per opera ad muratore li tetti della casa ad canto al forno che havanno pigione et per ... dal balco in nostro .”

906 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 270, c. 36a: “ Et havere lavorato … della camera mesa al cucina nuova lufoio della camera mesa al cucina nuovo et mura sotto dalufoio ufio et a in stanza et mutate lufio del camera et la finestra fata in detto camera e il camino in fatto et la volta in la cucina in la nostro guidia … maestro San Gallo scudi 6 .”

278 Baptista was still working on the new kitchen and the fireplace (appendix 12).908 His participation in the renovation of the Pucci house in Orvieto links the Sangallo workshop to Palazzo Pucci in Rome, since Maestro Baptista was hard at work for years on the cardinal’s new palace. 909

Again attributed to both Bastiano and his cousin Antonio da Sangallo the

Younger, Uffizi 968A is another rough topographical study that is only developed in the front section of the lot (fig. 112). 910 Here the jumble of buildings facing Via Cavour has been eliminated and new masonry, drawn in red chalk, has been overlaid on the dark brown lines and shading delineating the lop-sided site, which juts out into an ear- shaped spit of land on the upper left. A comparison of this plan with Uffizi 969A, a finished drawing of Antonio’s plan for the palazzo, suggests an attempt to regularize the warren of medieval spaces fronting the Torre de Moro that began to morph into a more grandiose scheme (fig. 113). There are, however, obvious differences in the layout between the eleven rooms outlined on this schizo and the presentation drawing for the palace, including a sequence of chambers on either side of the loggia that are squared off but not symmetrically arranged. The scale of the proposed renovations is also entirely different: the atrium in Uffizi 968A is approximately half the size of the

907 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 270, c. 35: “ Messer Bastianno e messer Francesco contra scripsi dieno da quando harano finite la cisterna fra loro et la casa posta, questa la hanno tonto da fuori ad ogni loro spesa per scudi quaranta cinque da solo ….45 scudi .” The cardinal’s payments to Maestro Baptista da Cortona for his work in Campo Santo in Rome, recorded in ASF, VGL 260, are analyzed in the preceding chapter. The inclusion of Maestro Baptista helps substantiate speculation that Antonio da Sangallo the Younger was involved in the design of Palazzo Pucci in Rome.

908 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 270, c. 63a are payments to Maestro Baptista da Cortona that appear in an account of outlays in March 1530 for the same project: “ Maestro Baptista da Cortono di havere per contro cripto da calcini … da cucina nuova ducati 4 scudi 80 .”

909 See ff. 670.

910 See also Giovannoni, Antonio da Sangallo il Giovane, vol. I, 295 for a discussion of this drawing.

279 interior courtyard illustrated in Uffizi 969A. Whereas space constraints associated with these initial plans must have limited the cortile to four standing columns on only two of its four sides, the monumental atrium in Uffizi 969A was to have been surrounded by six piers on its long sides and four on its short ends. Only the chalk marks outlining piers and the outline for a large rectangular space on the other side of the street intersecting the mid-section of the property in Uffizi 968A suggest a project that began to contemplate the rear of the lot, which is otherwise undeveloped.

The two known presentation drawings for Palazzo Pucci, Uffizi 969A and possibly Uffizi 1074A, specify a new building that would not only have encompassed the house rented by the Pucci and the neighboring houses and towers facing Corso

Cavour, but an entire lot bordered by Via del Doumo, Via Signorelli and Via dei Cartari

(fig. 114).911 In both of these proposals, the predicament of the uneven lot has been handled with an ambitious ground plan that would have absorbed most or all of the existing buildings, outbuildings, and surrounding gardens in this section of the city center. Even the smaller and more sensible ground plan outlined in Uffizi 1074A would have vied in size and grandeur with other palaces later built in Orvieto to designs by

Antonio the Younger. 912 Its square layout is a feature shared with his initial plans for

Palazzo Farnese as is the spatial configuration of the rooms on either side of the andito , a suite comprised of a large rectangular salone flanked by two half-sized apartments.913

911 Giovannoni, Antonio da Sangallo il Giovane , vol. I, 295 attributes Uffizi 968 and 969 as well as Uffizi 1116 to the project for Palazzo Pucci and tentatively attributes Uffizi 1074 to this project.

912 Lucio Riccetti, “ Antonio da Sangallo il Giovane in Orvieto ,” 71 (map) and 81. Riccetti associates six drawings with the project for Palazzo Pucci: Bastiano’s sketch of the existing houses on the property: Uffizi 1070A, Uffizi 968A, Uffizi 969A, Uffizi 1074A, and Uffizi 1116A.

280 While the courtyard in Uffizi 298A, an early version of Palazzo Farnese, consists of piers in an arrangement that is five bays wide on all of four sides, here the columns are arranged into a cortile five bays long but only four bays wide (fig. 115). Another difference is the pair of wide staircases accessing the atrium and the absence of secondary stairs.

The overtones of Palazzo Farnese on the sequence of drawings that Antonio the

Younger drew for Palazzo Pucci in Orvieto between 1528 and 1529 are most evident in the progression of aisled vestibules leading to a grand central courtyard. The reappearance in an even more symmetrical form of important elements of his work on the monumental palace under construction in Rome is hardly surprising given that

Cardinal Farnese’s sister had married into the Pucci family. 914 The most impressive of

Antonio the Younger’s built designs, Palazzo Farnese was commissioned when

Alessandro Farnese (1468-1549) was still cardinal-deacon of Santi Cosma e Domiano

(fig. 116). 915 In much the same way that Pope Paul II added a floor along with a hanging garden, stables, and service quarters to Palazzo Venezia when he was made pope in 1464, the height of Palazzo Farnese was subsequently enlarged to 95 feet high, a level of magnificence considered to appropriate to Alessandro’s elevation to the

913 Frommel and Adams, The Architectural Drawings of Antonio da Sangallo the Younger, vol. I, 29 dates the first stage of planning for Palazzo Farnese to 1513-15, if not longer. The catalogue of the recent exhibit on Palazzo Farnese: Palais Farnese: De la Renaissance a l’Ambassade de France (Florence: Guinti, 2010) provides a full bibliography on the building that includes C. L. Frommel, Palazzo Farnese a Roma: l’architetto e il suo committente ,” Annali di architettura 7 (1995): 7-18.

914 Puccio died in 1494, a year after Alessandro Farnese became cardinal-deacon of SS Cosma e Domiano .

915 The history of Antonio the Younger’s designs for Palazzo Farnese is set forth in Frommel and Adams, The Architectural Drawings of Antonio da Sangallo the Younger , vol. II, 9-11. It is also analyzed by Gustavo Giovannoni, Antonio da Sangallo il Giovane, vol. I, 150-82. For an illustration of the project for Palazzo Farnese’s completion see Millon, Italian Renaissance Architecture, 194.

281 papacy as Pope Paul III in 1534.916 A thirty-year project that involved as many as three hundred workmen a day but was left unfinished at the time of Antonio the Younger’s death in 1546, Michelangelo assumed control over the design of the building in 1545, altering the third story and expanding the cornice to harmonize the proportions of the façade. 917

The spatial logic of Antonio the Younger’s designs for both of these city palaces in Rome and Orvieto derived from studies of the ancient Roman domus and from his studies of Vitrivius in the editions by Fra Giocando.918 Beyond the description of ancient buildings borrowed from Vitruvius, Antonio the Younger adopted the classical tropes of geometric proportions and sophisticated Latin terminology from his uncle’s designs with additions from his own meticulous study of Roman ruins. 919 Giuliano da

Sangallo’s plans for the palace of the king of Naples were clearly a source of inspiration for the vestibulum of Palazzo Farnese , a line of columns in the Doric order

(minus the frieze) set on pedestals. The coffered ceiling, on the other hand, appears to have been inspired by Giuliano’s figurative carvings on the ceiling of the vestibule to

916 Carlo Cresti and Claudio Rendina, Palazzi of Rome (Udine: h.f. ullmann, 2007), 58.

917 Frommel and Adams, The Architectural Drawings of Antonio da Sangallo the Younger, vol. II, 10. For an illustration of the project for Palazzo Farnese’s completion see Millon, Italian Renaissance Architecture, 194.

918 P. N. Pagliara, "Vitruvio, da testo a canone," 33-37 and Pier Nicola Pagliara, "Le De architectura de Vitruve édité par Fra Giocondo, à Venise en 1511,” in Sebastiano Serlio à Lyon: Architecture et imprimerie, ed. S. Deswarte-Rosa, (Lyon: Mémoire active, 2004), 348-354. See also Christoph L. Frommel, “Living all’antica : Palaces and Villas from Brunelleschi to Bramante,” in Henry A. Millon ed., Italian Renaissance Architecture (London: Thames and Hudson, 1996), 183-203.

919 Frommel and Adams, The Architectural Drawings of Antonio da Sangallo the Younger, vol. II, 86 includes a discussion of Antonio the Younger’s application of Vitruvian proportions on the Ionic and Corinthian orders. See the forthcoming studies by Pier Nicola Pagliara and Francesco Benelli of Antonio da Sangallo the Younger’s reading of various editions of Vitruvius for a discussion of this nomenclature.

282 the sacristy of Santo Spirito in Florence. The perspectival sequences in and out of the central cortile formed by the projection of an architectural order onto a wall accompanied by finely wrought sculptural details were refinements honed by a background in figurative drawing in the workshop of Filippino Lippi (1459-1504).

While no elevations for Palazzo Pucci have survived, the scale of the ground plan implies a similar level of interior detail and sculpted finishes. 920

Uffizi 969A is an enlarged scheme for Palazzo Pucci in which a rectangular wing half again as large as the square core has been attached to the front end of the building (fig. 113). Better described as a villa suburbana , this hybridized form of a villa in the city was grand enough to accommodate a noble family while still emphasizing the notion of a sanctuary ( fanum ) that lent itself to the pleasures of otium .921 While scholars have described the Cancelleria as the first attempt at a hybrid building during the Renaissance, the fusion of the character of a villa with the more formal architectural elements of an urban palace was an architectural style adopted by other members of the curia during the first three decades of the sixteenth century. A more full-fledged example of the villa suburbana was Villa Farnesina designed by Baldassare Peruzzi for

Agostino Chigi in 1509-15ll, an innovative design followed by the construction of

Palazzo Adimari Salviati on the same side of the Tiber for Leo X’s camerlengo by the

920 Frommel and Adams, The Architectural Drawings of Antonio da Sangallo the Younger, vol. I, 17 and vol. II , 1. Antonio the Younger’s revolutionary design of the atrium as a continuous line of pillars was an important source for the perspectival designs created by Bernini one hundred and fifty years later.

921 Coffin, The Villa in the Life of Renaissance Rome , 12 and 14. See also James Ackerman, “Sources of the Renaissance Villa,” in Studies in Western Art: Acts of the Twentieth International Congress of the History of Art, vol. II, The Renaissance and Mannerism (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1963), 6- 18.

283 young Giulo Romano (1499-1546).922 The pair of precisely symmetrical clusters of rooms on either side of the entryway in the front wing of this enlarged scheme is an arrangement apparent in Casignano, and develops the innovative organization of the apartments at Poggio a Caiano, a grouping of rooms into suites with a shared salone that anticipated Serlio’s designs for Ancy-le-Franc in Burgundy and Bartolommeo

Ammannati’s reconfiguration of the living quarters of in Florence (fig.

117 and 118). 923 Giuliano da Sangallo’s designs for La Magliana, the hunting lodge expanded by Julius II, must have been another source for Antonio the Younger’s designs in Orvieto, an enormous interior court ringed by rooms and staircases attached to rectangular wing half again its size. 924 While the object of Giuliano’s commission was the conversion of the rustic residences typical of the casale into a villa, the end result was the same, a residence large and luxurious enough to accommodate the papal court. 925

As in Bastiano’s survey drawing Uffizi 968A, the thick walls of Palazzo Pucci in Uffizi 969A are overlaid on the thinner dark lines of the pre-existing topography,

922 Coffin, The Villa in the Life of Renaissance Rome, 10 and 27 begins his discussion of the vacation retreats designed for church dignitaries on the Petrarchian notion of the contemplative live afforded by the quiet of the countryside with the prototypes established by Palazzo Venezia and the Villa Belvedere built for the papacy in Rome. See also Christoph Frommel, “Le opera romane di Giulio,” in Giulio Romano: Architecture in Early Modern Italy , ed. Manfredo Tafuri, Sylvia Ferino Pagden, Chrstoph L. Frommel, Konrad Oberhuber, Amedeo Belluzzi, Kurt W. Foster, Howard Burns, E. Gombrich (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 97-134, esp. 105-112.

923 Kiene, Bartolomeo Ammannati , 95. On Sebastiano Serlio see Sabine Frommel, Sebastiano Serlio: Architect (New York: Phaidon Press, 2004).

924 Coffin, The Villa in the Life of Renaissance Rome, 117-18.

925 Coffin, The Villa in the Life of Renaissance Rome, 117-18. Frommel and Adams, The Architectural Drawings of Antonio da Sangallo the Younger, vol. I, 10 examine the influence of Giuliano da Sangallo on Antonio the Younger’s architecture. For Villa Magliana see P. Adinolfi, Roma nell’mettà di mezzo (Rome: 1881), vol. II, 267 and Anna Cavallaro, La villa dei Papi alla Magliana (Rome: Poligrafico dello Stato, 2005) which also includes a full bibliography on the building.

284 although here the thick masonry is represented by a heavy brown wash rather than red chalk. Again the pre-existing properties occupying the lot are clearly labeled: a square referencing an underlying structure that may be a tower, a rectangle on the northern end of the drawing labeled chiesa , the house and gardens of another family on the right. A drawing labeled Rafaello Pucci in Orvieto , Uffizi 969A regularizes the space in front of the new main entrance, here tagged Piazza Pucci . This new façade with its portico and single large vestibule, a radical departure from the rundown structures facing one of the city’s busiest thoroughfares, responds to Leon Battista Alberti’s call for an entrance that dignifies the building. 926 Circulation is amplified by the transversal arrangement of interior corridors running along the spine of the palace. Using a Vitruvian vocabulary, the classically proportioned hallway labeled vestibulo leads straight into a long atrio that flows into a rectilinear interior courtyard at the heart of the building, an open space enveloped by a classical peristyle . Massive piers surrounding the central atrium complement the system of engaged columns lining the smaller atrio . Most likely the screen of columns in the atrio was a variant on the cortile set out on the verso of Uffzi

968A, which features a small sketch of an atrium with columns set in niches on high plinths. Christoph Frommel’s observation that the arched piers in the three-story courtyard in Palazzo Farnese were designed as a quotation of the ancient Theater of

Marcellus was probably the case here as well. 927

926 Alberti, On the Art of Building , 119. Bruschi, “ S. Pietro: spazi, strutture, ordini,” 177-194 makes note of this same concern in the Cancelleria, Palazzo Farnese, Palazzo Castellesi and Palazzo Venezia.

927 Frommel, “Living all’antica ,” 195. Frommel also makes note of the influence of Bramante’s unbuilt Palazzo dei Tribunali on its rectangular shape.

285 In addition to Alberti’s interpretation of Vitruvius, a decisive influence on both drawings can be none other than Fra Giocondo’s (1435-1515) reconstruction of the layout of the casa antica from an illustration in his 1511 edition of Vitruvius, an attempt at illustrating the only known ancient manuscript on classical architecture.928

Antonio the Younger’s equally learned designs for Palazzo Farnese in Rome and

Palazzo Pucci in Orvieto elaborate on a tiered sequence of vestibules leading to a grand central atrium.929 The practiced transformation of a choppy space into a monumental shrine to classicism incorporates another trademark of his work, a highly symmetrical arrangement of rooms organized around a courtyard at the heart of the building. Again, the plan and its terminology reflects a preoccupation with the various interpretations of

Vitruvius by learned architects of the period as well as an examination of the parallels between an atrium and the Roman forum, whose centrality was essential to the administrative and social functions of a city. Beginning with the covered vestibule, the sequential arrangement of reception rooms sets the stage for the ceremonial entries enacted within: “They should not be hidden away in some tight and out-of-the-way corner, but should be prominent, with easy access to the other members. It is here that stairways and passageways begin, and here that visitors are greeted and made welcome.” 930 Taking his cue from the discussion of the layout of a royal residence outlined in Book Five of Alberti’s De re aediticatoria , especially the designation of the main atrium or hall just outside the innermost rooms belonging to the prince as a waiting room reserved for visitors of advanced rank and age, Antonio the Younger’s

928 Frommel, “Living all’antica,” 193 (fig. 18). Battista is also thought to have contributed to the preparation of Uffizi 969A (Giovannoni, Antonio da Sangallo Il Giovane , vol. II, fig. 300.

930 Alberti, On the Art of Building , 119.

286 design for his noble patrons is strictly hierarchical. 931 Beyond these classical typologies, the archaeologically minded architect, true to his training in a humanist culture steeped in the reconstruction of a classical past, adopted the Albertian maxim of concinnitas universalium partium (beauty in all its parts). 932 While concinnitas is a principle more closely associated with Antonio the Younger’s designs for churches and ,

Tafuri points out that these idealized forms frequently made their way into his equally centralized schemes for grand secular interiors. 933

A layout featuring a large number of rooms notable for their size was another characteristic of Palazzo Pucci that drew on the Albertian distinction between a dwelling worthy of those with supreme power and that built for more common citizens. 934 The division of these chambers into distinctive zones was designed to accommodate a household attended by servants as well as petitioners seeking an audience with the prince. 935 According to Alberti, a proper accommodation of a retinue attending the highest-ranking citizens also required numerous entrances. 936 Palazzo

Farnese featured one of the first triumphal staircases in Rome, three levels of carved

931 Alberti, On the Art of Building , 121. See also Vitruvius, Ten Books on Architecture , ed. Ingrid D. Rowaland and Thomas Noble Howe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), Book 5 (Public Buildings) and Book 6 (Private Buildings).

932 Manfredo Tafuri, “The Churches of Antonio da Sangallo the Younger,” in Frommel and Adams, The Architectural Drawings of Antonio da Sangallo the Younger , vol. II , 45.

933 Tafuri, “The Churches of Antonio da Sangallo the Younger,” 46.

934 Alberti, On the Art of Building , 120.

935 Alberti, On the Art of Building , 120.

936 Alberti, On the Art of Building , 119. Frommel and Adams, The Architectural Drawings of Antonio da Sangallo the Younger, vol. I, 3 make note of Antonio the Younger’s attempt to translate and comment on Vitruvius.

287 marble based on the prototype of the ceremonial stairway created for the Duke of

Urbino, an example that also found its way into Antonio the Younger’s schemes for

Palazzo Pucci. 937 In Uffizi 969A, nine flights of stairs address the client’s concern with the related issues of privacy and security. Four double staircases surround the vestibule, a highly symmetrical arrangement that provides each suite of rooms on either side of the entryway with an independent entrée to the piano nobile .938 One of these round- headed stairways reappears at the core of the building to the left of the central courtyard, an elegant solution to the problem of visual coherence posed by the space constraints associated with the installation of a second grand staircase. Organized along the lines of the separate apartments created for Alessandro Farnese’s two sons in their

Roman palace, three other smaller stairwells surrounding the central courtyard sequester the apartments on the first floor, another indication that Palazzo Pucci was designed for several generations of the same family. 939

Given its influence on the scheme for Palazzo Pucci in Orvieto, it seems reasonable to assume that the grand staircase leading off the central cortile followed the geometric model explored in Antonio the Younger’s sketches for the stairwells in

937 Christoph L. Frommel, “ Scale maggiore dei palazzo romani del Rinascamento ,” in L'escalier dans l'architecture de la Renaissance, ed. A. Chastel, J. Guillaime (Picard: Paris, 1979), 99–105.

938 Alberti, On the Art of Building , 119: “The atrium, salon, and so on should relate in the same way to the house as do the forum and the public square in the city: they should not be hidden away in some tight and out-of-the-way corner, but should be prominent, with easy acess to the other members. It is here that stairways and passageways begin, and here that vistors are greeted and made welcome.”

939 The bibiliography on Palazzo Farnese includes new documentation by Christoph Frommel contained in the essays contained in Le Palais Farnèse , 3 vols. (Rome: Ecole Française de Rome , 1980-82). See also Jean-François Chauvard, “Le palais Farnèse. Avant-propos”, Mélanges de l’École française de Rome - Italie et Méditerranée modernes et contemporaines , 122-2 |(2010): 237-238 and W olfgang Lotz, Architecture in Italy, 1500-1600 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1995), 57.

288 Palazzo Farnese. 940 These drawings compute the pitch of the treads from a mathematical formula in which the ascent is represented as the hypotenuse of a triangle. 941 The drawings for Palazzo Pucci propose a staircase six piedi wide and 74 piedi long, a vast stretch of polished stone broken up by two landings. Three other domed stairwells leading off the center atrium were half as broad, suggesting that

Antonio the Younger was working off a modular grid that measured three by three piedi .942 The same geometric logic extended to the proportions of the rest of the building. The notations on the left hand side of the finished drawing specify the

Vitruvian relationship between the height and width of the central courtyard and dictate the measurements of other visually related spaces. Ranging in harmonic proportions between 1/4, 3/5 of 2/3, the labels on the side of the drawing begin with the atrium, whose width is specified as 2/3 that of its height and three quarters of its length ( atrio lungho 3 largho 2 alto sotto le travi annanco un quarto della sua longezza ). The notations in the margins indicate that the wings (alle ) of the courtyard were to be a quarter as wide as they were long (la quarta parte della sua longhessa ), while the width of both the salotti and the peristilio surrounding the atrium equate to 3/5 of their length.

The dimensions of the atrium imply a ceiling height approaching forty Roman feet per floor, a cold expanse of space visually compounded by the rigid symmetry of the rooms

940 Antonio the Younger’s concern with the pitch of the staircase relative to the height of the walls is evinced on the verso of Uffizi 766, a Pucci project in Florence, where he sketched the staircase and the landings.

941 Frommel and Adams, The Architectural Drawings of Antonio da Sangallo the Younger, vol. II, 10. See also Christoph L. Frommel, “ Palazzo Farnese a Roma : L’architetto e il suo committente ,” Annali di Architettura 7 (1994): 7-18.

942 The four round-headed staircases framing the vestibule and the fifth round-headed staircase off the atrium were four piedi wide.

289 and the marble architectural elements surrounding them. Thick masonry walls accommodate the great height of the building and contain the finishes on the exterior, which, based on Antonio the Younger’s designs for Palazzo Farnese, were most likely envisioned as heavily rusticated in parts and embellished with classical motifs running along the cornice and above the central portal (fig. 116).

No doubt the similarity of the square ground plan and rectangular internal courtyard framed by six columns on its long end and four columns on its short sides with Uffizi 969 were the basis for Giovannoni’s association of two other drawings

(Uffizi 1116A and Uffizi 1074A), with Antonio the Younger’s experiments with the organization of Palazzo Pucci (fig. 119 and 114). Notwithstanding substantial differences in their internal configuration, these symmetrical schemes centered on a large atrium accessed by an imposing staircase are proposals that paved the way for

Antonio the Younger’s final layout of the never-built Palazzo Crispi Marciano, commissioned by a natural son of Pope Paul III sometime around 1536 (fig. 120).943

These plans also appear to have informed the design of another city palace in Orvieto known as Palazzo Gualterio, which Vasari reports was completed to Antonio da

Sangallo the Younger’s design by Simone Mosca (fig. 121).944

From an inventory of Raffaello Pucci’s property in Orvieto dated 1537 in which his residence is referred to as a house rather than a palazzo, it is clear that the honored resident of this ancient municipality passed on the opportunity to build a visually

943 Uffizi 960 is a drawing of Palazzo Crispi.

944 Giovannoni, Antonio da Sangallo Il Giovane , vol. II, 296-97 and figures 303 and 304.

290 striking palace in the town center. 945 The process by which the wealthy entrepreneur decided to limit his activities in Orvieto to the renovation of a rental property, rather than proceed with developing the cluster of medieval houses, tunnels, stalls, and gardens into a building whose layout and finishes would have given it an air of learned magnificence, is unclear. Plans for a considerably grander and more permanent residence may have been driven by events leading up to the confiscation of the Pucci residence on Via dei Calderai in Florence in 1529, an incident datable to the creation of a short-lived regime of popular government following the Sack of Rome in which the

Medici were expelled from Florence. 946 Orvieto’s proximity to Bagnoregio, the headquarters of the Pucci mining concession, was another factor in the project’s favor. 947 On the other hand, the return of the papal court to Rome in the autumn of 1528 and the restoration of the Pucci townhouse in San Michele Visdomini to its rightful owners after the fall of the Third Florentine Republic in 1530 may have prompted a reconsideration of the family’s commitment to an expensive and long-term project in southwest Umbria. In any case, Raffaello, a distinguished citizen of Orvieto who had inherited a large property in Allerona from his mother, Sibilla de Francesco Sassetti,

945 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 266 is otherwise undated.

946 Francesco Giucciardini, The History of Italy , trans. Sidney Alexander (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1969), 391. Francesco Giucciardini’s daughter married Cardinal Roberto’s son Pandolfo in 1540. Following Lorenzo de’ Medici’s premature death at the age of forty three years of age and the expulsion of his inept son, Piero, as the defacto ruler of the city, the Florentines took advantage of the Holy Roman Emperor’s preoccupation with his vicious Sack of Rome in 1527 to restore the republic. The French King, Francis I, the great enemy of the Holy Roman Emperor, Charles V, initially supported the Florentine Council of Ten but following French defeats in Naples in 1528 and in 1529, and the Treaty of Barcelona, the Florentines found themselves at the mercy of Charles V. In the see-saw politics of the period, Charles V had by then thrown his lot back in with the Medici Pope, Clement VII, who insisted on the installation of Alessandro de’ Medici as the new ruler of the city.

947 See the discussion of this project on p. 143-144.

291 appears to have lost interest in the grandiose scheme before the project ever got off the ground.

Antonio da Sangallo and the Modernization of the Pucci Compound in Florence

Busy managing the valuable Pucci mining concession awarded to the family by the Medici popes, Raffaello still found time to with the vicissitudes of the family house in Florence. Sometime after the defeat of the Third Florentine Republic in

August 1530, Alessandro d’Antonio’s youngest son returned to the casa grande in the

Florentine parish of San Michele Visdomini to find it completely stripped of its contents. The wholesale appropriation of Raffaello’s household belongings by the anti-

Medici regime extended to the wood paneling lining the walls. As previously noted, the inventory made at the time the house was confiscated documents the hundreds of other pieces of furniture and objects d’art seized by a self-styled republican government

(Inventari delle masserizie e dei beni sequestrate dagli Uffiziali dei Ribelli e messi in vendita 1529-1531 ). 948 In May of 1530 Raffaello made a payment for repairs and two large cassoni from Maestro Bartolomeo legnaiuolo , a payment that suggests the timing of the return of the house and Raffaello’s attempts to refurnish it. 949 Considered alongside the abandoned plans for a city palace in Orvieto, the damage to Casa Pucci may have been the impetus for plans by Antonio the Younger for a full-scale renovation of the family compound in Florence (fig. 41). The patrons listed on the verso of the drawings posit another motive: The reoccupation of the city by friends and

948 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 289 (see appendix 33).

949 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 271, c. 68 is a payment dated after May 1530 to a woodworker for the chests.

292 allies of this strategically sited compound near the Medici palace may well have been a political tactic reminiscent of Pucci domination of this crucial thoroughfare in the fifteenth century.

Antonio da Sangallo the Younger’s extant drawings for the case in serie (nearly identical houses that were structurally connected but otherwise independent) are in a sequence associated with the master’s studies for the ingeniously engineered drawn up in March and April of 1534. 950 This dating for the drawings is consistent with the return of the Medici to power and Duke Alessandro de’ Medici’s commission of a massive, pentangle-shaped fortification with five angled bastions protecting the northern walls of Florence. 951 Two years earlier Roberto Pucci had returned to Florence from three years in exile and promoted to the rank of senator within the newly created principate. A close friend and close political ally, Bartolomeo

Valori, identified in the drawings as another patron of the project, was named to the powerful post of governor of Florence in 1530. 952

Uffizi 764A and Uffizi 765A involved the Casa del Canto on Via dei Calderai occupied by Raffaello d’Alessandro Pucci, and a smaller house next door owned by

950 Frommel and Adams, The Architectural Drawings of Antonio da Sangallo the Younger, vol. 1, 1. Numbered in the twenty-one volumes of his drawings given to the Uffizi in 1574 by Antonio the Younger’s grandson, the drawings for the Fortezza da Basso in Florence begin with Uffizi 756 A and are dated to March-April 1534.

951 See Nicholas Adams and Simon Pepper, “The Fortification Drawings” in Frommel and Adams, The Architectural Drawings of Antonio da Sangallo the Younger, vol. I, 61-97. On p. 65 the authors describe the various unbuilt plans for the interior of the fortress and note that the plane-table surveys of the city were made in 1531 or before.

952 See Mark Jurdjevic, Guardians of Republicanism: Five Generations of the Valori Family in the Renaissance (London: Oxford University Press, 2008).

293 Raffaello’s uncle Roberto (1464-1547).953 The first of these, Uffizi 764A, is an undated survey of the family compound (fig. 41). While only the masonry walls of Raffaello’s old house are included in this plan, the drawing quite usefully sets out the boundaries of the surrounding houses and gardens. To the left of Raffaello’s house on Via dei

Calderai is the smaller, rectilinear property belonging to his uncle Roberto (fig. 123 and

124). 954 Further down the street, near to where Via dei Calderai meets Via Ricasoli, the da Rabatta owned a house that the Pucci purchased in the seventeenth century to make way for the block-long palazzo as it stands today (fig. 122 and 125-127).955 Around the corner on Via dei Servi were five other lots. Tommaso di Puccio Pucci owned the two houses ( grande e piccola ) adjacent to Raffaello’s garden and the heirs of Bencivenni

Benivieni owned the two houses north of Tommaso’s homes. 956 Working backwards from Antonio the Younger’s study it is possible to conclude that one or the other of

Tommaso’s two houses, which stood side by side and were labeled number eight on the planimetric study, was the house where Raffaello’s great-grandfather, Puccio, raised his

953 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 382, unpaginated, includes the papers of Niccolò Pucci, who inherited the house early in the seventeenth century.

954 See Lorenzo Cardella, Memorie storiche de' cardinali della Santa Romana Chiesa (Rome: Stamperia Pagliarini, 1793), 239-40 for a biography of Roberto, about which little is known.

955 Leonardo Ginori Lisci, The Palazzi of Florence History and Art , vol. I, trans. Jennifer Grillo (Florence: Guinti Barbara, 1985), 405-14 provides an account of the family fortunes and the architectural program for Palazzo Pucci in Florence.

956 Uffizi 764A. “Pianta del palazzo sul canto de Pucci di messer Raffaello Pucci di Firenze ,” by Antonio da Sangallo the Younger. No. 8 on Sangallo’s planimetric study is labeled “Casa di Maso Pucci grande e piccolo ;” Tommaso was implicated in a pro-Medici conspiracy and executed in 1527. It is part of this house that is the subject of Antonio the Younger’s chalk sketches for a grand classical city dwelling for Baccio Valori, who served as governor of Florence from 1530 until his execution in 1537. AP, Miscellanea, no. 144, fasc. 2, c. 68r is Antonio di Puccio’s catasto of 1469. It describes the house purchased by Antonio on November 18, 1461 from Piero di Cosimo de’ Medici as bordered by the house occupied by “Tommaso e Dionigi di Puccio.” Ap, Miscellanea, no. 144, fasc. 3, c. 25 r, the catasto filed by Tommaso’s son Filippo in 1498 lists Tommaso as an heir of his brother Dionigi’s estate.

294 growing family. 957 The last lot on the plat, which had a garden behind it, was owned by

Alamanno di Jacopo di Puccio Pucci. As in the plans for Palazzo Pucci in Orvieto, the drawings are carefully labeled with nomenclature derived from Antonio the Younger’s study of Vitruvius and descriptions of Roman villas derived from Pliny the Younger. 958

The inclusion of Lorenzo Ridolfi and Baccio Valori in the list of patrons on the verso adds two other drawings to corpus of sheets associated with the project: Uffizi 766A and 763A (fig. 128 and 129).

The preparatory drawing for the renovation of Raffaello’s house (Uffizi 764A) lays out a large, rambling house with its main entrance on Via dei Calderai. 959 At the rear of the structure is a long, narrow wing that wraps around the north end of the walled garden and opens up onto Via dei Servi. The planimentric study describes a house still organized along the lines of the refurbishments undertaken by Baccio d’Agnolo between 1506 and 1512: a long stalla accessed by a door on Via dei Calderai

957 The drawings of the Pucci houses in Florence are undated. The possible timing of Antonio da Sangallo the Younger’s plan is treated later in this dissertation and draws on the study of the architect’s work in Florence in the two published volumes edited by Christoph L. Frommel and Nicholas Adams, The Architectural Drawings of Antonio da Sangallo the Younger and His Circle and Gustavo Giovannoni, Antonio da Sangallo lI Giovane. Tommaso outlived his brother Dionigi whose catasto in 1480 (AP, Miscellanea, no. 144, fasc. 2, c. 148r.) implies that he inherited one of these houses from his father.

958 David Coffin, Magnificent Buildings, Splendid Gardens (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2008), 78 makes note of Sangallo’s use of classical nomenclature on the plans for Villa Cervini.

959 As previously noted, the confiscation of the house by the Republican government of Florence in 1529 and the sale of its contents is documented in Unpublished, ASF, VGL 289. From this inventory it is possible to conclude that Raffaello took possession of the house when his father died in 1525. Unpublished, ASF, MGR 544 dated 1591 are documents related to the will of Abbot Antonio Pucci and Roberto di Giovanpaolo Pucci. These legal documents describe the borders of the house occupied by Raffaello Pucci as the big house in Florence with two gardens su canto di Pucci al canto san Michele on one side of Via dei Servi and the second side as the street previously known as Via dei Calderai. The third side was a house owned by Signora Abbate Pucci and his brothers and the fourth side in the direction of Via dei Servi was open land owned by Gianfilippo da Lutiano near Borgo San Lorenzo ( infa predicta ).

295 adjacent to a large room that also faces the street, probably the scrittorio. Three staircases link the spacious but irregularly shaped rooms on the ground floor with the piano nobile, one behind the scrittorio and two others are in the rear of the house, one of which accesses the kitchen upstairs. A serviceable but inelegant arrangement, the pre-existing house lacks the coherence of Antonio the Younger’s designs, especially the hierarchical sequence of an entryway set on a central axis to the house leading to a larger, regularly shaped atrium at the heart of the building. Another element missing from the house prior to its renovation is any semblance of symmetry. What was called for in the lost presentation drawing for Raffaello’s house must have mirrored the final plans laid out in Uffizi 765A for Roberto’s house next door, a sequence of identically sized rooms in relation to other carefully proportioned spaces on two main levels linked by a grand staircase whose width was calibrated to its height.

Uffizi 765A is a finished plan labeled Pianta del palazzo in Via de Calderai di messer Roberto Pucci di Firenze (fig. 123 and 124). Its external contours are essentially unchanged from the pre-existing house described in Uffizi 764A, a building wedged between the so-called big house in Florence and the da Rabatta house on the other end of the street. Originally inherited by Antonio di Puccio’s son Giannozzo -- who made his name as a participant in a plan hatched by Bernardo Del Nero in 1497 which not only failed to expel the anti-Medici government but cost Giannozzo his head -- this casetta was ceded to Giannozzo’s younger brother Roberto in 1500. 960 The donatio inter vivos of 1522 arranged by Cardinal Lorenzo also made Roberto the recipient of a

960 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 387, insert 10, unpaginated.

296 generous bequest earmarked for a renovation of this house. 961 A document notarized in

1533, the Lodo di Cardinale Antonio Pucci , gave his brother Roberto the Bini house in

Rome worth 9,000 ducati as well as a handsome sum to build himself a house per esere fatta buona .962 In 1534, Roberto’s house was still documented in the Land Registry as

“a house which I own and a stable and which I live in.” 963 In 1538, Roberto’s wealthy nephew Raffaello contributed to the costs of rebuilding the house to a design by

Antonio da Sangallo the Younger.964

The drawing, probably traced with a stylus, outlines a relatively modest two- story house with a rounded landing on the large staircase of the type the papal architect incorporated into his larger palazzo schemes (fig. 130).965 A long entryway leads to a

961 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 387, insert 8. Cardinal Lorenzo had arranged for a division of his estate inter vivos again in 1525, dividing it between Alessandro and his sons; Roberto and his sons; and Piero and his sons Puccio and Lorenzo (Unpublished, ASF, MGR 393, insert 3). As in his living will of 1522, this document transferred his ownership of Uliveto along with eleven working farms ( podere ) and the income ( beni ) of Coiano to his brothers and their heirs (ASF, MGR 387, insert 5). The document drawn up by the family notary Bernardo Vermigli also ceded Granaiolo “the way the cardinal designed the borders” to Roberto along with 2,00 ducats in the form of beni di Val d’elsa . Alessandro and a younger brother, Roberto, were the recipients of Lorenzo’s interest in Casignano, the podere transformed into a villa suburbana four miles outside of Florence. Roberto later gave up his share in this property in exchange for 1,200 ducats, ceding his share to the sons and heirs of his older brother Alessandro (Unpublished, ASF, MGR 387, insert 8).

962 Unpublished, AP, Filza 7, c. 7.

963 Lisci, The Palazzi of Florence, 409.

964 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 266, c. 104b is a notation regarding a payment to the stonemasons in Florence dated January 6, 1538 (Florentine dating): “A Ruberto d’Antonio Pucci addi 6 giennaio scudi quatro cento d’oro di moneta per tanti fatti gli paghare a in Roma dal Reverendissimo chardinale messer Antonio Pucci e sono a buono chonto per la parte aspettante a me dello chasa di Firenze murata per detto Ruberto e per aviso del detto reverendissimo tale paghamento fatto gli per sua lettera de di’ 13 del presente posto messer Antonio Pucci reverendissimo cardinale santi quattro avere al libro….. scudi 400 .” See also unpublished, AP, Filza 7, c. 38.

965 Uffizi 764 A was catalogued by Pasquale Nerino Ferri (1851-1917) as Piante delle case di Messer Raffaello and Roberto Pucci su langolo di Via de Servi e Borgo Pinti . Uffizi 765A was catalogued by Ferri as Pianta del Palazzo di Messer Roberto Pucci in Firenze (recto); Pianto di detto Palazzo al Piano della Sala (verso ). Ferri cites Vasari, Le Vite , vol. 5, 514.

297 rectangular loggia accessing four identically sized rooms on one side and a staircase, an open cortile, and a room labeled publico on the other. At the rear of the building is an andito set on an axis with the loggia and another staircase carved out from a larger, square room that, like the loggia and the cortile, was designed as space in common. The simple numerical proportions of the ground floor rooms complement the fairly even spatial distributions. The atrio at the entrance is as long as the camera on the other side of the wall and together the rectangular courtyard and loggia at the center of the house form a square.

As in Antonio the Younger’s design of Palazzo Baldassini in Rome (1514-

1517), space constraints limit the piers to one end of the open two-story cortile. Even so, the staircase, a miniaturization of the grand staircase proposed for Palazzo Pucci in

Oriveto, is four piedi wide and features double-landings. The rectilinear ground plan is another organizational feature of the house reminiscent of Palazzo Baldassini, a much- admired city palace in Rome with windows supported by brackets on the façade that quote the Temple of Mars Ultor and a Doric portico on the interior borrowed from the

Roman theater of Marcellus (fig 131 and 132).966 As in other projects where an urban topography made it impossible to adopt the centralized plan of an ancient basilica,

Antonio the Younger improvised with solutions drawn from his Vitruvian vocabulary.

Unlike his design for Palazzo Farrattini in Amelia (1517) -- a free-standing building commissioned by Bishop Farrattini, the prefect of St. Peter’s -- in which the rural location allows for a full-scale atrium accessed by a grand staircase, as in Farnese and the proposal for Palazzo Pucci, the central core of Casa Pucci features a loggia rather

966 See Celeste Cola, “Palazzo Baldassini,” La cultura artistica nelle dimore romane fra Quattrocento e Cinquecento (1991): 55-63. For the influences on Palazzo Baldassini see Arnaldo Bruschi, “ Edifici privati di Bramante a Roma ,” Palladio 4 (1989): 5-44.

298 than a courtyard that is not centered within its internal organization. As in Palazzo

Baldassini, the visual effect of symmetry is achieved by projecting the decorative elements of an open atrium onto the walls of the other three sides of the loggia (fig.

133). Unlike the classical precision of his Roman buildings, these drawings evince pragmatic solutions to the constraints posed by pre-existing urban spaces.

The front half of the piano nobile upstairs was designed so that the stairs open onto a large family room ( sala ) overlooking the street. Behind the grand hall where the women in the household would have congregated when the room was not in use for entertainment was a smaller dining room ( salotto ). This room led to a balcony overlooking the cortile that opened up onto the kitchen and other rooms used for storing and preparing food. Two secondary staircases, one of which accessed the kitchen, provide independent access to the back of the house. A concern with light is addressed by the arrangement of the two back rooms on the east side of the rear wing which overlook Raffaello Pucci’s cortile next door ( e questa camera fili puo dare lume sopra all andito de loro cortile de messer Rafaello ).

Bracketed window treatments and cuboid ashlar quoins were a leitmotif of

Antonio the Younger’s work on Palazzo Baldassini that may have been envisioned for

Casa Pucci in Florence, although in the absence of elevations it is impossible to know for certain whether the plans called for a stucco façade common to Florentine

Renaissance architecture or a pattern of smooth bricks inspired by the study of ancient

Roman building practices. Assuming that the façade as it stands now incorporates what was built in the sixteenth century, the Florentine-born architect opted for the former. At least as it was built before the installation of a Serliana window treatment in 1548/49,

299 the portal on the Pucci townhouse was considerably less emphatic than the projecting

Doric entryway built for Palazzo Baldassini in Rome. Designed along the lines of the portal Antonio the Younger envisioned for his own house on Borgo Pinti in Florence

(Uffizi 767A), the rusticated rounded stone doorway typical of the smaller Florentine palaces (fig. 134).967 Even with the addition of the elaborate tripartite window treatment that Pandolfo Pucci added to the house as a memorial to his father, the more limited architectural vocabulary of Casa Pucci in Florence is a dramatic shift from the rhetorical ideals of the monumental city palace designed as the family seat in Orvieto.

The label, Messer Ruberto helps date the project since Roberto, who took up an ecclesiastical career following the death of his wife in 1526 and was named the third cardinal in the family in 1542, is not identified as an ecclesiastic. The inclusion in the commission of Bartolommeo Valori, better known as Baccio, further signals that the plans were drawn up before 1537, the year the Florentine nobleman was executed by

Duke Cosimo de’ Medici for taking up with the fuorusciti at the Battle of

Montemurlo. 968 Another event that helps date the project is the death of Tommaso

Pucci in 1527 and the involvement of his two houses in the scheme. The decision to move forward on the remodeling of Roberto’s home in the family compound running along Via dei Calderai would also have given consideration to his return to Florence in

1532 and the generous bequest to construct a house to a design of his own chosing passed on by Cardinal Antonio in 1533 per essere fatta buona .969 Critical to a

967 See Charles Burroughs, The Italian Renaissance Palace Façade: Structures of Authority, Surfaces of Sense (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), 79.

968 John M. Najemy, A History of Florence , 467.

969 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 387, filza 7, c. 7v. The Loda di Cardinale Antonio Pucci , folio 38 is dated August 25 1533 and included bequests conferred on members of the family by Cardinal Lorenzo.

300 reconstruction of the sequence of events by which the vision of a pro-Medici stronghold up the street from the Duomo was drawn up and begun after numerous delays ( come qui mille anni la casa si finisca ) are several documents dated to 1538/1539. The first is a letter written on March 26, 1537 (Florentine dating) addressed to Roberto from his cameriere .970 In it the maestro di casa wrote that he awaited His Excellency’s arrival in

Florence in the weeks before Easter in order to begin construction of the house. 971 The

970 Unpublished, ASF, Carte Strozziane 339, Serie Prima, c. 337.

971 Unpublished, ASF, Carte Strozziane 339, Serie Prima, c. 337: “ Molto magnifico signore mio et cetera

Io non scrissi sabato passato a vostra signoria perche’ pensavamo tutti di qua, secondo il suo scriver quella al piu’ lungo ci dovessi esser hoggi che con gran desiderio tutto il mondo di qua vi aspettava, pero’ non venendo ne’ sapendo il quando, io ogni sabato per lo advenir non manchero’ che lo scriver vostro di voler partire venerdi’ alli 8 di questo e’ stato come vi diro’ causa del mio non haver scritto.

Havevo disegnato come per l’ultime mie n’advisai vostra signoria di mettere gli scarpellini il primo di’ di quaresima per metter in opera di poi mastro Antonio la terza settimana di quaresima il che non feci per doppio rispetto prima perche’ non mi havevi rimesso danari, secondo scrivevi di voler fare, secondo perche’ poi scrivendomi voler partir il venerdi’ a di’ 8 del presente, anchora mi havessi rimesso denari a questo effetto non l’harei mai fatto perche’ volevo alla tornata vostra si vedessi fussi tornato il padrone et che voi stesso fussi quelli dessi le mosse hora veggendo la cosa andar circa il ritorno vostro a lungo et parendosi a tutti cosi’ costi’ come qui mille anni la casa si finisca, lunedi’ proximo piacendo a Dio, mettero’ gli scarpellini pagandogli ogni sabato vi scrissi di quanto haranno lavorato per non imbottar sopra la feccia.

Maestro Antonio mi ha detto piu’ volte et pur hoggi mi ha raffermo che non vuole murarci una pietra se non gitta prima giu’ lo scrittoio per rifondarli perche’ sopra quello ci va uno pilastro per riscontro delle colonne et non si puo’ far di manco havendo mettersi tutte le colonne et rizarsi a un tratto che dicie non potersi far di manco et egli non vuole far altrimenti per mandar meglio, legato ogni cosa per un tratto et non solo dietro ma che vuole metter la porta cioe’ riscontro del cancello pur nel faccia vecchia et cosi’ anchora la porta cioe’ il riscontro di quella va nella cantina et cosi’ esser il disegno, io gli ho detto la fantasia vostra cioe’ voler che si tirassi su la prima cosa la parte verso Raffaello per hora mi dicie non voler tirar su se non ogni cosa un tratto et che non ci vuole haver rossori.

Io vi scrivo la fantasia sua et cosi’ voi di costi’ mi scrivete la fantasia et volonta’ vostra che questo batacchio dicie come sentite non l’esser per intendere altrimenti et questo solo perche’ le mura vadino collegate et non habbino a pendere. Scrivetene perche’ non sono per murare qui se non di qui a 2 settimane al piu’ corto et per amore delli scarpellini che voglio gli colghino campo et per intendere la volonta’ vostra sanza la quale non farei in questo conto cosa alchuna. Io da Bartolomeo Amadori per questo conto mi varro’ di questo, haro’ necessita’ et meno(?) et se mi sono valsuto da lui per il passato di qualche danaio io vi serbo il quadernuccio che come ho fatto per il passato cosi’ penso d’havere a far per lo advenir poter portar la visiera alzata che mi par ogni hora mille anni ci siate et cetera.

301 timing is crucial to when the stonemasons are brought in, but of even greater concern is

Maestro Antonio’s excessive control over management of the project. According to Ser

Torello, charged with managing Roberto’s household affairs in Florence, the maestro refused to lay a single stone until the scrittorio was demolished so as to make way for a new foundation. Assuming that the reference to columns near the scrittorio relates to the columns of the loggia at the entryway to the house, the decidedly Vitruvian proportions and artisanal design of the extant columns suggest that Antonio the

Younger mirrored the design of the columns erected at the entryway to Raffaello’s house by Baccio d’Agnolo thirty years earlier. 972 In addition to the position of the wall and the gate ( cacello ), the maestro’s insistence on constructing the pilasters so that all of the components of the courtyard were built at the same time rather than just the wing of the house adjacent to Raffaello’s house (as Roberto wished) is of great concern.

If the letter from Ser Torello and the reference to Maestro Antonio is indeed

Antonio da Sangallo the Younger, as is almost certain given the two drawings in his hand, then the architect was in Florence again in the weeks before Easter in 1538

(modern dating) supervising work on the construction of Roberto’s new house. A

La calcina e le mezzane quando sara’ tempo si provederanno et le catene che mi dicie bisognarcene tre le faremo far a Benedetto a meno quale cosa di 17 lire il conto a suo ferro che cosi’ ne siamo consigliati respetto al calo del ferro et altre mangerie. Del asse et correnti di Val d’Elsa penso sarete a tempo qui voi se ne bisognera’ che dicie mastro Antonio di si’ et cosi’ gli altri legnami.

Tutto qui di casa stiamo bene et cose vanno al ordinario pero’ non entro in altro se non raccomandomi a vostra signoria quanto. Bene valete

Di Firenze il di’ XVI di marzo 1537 Ser Torello Foti(?)

A translation of this letter is provided in appendix 19.

972 See the discussion of Baccio d’Agnolo’s construction of a entryway and a small staircase on the so- called big house in Florence outlined in Chapter Four. Baccio d’Agnolo’s payments for the entryway are documented in Unpublished, VGL 294, c. 57.

302 payment record dated nearly a year later survives in which Raffaello Pucci directed

Cardinal Antonio’s spenditore to compensate Roberto Pucci for the masons working on the walls of his Florentine residence.973 Aside from the reverendissimo’s long-delayed return to Florence, another document, this one dated 1537, helps to explain the protracted timetable for Antonio the Younger’s renovation. The inventory of

Raffaello’s house suggests that work on the new house was interrupted by the dramatic events that unfolded in response to assassination of the unpopular puppet Duke

Alessandro and his replacement with an untested seventeen-year-old from a cadet branch of the Medici family. 974 “That summer the exiles resorted to arms. Filippo

Strozzi, his son Piero, Baccio Valori, and Antonfrancesco degli Albizzi (the latter two, ironically, among the ottimati who forced Piero Soderini out of office in 1512) brought several thousand troops to Montemurlo, between Prato and Pistoia, and were waiting for more when they were surprised and defeated by Vitelli’s forces on August 2. Piero

Strozzi escaped, but the others were taken to Florence, humiliated before Cosimo and

973 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 214, c. 1a is a payment for masons in November 1538: “ Ruberto d’Antonio Pucci per suo conto di spese di caxa e di muraglia de’ dare addi’ IIII di novembre lire sessantacinque piccioli si fanno buoni a Pierantonio Belini a c. 2 per tanti pagho’ al Berbella (?) al suo quaderno c. 31, lire 64.” Unpublished, ASF, VGL 266, c. 104b is a notation dated January 6, 1538 (Florentine dating) regarding a large payment to the masons working for Roberto Pucci in Florence: “ A Ruberto d’Antonio Pucci addi 6 giennaio scudi quatro cento d’oro di moneta per tanti fattigli paghare in Roma dal Reverendissimo chardinale messer Antonio Pucci e sono a buono chonto per la parte aspettante a me dello chasa di Firenze murata per detto Ruberto e per aviso del detto reverendissimo tale paghamento fattogli per sua lettera de di’ 13 del presente posto messer Antonio Pucci reverendissimo cardinale santi quattro avere al libro ……………..scudi 400 .” This account book indicates that Raffaello Pucci handled the accounts for his miniera in Bagnoregio out of Orvieto and was still working on construction of Casignano, where is his wife Vittoria was living: E a di’ detto lire sessantatre che si fanno buoni a Pierantonio a c. 2 per tanti mando’ a Piero e Bastiano Cieffini per insino addi’ 26 di giugno per onorare il Papa, lire 63 .

974 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 266 contains an inventory of Raffaello Pucci’s house taken in 1537: Inventario e masseritie che sono in chasa Rafaello Pucci in Firenze MDXXXVII. Since inventories were official documents triggered by a major event such as marriage or a death in the family, this list of household contents appears to anticipate another real or threatened confiscation of Pucci assets related to Duke Cosimo de’ Medici’s assumption of control over the city.

303 his mother in Palazzo Medici, jailed tortured, and some beheaded in full view of the populace in Piazza Signoria.” 975 Support for the conclusion that the inventory was precipitated by the implication of the Pucci in this opposition includes the identification of two of these beni uomini as patrons for Antonio the Younger’s project as well as

Raffaello’s extensive business dealings with a third, Filippo Strozzi. 976

The tally of Raffaello’s household effects made in 1537 identifies sixteen furnished spaces on the first two floors of the house in Florence as well as a number of rooms under the roof used as storage facilities for linens, tapestries, table covers, bedcovers, and artwork, including three tondi decorated with the arms of the house of

Medici (appendix 15). 977 As in 1529, there was little in the way of clothing, jewelry, or other personal effects listed in the catalogue, suggesting that Raffaello and his wife

Veronica had quietly removed many of the more portable items in their Florentine dwelling to more secure venues. Even so, the family left behind a fair amount of artwork and furniture. 978 The paneled entryway ( chorticina ), which accessed the scrittorio and other several other ground floor rooms led to a wood-paneled room decorated with a head of the Virgin in gesso, four particularly beautiful chairs ( 4

975 Najemy, A History of Florence , 467.

976 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 609, Libro di Debitore e Creditore e Ricordi del Eredita del Cardinal Santi Quattro, 1531-1537 includes several payments to Filippo Strozzi. Unpublished, ASF, VGL 279 are Raffaello Pucci’s account books beginning in 1531. Filippo Strozzi is one of the largest debtors in this account book, at one point borrowing 1117 scudi in a record that documents over five hunded debtors and an average transaction of less than 100 scudi . On the Strozzi, see Melissa Meriam Bullard, Filippo Strozzi and the Medici: Favor & Finance in Sixteenth-Century Florence & Rome (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980) and Ann Crabb The Strozzi of Florence: Widowhood & Family Solidarity in the Rewnaissance (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press 2000).

977 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 266 241a-244b. This inventory can be compared with ASF, MGR 383, insert 8, an inventory that documents of what was bequeathed to Bali Roberto Pucci’s wife Ottavia Capponi in 1612 (see also appendices 21 and 22).

978 Veronica died on November 20, 1538.

304 seggiole grande belle ) a desk with a chair, and two old chests, one of which was broken

(2 chassetture vecchie che ve n’e una rotta ). 979 Another room in terreno had en suite wood furnishings that included a large desk and two sepulcher-shaped cassoni with paintings inserted into the gilded panels. 980 The wood-paneled family room on the piano nobile was equipped with a table with its supports and adorned with a gesso crucifixion, two terracotta heads, one tondo decorated with the arms of the cardinal and another fitted with a mirror. 981 There were several other richly furnished rooms on this floor, including a suite of chambers designated for the mistress of the house.982

Fortunately, the Pucci managed to resuscitate their relationship with the duke and maintained a working relationship with the architect Antonio da Sangallo the

Younger for the rest of his life. A letter dated 1545 reports on the proposed marriage of his only daughter to Giovan Battista Strozzi:

Non posso manchare per charità farle intendere come Maestro Antonio da San Gallo è stato stretto dal R.mo et Ill.mo [Alessandro] Farnese di dare una sua unica figliuola tanto bella et virtuosa, secondo si dice, che non l'ho mai vista, quanto sia in Roma, a Giovan Battista Strozzi. Et detto Maestro Antonio da San Gallo non ha mai voluto consentire, se non in caso non ne facci dispiacere a V. Ex.a. Et perché questa cosa è di charità, supplico V. Ex.a sia contenta detto Maestro Antonio ne possi disponere secondo la voglia sua, et per quanto ho notitia non se ne farà pocha gratia alla Giulia, sua tanta bella et virtuosa figliola .983

979 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 266, c. 243a.

980 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 266, c. 241a.

981 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 266, c. 241b and 242a.

982 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 266, c. 243a.

983 Unpublished, ASF, MAP, 3718, August 6, 1545.

305 Baccio Valori and Lorenzo Ridolfi

Although Antonio the Younger’s plans for the original renovation of the two

Pucci houses in San Michele Visdomini in Florence have both been published but not analyzed, the commission has yet to be studied in light of the two other patrons included in the series: Baccio Valori and Lorenzo Ridolfi. The label on the verso of drawing Uffizi 766A refers to Bartolomeo Valori the Elder (1477-1537) since his namesake, a son of his brother Filippo, was not born until 1535. 984 A generous patron of Marsilio Ficino and other of the Neo-Platonist scholars hosted by Lorenzo de’

Medici at the Medici villa in Careggi, Valori became the effective ruler of Florence following his appointment by Clement VII to the post of papal governor in 1530. In the years prior to his death he served as Duke Alessandro de’ Medici’s influential and much feared consigliere.985 An intimate of Lorenzo Pucci’s, Baccio Valori’s belongings were included in the inventory of the cardinal’s belongings at his palazzo in the

Vatican. 986 Valori’s sunken eyes, long patrician nose, and heavy beard were immortalized in a portrait by Sebastiano del Piombo dated to 1531, six years before the opportunistic magistrate made the fatal decision to oppose Cosimo de’ Medici at the

984 Baccio Valori’s namesake, his nephew Baccio (1535-1606), constructed a palace in Borgo degli Albizzi in Florence known as Palazzo dei Visacci after the sculpted herms decorating the facade (Thomas Martin, “Giovanni Caccini’s bust of Baccio Valori” The Burlington Magazine , 119 (2002): 724-734.) It is worth noting that Giovanni Caccini, the sculptor-turned-architect who designed the Valori palace, was responsible for the refurbishment of the Pucci chapel in Santissima Annunziata. Although scholars have pointed to Caccini’s expertise as a sculptor, Baccio Valori the Younger commissioned the façade of the Palazzo dei Visaccci, dated by Martin to 1590, a commission that preceded Caccini’s project for the Pucci by five years (see again Martin, “Giovanni Caccini’s bust of Baccio Valori.”)

985 See also Mark Jurdjevic, “Machiavelli’s Sketches of Francesco Valori and the Reconstruction of Florentine History,” Journal of the History of Ideas 63 (2002): 185-206 for an account of the two Valori patrons and their role in Florentine history.

986 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 609, c. 157v: “ coperte di panno rosso quarto che n’hebbe dua messer Bartolomeo Valori .”

306 Battle of Montemurlo (fig. 135).987 Bartolomeo’s influence and long-standing service to the Medici family were not enough to save him, and he was beheaded on August 2,

1537.

Baccio Valori’s association with the Pucci family and the pantheon of artists working at the papal court in Rome is intriguing. In addition to the real estate project commissioned from Antonio the Younger within the Pucci compound in San Michele

Visdomini, Valori solicited a set of plans for a large palace in Florence from

Michelangelo, who also drew up a proposal for the façade of Palazzo Pucci in Rome for

Cardinal Lorenzo Pucci in 1526.988 The famed artist began work on a sculpture now known as the David-Apollo just about the time of Valori’s appointment as papal governor, an effort to ingratiate himself with the city’s de facto ruler .989

Uffizi 766A, a sheet in quarto labeled Bartolomeo Valori on the verso, is a freehand sketch for a house on a lot consistent with the extension of the long, narrow lot on Via dei Calderai occupied by Raffaello’s house (fig. 128). The loosely drawn plan, which includes a notation that the depth of the lot measures 106 ½ piedi long

(supra la filo del di fuori dal l’una porta al altra piedi di 106 ½ ), implies an extension of the northern boundaries of the family house into the open land behind Via dei Servi and the addition of a wing on the eastern end of the building that spilled over into

987 The portrait by Sebastiano del Piombo is treated by Christine J. Hessler in an article entitled “The Man on Slate: Sebastiano Del Piombo’s Portrait of Baccio Valori and Valori the Younger’s Speech in Borghini’s ‘Il Riposo,’” Notes on the History of Art 25, 2006: 18-22.

988 Argan and Contardi, Michelangelo architect , 174.

989 Hessler, “The Man on Slate: Sebastiano Del Piombo’s Portrait of Baccio Valori,” 18. Pope Clement VII’s pardon of Michelangelo is also worth noting in the context of the commission.

307 Raffaello’s garden on the corner. 990 These two new rooms and a grand double-aisled staircase were accessed by a long, narrow hallway measuring 36 ½ piedi from the edge

(dal filo al di fuori ) that ran along the back of the garden and opened up onto Via dei

Servi. Another staircase is shown in the rear of the house opposite a narrow loggia with engaged columns and a room fitted with a fireplace (camino ). There is a second shallow loggia in the front end of this part of the building fitted with niches for sculptures and, based on the more finished drawing for the same project, what appears to be a water feature.

In Uffizi 763A, the ideas sketched in Uffizi 766A are more formally presented as a long sequence of rectangular rooms with thick walls and two narrow cortiles, one of which is fitted with niches in the blind arcades and the other with a wall fountain

(fig. 129). A notation written on one side of this working sheet references the façade facing Via dei Servi and recommends modeling it after a building owned by the Albizzi family, setting it on a level higher than the rise of the street. 991 The small sketch of the staircase on the verso is a study for the pitch of the double-aisled staircase accessing the east wing of the house (fig. 130). It also articulates Antonio the Younger’s ongoing concern with the calibration of the interior elevations to the exterior. Baccio Valori must have been planning to buy the undeveloped land behind the Pucci houses fronting

Via dei Servi because the empty lot in the rear is also labeled di Messer Bartolomeo

Valori .

990 I am indebted to Francesco Benelli for this reading of a sketchy drawing whose treatment of the east wing of the house is particularly confusing.

991 The notation in Uffizi 763A reads: “ La porta di nanzi sia posta piu alta della strada la sua salia del porta della via degli Albizzi piu alto che quella di nanzi .”

308 Still undecided about the scope of the project, red chalk marks drawn over foundations drawn in dark ink propose a horizontal expansion of the ground plan into the adjacent lot owned by Raffaello’s great uncle Tommaso. Although the spacing of the columns sketched in red chalk suggests an initial experiment with the rhythms of the cortile that does not fit neatly into the space, they define a monumental courtyard with six columns. In addition to an encroachment on the house next door, the walled garden on the corner has been further reduced by the addition of three new underground rooms running along the long hallway opening out onto Via dei Servi ( sotto tutta stalla sotto terra ). The addenda in chalk also involve Roberto’s house next door, sketching in a staircase that has been moved from its position in Uffizi 765A to the other side of the house where it is now.

The label of a planimetric study preserved as Uffizi 764A also identifies

Lorenzo Ridolfi (1503-1576) as one of the four patrons of the Pucci project on Via dei

Calderai: pianta di abitazione per Bartolomeo Valori, Roberto Pucci, Rafaello Pucci e

Lorenzo Ridolfi. 992 Initially, the Ridolfi were as committed to the Medici cause as the

Pucci: in 1497, Niccolò Ridolfi was implicated along with Bernardo del Nero,

Giannozzo Pucci, and Lorenzo Tornabuoni in efforts to return the Medici to power in

Florence. 993 Lorenzo de’ Medici’s daughter Contessina (1478-1515) married Piero

992 For a biography of Cardinal Niccolò Ridolfi and his family see Lucinda Byatt, “ Una suprema magnificenza: Niccol ò Ridolfi, A Florentine Cardinal in sixteenth-century Rome,” (PhD Thesis, European University Institute, 1983). For information on the life and career of Cardinal Ridolfi see also Giorgio Costa, Michelangelo Alle Corti di Niccolò Ridolfi e Cosimo I (Rome: Bulzone Editore, 2009), 13-24 and Salvador Miranda, The Cardinals of the Holy Roman Church , an online resource published by Florida International University.

993 See Nicolai Rubinstein, The Government of Florence under the Medici (London: Oxford, 1966) 191- 92.

309 Ridolfi (1467-1525) and when her younger brother Giovanni was elected to the papacy as Leo X, the connection paid off handsomely. Contessina’s eldest son, another Niccolò

(1501-1550), was admitted to the College of Cardinals at the age of sixteen and her husband named Count Palatine. In 1529, Contessina’s younger son, Lorenzo Ridolfi, a cavalier and apostolic secretary, married Maria Strozzi, a daughter of Clarice de’

Medici and Filippo Strozzi the Younger (1489-1538), with whom he eventually conspired to overthrown Duke Alessandro’s successor, Cosimo de’ Medici. 994 By the time of Antonio the Younger’s project, one of the Pucci cousins had also married into the Ridolfi family: Puccio di Rinaldo di Bernardo di Francesco, a descendant of one of

Antonio di Puccio’s younger brothers, married Marietta di Bernardo Ridolfi in 1524. 995

There is an earlier drawing by a member of the Sangallo workshop of a Florentine villa designed for Lorenzo Ridolfi on one side of the sheet, and another for his brother (the archbishop of Florence) on the verso. Uffizi 1810A is a square plan with a five-bay cortile at the center drawn by Nanni Unghero.996 As in the Pianta del edificio a pianterreno di

Berto Pucci preserved as Uffizi 764A, the Ridolfi palace featured a salotto and adjoining apartments on the left wing accessible through a long loggia. The pen and wash drawing of a center hallway that services two apartments at the corners of the house recalls aspects of the organization of Palazzo Pucci.997 The verso of the sheet is a drawing for a villa

994 Najemy, A History of Florence , 467.

995 Litta, Pucci di Firenze , vol. 15, table III. Ricci, “ Rittrato di Virginia Pucci Ridolfi ,” 374 explains the family’s association with the Strozzi fuorusciti .

996 The inscription is in the hand of Antonio the Younger’s son Orazio da Sangallo (1528-1565). Frommel and Adams, The Architectural Drawings of Antonio the Younger , vol. II, 257-58 with an illustration of U1810 recto on p. 464.

997 Frommel and Adams, The Architectural Drawings of Antonio the Younger , vol. II, 257.

310 outside Florence in Val di Greve for Lorenzo Ridolfi’s brother, Cardinal Niccolò.

Accessed from an andito into an interior court that opens onto a rear andito leading to a garden, its take on the symmetrical, unadorned style of Giuliano da Sangallo’s designs for

Palazzo Strozzi, Poggio a Caiano, and other palace architecture have prompted scholars to assign a relatively early dating of 1524-1527 to the Valori residential projects.998

Given the assumption that the drawings for Casa Pucci in Florence are datable to

1534/1536 when Antonio the Younger was building the Fortezza da Basso for Duke

Alessandro de’ Medici, this architectural project for the Pucci and their allies outlines a plan with implications well beyond a modest aggrandizement of the family compound; the scheme posits a veritable stronghold that recalls Puccio Pucci’s domination of Via dei Servi in the fifteenth century. While the vision of a bastion of Medici allies at the head of the city was a dream that ended with Duke Alessandro de’ Medici’s assassination in January 1537, his replacement with Cosimo de’ Medici, and Baccio

Valori’s execution later that year, the archival evidence reveals that Antonio the

Younger oversaw construction of Roberto Pucci’s house on Via dei Calderai beginning in the spring of 1538 and that a year later, the project was still underway.

La Casa grande de’ Pucci in 1547: The New Façade

In misidentifying the coat of arms on the spandrels of the Serliana on the façade of Roberto’s house on Via dei Calderai, scholars have assumed that the munificence of

Cardinal Lorenzo Pucci led to the inclusion of his stemma to the elegant architectural

998 Frommel and Adams, The Architectural Drawings of Antonio the Younger, vol. II, 257 and 463.

311 motif appended to Sangallo’s facade .999 A closer look at the elongated Pucci cartouche surrounded by the inscription “AEDES AVITAE S. R.E. CARD. PUCCIORUM” indicates that the single row of tassels hanging from the apostolic galero denotes an ecclesiastical ranking lower than that of Lorenzo Pucci, whose heraldic distinctions featured three rows of tassels (fig. 136). Moreover, an account book belonging to

Cardinal Roberto’s son, Pandolfo Pucci, locates the installation as a memorial to his father and dates it to the period surrounding the cardinal’s death on January 17,

1547. 1000 This giornale also makes note of the involvement of the pope in approving and assigning the portions of the cardinal’s estate ( resignante a distantia da sua santita ) along with Pandolfo’s one-sixth share of the patrilineal inheritance left by his uncle,

Cardinal Lorenzo. 1001 Another payment book, this one dated six months earlier, appears to refer to this installation as a verone , positioning the Serliana as an architectural element reminiscent of the ceremonial balconies associated with the curia, especially

999 This identification is repeated in the history of the Palazzo Pucci in Lisci, The Palazzi of Florence: Their History and Art , 409 and Omar Berto, Palazzo Pucci: Architettura e Decorazione Pittorica, (Universita’ Degli Studi di Firenze Facolta’ di Architettura, 2004/2005).

1000 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 620 begins with an explanation of Pandolfo’s inheritance. In addition to the house on the Via dei Calderai Pandolfo inherited one-sixth of the value of his uncle Lorenzo Pucci’s estate. Pandolfo directs most of the payments in this giornale from Igno, the bishop’s residence in Pistoia, which was also part of his father’s estate.

1001 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 620, c. vii “ Rede de avere ducati 450 per me a Alamano Bandini procuratore degli eredi d’Alessandro e sono per unto portione riscossa dalloro portione ad mio conto .” On c. 7 there is a payment of 2400 ducati doro for a portion of the six shares of the inheritance established by Cardinal Lorenzo Pucci a camera mi fanno buoni depositario del datario messer Giovanni de Curpis a Cancelleria . There is also a payment of 720 scudi to Francesco Valori for the redirection of funds from the office of the papal penitentiary to Pandolfo offset by a payment of 2000 ducats in interest on the bequest. The inheritors are also paying for the administration of the estate from January until March: “A di detto (March 31) ducati 122 di doro per me da messer febo sigillatori della penitenzeria e sono per conto della per conto della e payment pesi della penitenzeria sino a 15 di gennaio passato per conto della administrazione della bona memoria del reveredendissimo cardinal messer Roberto hered .”

312 the three-story benediction loggia running across the atrium of St. Peter’s completed in the 1470s by a crew of mastercraftsmen that included Giuliano da Sangallo. 1002

Executed in a mannerist style that adds an element of decorative embellishment to an otherwise unadorned stucco façade, the oval marble cartouche affixed to the façade of Casa Pucci was the finale of a long and expensive commemorative process honoring the last of the three Pucci cardinals. These memorials included the funeral rites held in Rome orchestrated by the master of ceremonies ( maestro delle ceremonie ) for which Pandolfo purchased several yards of black taffeta with which to adorn the nave of the church.1003 The mass held for the cardinal in Florence in the Medici church of San Lorenzo was followed by arrangements for morning masses to be peformed over

1002 The history of the benediction loggia begun by Pius II is included in William Tronzo, editor. St. Peter’s in the Vatican (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 71.

Unpublished, ASF, VGL 284, c. 187a: “ E di avere adi 16 di luglio (1546) fiorini cinquantanove lire sette denari xi spese della muraglia del verone in questo 193 tanti ne mostra conto avere speso al giornale 170 ….. fiorini 59 lire 7 denari 19

E adi primo dagosto fiorini iii lire sei denari 8 spese in questo 192 tanti sono per conto di suo per conto di suo servito delmese di luglio come al giornale 172 ….. fiorini 3 lire 6 denari 8

E adi 20 detto lire diciasetta lire quindici tanti dare in questo 198 per resto di questo conto ….. fiorini 17 lire 15

………… fiorini 380 lire 9 denari 1 1.” These payments indicate that the underlying structure and the window was manufactured in Florence by a workshop that included Simone scarpellino , Masio legnaiuolo , Maestro Vestitio legnaiuolo from a workshop on Via dei Servi, and Maestro Francesco Bencesta muratore beginning in July 1546. This payment book includes payments to Bartolomeo Panchiatichi and his wife Lucretia di Gismondo di Puccio di Francesco di Puccio Pucci, a descendent of one of Antonio di Puccio’s younger brothers. Dated July 1543, they may relate to the Bronzino portraits of the couple thought to have been completed in 1545.

1003 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 620, c. 2 is a payment for 18 scudi to the master of ceremonies issued from the bishop’s palace in Igno. In her paper “Beneath This Marble: Picturing the Grave and A Daughter’s Grief at the Roman Tomb of Alfonsina Orsini de’ Medici” delivered at the annual meeting of the College Arts Association on Febuary 6, 2016 Sheryl Reiss showed an etching by Jacques Callot of the esequies held in the nave of San Lorenzo in which the nave is draped with black cloth.

313 the tomb again in 1548.1004 Pandolfo’s memorials to his father included a gold teletta trimmed with rich brocade and embroidered with the cardinal’s coat of arms.1005 These ecclesiastical commemorations for a distinguished senator in the Florentine government promoted to the cardinalate in Rome occasioned new clothing for the entire family. 1006

In March 1548 Pandolfo purchased overclothing for his father’s mortorio from maestro

Felice sarto along with a diamond, a vest with pearls, ten pelts of fur from Naples, a

1004 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 620, c. iii is a payment for 1 scudi for the mass at San Lorenzo and on c.3a are other expenses associated with the cardinal’s funeral: “Rede della buona memoria del Cardinale Ruberto Pucci de on’ dare adi 3 di febraro ducati settanta cinque da in questo per loro a cinque pata frenieri di sua ser reverendissimo che si concordo con loro ducati conto di lor’ mia danari regagle portorno per mano di messer Antonio Ubertini di 7 mia danari et ne feciono fini per contratto rogato sustituro di messer febo del sigillo….scudi 82.50 e dono’ dare dadi di marzo sino addi 26 (1547) detto scudi cinquecento nove di moneta et lire xci sono per piu robe dare’ alla famiglia di sua ser reverendissimo puestirla pil suo mortorio et puoi da messer Antonio Ubertini et avere in questo……………………………………………..509.9.”

Unpublished, ASF, MGR 391, insert 11 documents the payments for morning masses at the sepulcher of Cardinal Roberto in February 1547 (Florentine dating). This is the last section of an account book maintained on the cardinal’s behalf in the last year of his life by Antonio Ubertini: “ Copie di partite’ del Monte’, date questo di 18 di gennaio a’ ser messer Antonio Ubertini che le mandi a’ messer Lorenzo Pucci.”/ c. 1a./ 1547 Rede del reverendissimo Lorenzo Pucci cardinale santi quattro bon me dehono dare add 18 di febraro scudi cento di moneta pagati a messer Pandolfo Pucci et per lui ad Antonio Ubertini che tanti in ha pagati al Capitolo di Santo Pietro……………………………………………………………………………………..scudi 88.14.4 e addi detto scudi sette soldi 15 di moneta pagati a Giovanni da Verzelli fattore di messer Pandolfo Pucci disse per x() ta di xii torcie messe la mattina de morti alla sepultura del reverendissimo Roberto suo padre……………………….scudi 6.7.”

1005 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 453, Filza 2.

1006 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 620, c.3a:

“Rede della buona memoria del Cardinale Ruberto Pucci de on’ dare adi 3 di febraro ducati settanta cinque da in questo per loro a cinque pata frenieri di sua ser reverendissimo che si concordo con loro ducati conto di lor’ mia danari regagle portorno per mano di messer Antonio Ubertini di 7 mia danari et ne feciono fini per contratto rogato sustituro di messer febo del sigillo …. scudi 82.50 e dono’ dare dadi di marzo sino addi 26 (1547) detto scudi cinquecento nove di moneta et lire xci sono per piu robe dare’ alla famiglia di sua ser reverendissimo puestirla pil suo mortorio et puoi da messer Antonio Ubertini et avere in questo……………………………………………..509.91.”

314 Spanish hat, a beretta for his son, a new dress for his wife, and stockings. 1007 The four- page inventory of clothing, accessories, expensive cloth ( sangalla ), shoes, and hats included in this giornale indicates that both Pandolfo and his second wife, Cassandra, were fashion-conscious members of a discerning social order. 1008 The sole heir to his father’s estate, Pandolfo purchased other expensive merchandise during this period, including a bust of the Emperor Hadrian ( della testa d’adriano ), four silver jugs, and a

Greek vase acquired from Cardinal di Gamero, who had already paid the tax on it. 1009

An aficionado of all things Greek, Pandolfo also bought his wife a white vest decorated with Greccia d’argento and then spent the sizable sum of 32 scudi on several Greek boccati and other Hellenistic antiquities. 1010 Pandolfo must have felt flush from the

1007 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 620, c. vii: “ e adi 19 detto scudi trecento d’oro …che e anti si fanno lor’ coni per la bon me del reverendissimo cardinale messer Ruberto Pucci rede dare’ in questo 3/7 che di tanti nelo avendo servito sopra uno diamante et un’ vezo di perle………..scudi 300 .” C. 55a is the payment for the berretta for his son as is the outlay to Maestro Piero calzettaro . The purchase of a Spanish hat is recorded on c. xxxxiiii. The death of his father was also the occasion of a process of selling unneeded items from the kitchen at Igno to Simone Ebreo for 31.30 scudi (c. xi). On that same page he sold a credenza, three tables and three scabelli to Abate Caracciolo for 4.20 scudi .

1008 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 620 c. 181-cxlxxxii are payments for expensive merchandise.

1009 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 620, c. 21 documents the purchase of dinnerware: “ Piero Mannuci et Giuliano Giachinotti et de on’ dare sotto di 5 di Aprile (1547) per l’intrascripti Argenti vendutili din re’ conto messer Francesco Valori et prima quella che (?) in mano di messer di Venuro Ulinieri et cioe 9 taze dstinello …. 42 piatti scodelle et scodellini…. lire 52 89 2 taze cotte col pre’ lire 3.5.18 2 candellari ………lire 3 ---6 1 saliera lire 6.12 in tutto …… C. xliii documents the head of Hadrian: “ Yesus 1547/E adi 16 detto 1/x …xxxv ½ per porto della testa dadriano di a casa maestro asglmo et lavatura di panni pago il di detto Giovanni avere in questo………..scudi 36/12 .” C. 50b documents the purchase of silver: “ E adi 3 dagosto scudi cinquanta Quattro Scudi LXX 20 per noi a maestro Andrea horefice in contro a santa fiore per ( ) dargento et fatture.” On c. 55a he pays for the four silver jugs and the Greek vase “ E adi 11 detto scudi xlviii per boccali 4 a di uno Greco per mandar’ da Firenze pago detto Giovanni avere Ingo .” The berretta for his son is accounted for on 55a as is Maestro Piero calzettaro . He also purchased twelve plates of artichokes (“ E addi 29 di marzo scudi xlvi per 12 piatti diterra et carciofi et granebi di mare pago Giovanni farfanichio avere Igno ” (c. 47a).

315 proceeds of his father’s estate because he also bought forty-two silver soup bowls and dishes, nine cups, two candellieri for the chapel, a saliera , thirty-nine plates, a baccino da capella , and a gold cup. 1011 Most costly of all was the purchase in April of 1551 of un vezo di perle et una crocetta di diamenti con 2 perle grosse for which he paid the princely sum of 300 scudi .1012 The work by the Roman orator Cicero that Pandolfo purchased for 40 scudi was an addition to the impressive library catalogued in this same account book. 1013 At the same time, Pandolfo sold some of the cookware from his father’s kitchens to a Jewish merchant in Pisa. 1014

1010 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 620, c. 27, 38 and 76. The payment of 20.84 ducats to maestro Horlando sartor is recorded on c. lxiii. Presumably he also served the eight barrels of Greek wine he purchased in April 1547 in the Greek boccali that he also had shipped to Florence (c. 27).

1011 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 620, c. 21: “Piero Mannuci et Giuliano Giachinotti et de on’ dare sotto di 5 di Aprile (1547) per l’intrascripti Argenti vendutili din re’ conto messer Francesco Valori et prima quella che (?) in mano di messer di Venuro Ulinieri et cioe

9 taze dstinello …. 42 piatti scodelle et scodellini…. Lire 52 89 2 taze cotte col pre’ lire 3.5.18 2 candellari ………lire 3 ---6 1 saliera lire 6.12 in tutto ……”

1012 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 620 c. 92. The entry on c. vii relates to other finery: “ e adi 19 detto scudi trecento d’oro …che e anti si fanno lor’ coni per la bon me del reverendissimo cardinale messer Ruberto Pucci rede dare’ in questo 3/7 che di tanti nelo avendo servito sopra uno diamante et un’ vezo di perle………..scudi 300.”

1013 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 620, c. 45 is the payment for the copy of Cicero: “ E addi detto scudi xl per un’terentio et un’cicerone per il suo ragazo pago Giovanni detto avere Ingo. ” An inventory of Pandolfo’s library dated February 1, 1547 is documented on c. 177a-179b. It is known that Duke Cosimo coveted the Pucci library of classical texts.

1014 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 620, c. 13: “Yesus 1547/ Giovanni farmichio de dare sotto di 9 di febraro scudi trentuno lire xxx di moneta sono per diverse masseritie la cucina vendute a Simone Ebreo delle’ spogle della bon me del reverendissimo cardinale messer Ruberto spogle avere in questo…………..c. 11 scudi 31.30 .”

316 From the Pucci payment records it has also come to light that Raffaello da

Montelupo’s commission to help sculpt the Medici tombs flanking the high altar in

Santa Maria sopra Minerva in Rome was complemented by the three tombs he sculpted for the Pucci cardinals interred in the center of the choir. Raffaello da Montelupo contributed the seated figure of Leo X to an ensemble sculpted by Baccio Bandinelli

(1493-1560) to a design by Antonio da Sangallo the Younger.1015 In 1545, Raffaello da

Montelupo was then commissioned by Cardinal Roberto to sculpt a sepulcher for his brother Lorenzo (fig. 137).1016 On a fall evening later that year, when the cool air and

1015 See ff. 548. See also Christoph Luitpold Frommel, Architettura alla corte papale nel rinascimento ,” (Milan: Electa, 2003), 335 for a discussion of Antonio da Sangallo the Younger’s design for the tomb of the two Medici popes in Santa Maria sopra Minerva.

1016 Riccardo Gatteschi, Vita di Raffaello da Montelupo , (Florence: Edizioni Polistampa Firenze, 1998), 48. Unpublished, ASF, MGR 391, insert 11 is the record of the payment for Cardinal Lorenzo Pucci’s tomb, c. 4a: “1545

Rede del reverendissimo Lorenzo Pucci cardinale santi quattro dehono dare’ addi 22 di settembre’ 1545 scudi dicci di Pauli x per scudi pagati al Capitolo di Santo Pietro per conto delle sua exequie……………………………………………...scudi 8.18

E’ addi 5 di ottobre scudi cinque di moneta pagati a venzo spetiale per la cera delle exequie del detto reverendissimo………………………………………………..scudi 4.9

E’ addi 14 detto scudi venticinque di moneta pagati a’ Raffaello da Montelupo porto

Contiti a conto di lavori fa per la sepultura di detto reverendissimo…scudi 22.3.6

E addi 14 di novembre scudi nove soldi 80 di moneta pagati a maestro Renzo Sple (?) per 18 torcie et altro per lu’ffitio de morti del reverendissimo Lorenzo cardinale

Santi quattro questo (?)………………………………………………………………….scudi 8.12

E addi 19 detto scudi otto di moneta pagati per polizza di messer Giovanni suo

Agente a Pompeo de ma() ini…………………………………………………………..scudi 7.9.4

E addi 12 di decembre scudi venticinque di moneta pagati a Raffaello da Montelupo

Scultore a’ conto della sepultura che fa……………………………………………..scudi 22.4

E addi dettao scudi cento di moneta pagati per organe (?) del reverendissimo Ruberto

Pucci cardinal santi quattro a messer marchionne dello scutto porto conti( ) ti….scudi 88.14.3

317 early nights signaled the winter months to come, Raffaello da Montelupo moved the bodies of Cardinals Lorenzo and Antonio to the high altar of the Dominican church.1017

In 1547, the year of Roberto’s death, Pandolfo Pucci commissioned Raffaello da

Montelupo and Jacopo Francesco to fabricate another tomb with brass letters on it, this one for his father.1018 In addition to the two payments of 22 scudi, presumably a deposit at the start of the project and a balance at the time of its completion, Pandolfo approved an outlay of 6.7 scudi for the twelve large candles to be put on his father’s sepulcher on the anniversary of his death. Maestro Fabrizio supplied the specially made yellow beeswax candles ( torcia gialla ) for the occasion. 1019 The three cardinals are now

E addi 5 di feraro scudi quindici di moneta pagati a’ maestro Jacopo di Francesco fundatore per conto di lavori fa per la sepultura de reverendissmo cardinali defunti….scudi 13.6.3 .”

1017 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 218, the account books of Cardinal Roberto Pucci 1544-1546, c. 35: “ Yesus MCXXXXV/Spese fatte per l’esequie de’ resti de’ reverendissimi defunti e traslatione de corpi e altre spese per le sepolture deono dare addi’ xviii di novembre scudi sedici lire 76 e’ sono, per tanti ne mostra avere spese Giovanni Masti/Massi avere in questo a 36 che scudi 10 ne dice avere dati a’ frati della Minerva e scudi 6 lire 16 per 12 torce e lire 60 per le falchole per la messa e tutto servi’ per dette esequie fatte nella Minerva l’otava de’ morti a c. 36, scudi 6 soldi 76

E deono dare scudi quindici di moneta e sono per tanti ne da’ conto averne spesi messer Torello nostro segretario e’ quali gli pago’ per noi il nostro sigilatore a nostro conto avere il reverendissimo patrone in questo a c. 29 coe’ scudi uno di moneta disse avere dato a mastro Rafaello da Montelupo per dare a’ fachini che portornno le lapide alla Minerva e giuli 6 ½ per portare e’ pili e aconciargli per metervi li corpi, giuli cinque che aconciornno le lapide sopra’ pili e piu’ per canne 2 ½ di panno acotonato romanescho a giuli 16 la canna, monta scudi 4 e soldi 2.5 per vetura di IIII some di calccia portata da casa a l[…], e soldi 68 per limosine e altre spese e scudi 3 soldi 82 e’ sono per valuta di otto torce pesornno libbre 34 oncie 8 a soldi 11 la libra montano scudi 3 soldi 82, le quale servirnno per traslatare del reverendissimo cardinale Lorenzo e Antonio Pucci la quale si fece alli XX d’ottobre di notte e portoronsi nella Minerva a c. 39, scudi 11, soldi

Scudi 27.76 c. XXXV/e deono dare addi’ 28 di novembre scudi soldi 36 e sono per tanti pagatone al sagrestano della Minerva che tanti disse averne spesi a’ avere fatta portar via terra di chiesa cavata dalli depositi come disse messer Torello, porto’ contanti da Francesco Pucci avere in questo a c. 34 insino addi’ 15 detto a c. 39, scudi soldi 36/e deono dare per le partite di contro, scudi 27, soldi 76.”

1018 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 383, insert 6, c. 68. Unpublished, ASF, MGR 391 also documents the commission from Pandolfo Pucci in 1547 to Raffaello da Montelupo for the sepulcher in which his father, Cardinal Roberto Pucci, was buried.

1019 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 620 c. 38 is the payment to maestro Fabrizio for 71 ½ lire worth of candles: c. 45 sx: Yesus 1549

318 interred in the floor of the main altar of the Dominican church, flanked by the white marble wall tombs honoring the two Medici popes they served so faithfully (fig. 90).

The funeral memorial sculpted for Roberto’s granddaughter, Virginia, is located on the contrafacciata of the church and the wall tomb one of his grandsons, Emilio, is located on the far end of the right hand aisle of Santa Maria sopra Minerva near the Carafa

Chapel (fig. 139 and 140).1020

A study catalogued as Uffizi 1613E by Raffaello di Montelupo for a large marble tomb with a drawing of a basin on the verso may well be a study for the Pucci since both commissions are recorded in the cardinal’s payment records.1021 In this

[…] e a dì 8 detto (febbraio) scudi lire LXXI ½ per una torcia gialla pagò Giovanni detto avere in questo c. 44, 71 ½ […] e a dì 28 detto (Aprile) scudi sette lire XL pagò il detto Giovanni per una colonna di mistio avere in questo c. 49, 7.40 e a dì detto lire XXX pagò il detto Giovanni per portatura della colonna avere c. 49, 30 e a dì 7 di maggio scudi tre lire XX pagati il detto Giovanni allo scarpellino che fa le colonne avere in questo c. 49, 3.30 e a dì detto scudi tre pagati per 5 casse per le colonne et per una testa col porto pagò detto Giovanni avere in questo c. 49, 3 […].”

1020 There are two carved wall tombs for other members of the Pucci family in this same church, the headquarters of the mendicant order charged with management of the inquisition instituted in 1542 by Pope Paul III. One of these works, by an unknown Tuscan sculptor, commemorates the short life of Cardinal Roberto’s granddaughter, Virginia Pucci, who married Giovanni Francesco di Pagnozzo Ridolfi just four years before her death in 1568. See Corrado Ricci, “Ritratti di Virginia Pucci Ridolfi ,” Bolletino d’arte 9 (1915): 374-76. There is a bust of Virginia by Domenico Poggini in the Bargello (Hildegard Utz, “Sculptures by Domenico Poggini” Metropolitan Museum of Art Journal 10 (1975). The other Pucci sepulcher in Santa Maria sopra Minerva, by Giacomo della Porta and his workshop, contains the tomb of Virginia’s brother Cavalier Emilio Pucci.

1021 See Unpublished ASF, Riccardi 620, c. 16 cited above. An account of the literature on Raffaello da Montelupo is appended to Riccardo Gatteschi, Vita di Raffaello da Montelupo (Florence: Edizioni Polistampa Firenze 1998), 129-132. Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 620, c. 16 is the payment record for the basin: “ Yesus 1547/E’ deon’ dare ducati otto soldi L per loro a maestro Raffaello da Montelupo per … della pila della bon me del reverendissimo cardinale Ruberto Pucci pago …gli Giovanni detto avere in questo …. c. 17 …… scudi 8.50.” c. xvii: “E’ de havere scudi otto soldi L pagati a maestro Raffaello da Montelupo per … resto della pila della

319 drawing Raffaello is experimenting with the shape of the sepulcher, illustrating a figure squatting on one side of a fluted casket with a more elongated foot and standing upright on the other side of the tomb where the scrolled foot is more elaborately carved (fig.

137). The scrolled feet are clearly a recollection of Michelangelo’s designs and the ornate decorative motifs, which include a center oval flanked by a variety of shapes with rounded sides, echo the curve of the figures. On the verso of the sketch is a relatively simple fountain with leaf motifs crossing the eight sides (fig. 138).

Whether or not this sketch relates to the three tombs Raffaello da Montelupo sculpted for the Pucci cardinals and the marble basin commissioned by Roberto Pucci, the family’s patronage of the da Montelupo family of sculptors was longstanding. As

Louis Waldman points out in his article, “The Patronage of a Favorite of Leo X:

Cardinal Niccolò Pandolfini, Ridolfo Ghirlandaio and the Unfinished Tomb by Baccio da Montelupo,” Raffaello d’Alessandro d’Antonio Pucci took over payments to

Raffaello’s father, Baccio, for the tomb commissioned by the Bishop of Pistoia,

Niccol ò Pandolfini, another Medici loyalist, when he died in 1518. 1022 It is worth noting that the Pucci’s close association with the Pandolfini included completion of Villa Igno, the bishop’s palace near Pistoia inherited by the Pucci when Pandolfini vacated the

bon me del cardinale rede in questo … c. 16 …. scudi 8.50 .” These payments to maestro Raffaello da Montelupo for a pila is most likely a small baptismal font of the kind placed at the entrance to a church or chapel. On the top of that same page is a payment of 2. 95 scudi as a diposito alla sepoltura made on March 25, 1547, two months after the cardinal’s death.

1022 Waldman, “The Patronage of a Favorite of Leo X,” 105-28. The tomb was sold by the Pucci to their personal banker in Rome. Waldman also cites John Douglas Turner, “The sculpture of Baccio da Montelupo,” (PhD Dissertation, Brown University, 1997), 96-98 and 130-131. See also Vasari, Lives of the Artists , vol. IV, 540.

320 powerful post (fig. 141). 1023 Waldman observes that Raffaello da Montelupo’s father,

Baccio (1468/69-in or before 1536), also fabricated the Medici coat of arms hanging from the corner of Palazzo Pucci in Florence. 1024 His study of the commission awarded to Andrea di Silvi Barili in 1516 for a relief in San Marcello Pistoiese cites the lively

Putti holding the stemma of Leo X on the Pucci eschutcheon as the model for Barili’s project and observes that its probable patron was Cardinal Lorenzo, who preceded his nephew as Coadjutor of Pistoia from 1509 to 1518. 1025 Given the cardinal’s close involvement in the delicate negotiations leading up to a treaty with the King of France in 1516, it is probable that his nephew Antonio actually oversaw the execution of the project.

As it turns out, the Pucci had commissioned Baccio da Montelupo to fabricate six painted predella in April 1516. Since Giannozzo Pandolfini is listed as the recipient of funds on that same page, it may be that the commission related in some way to the

Pandolfini tomb project. 1026 Another Pucci account book dated to 1515-1522 records

1023 For Villa Igno, see Bruschi, Opere D’Arte alla Villa di Igno e al Palazzo Vescovile . See also Nori Andreini Galli, Ville Pistoiesi (Lucca: Maria Pacini Fazzi editore, 1989), 95-106. Beginning in 1574 the Pucci built the villa known as Bellosquardo at Signa where Villa Pandolfini is also located.

1024 Louis A. Waldman, “The Patronage of a Favorite of Leo X,” 108.

1025 Louis A. Waldman, “The Painter as Sculptor: A New Relief by Andrea di Salvi Barili,” Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorischen Institutes in Florenz, 43 (1999): 200-207.

1026 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 276, c. 29a is dated April 1515:

“E di dono dare fiorini-lire x denari xv per sei predella dipintre da Baccio da Monteluppo posto Rafaello Pucci avere in questo 38 ……………...... lire 10 denari 15 c. 33a XVII

Baccio ….. da Monte Luppo schultore de’ dare fiorini iii d’oro posto debbi avere in libro pagonazzo S a c. 84 per uno suo chonto tavola di resi avere in questo a c. 32 ……………………………. fiorini 3

321 payments to Baccino da Montelupo for his son Raffaello scarpellino , whose compensation suggests he must have done a fair amount of the work on an unnamed commission involving Villa Pucci in Casignano. 1027 Baccio’s son Raffaello, among the refugees in Castel Sant’Angelo with Cardinal Lorenzo and his cardinal nephew Antonio

Pucci, went on to sculpt the Roman emperors for the vaulted andito in Uliveto in the

Val d’Elsa (fig. 142).1028 In addition to the four terra cotta sculptures identified in the

e de’ dare a di’ 25 di gienaio 1517 fiorini setanta fatoli promitere per noi a Antonio Ugulini a paghargliene fra 10 messi prosimi a venire posto Antonio avere in questo a c. 96 ……….. fiorini 70 .”

1027 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 261 is an account book maintained on behalf of Raffaello Pucci between 1515 and 1522. On March 27, 1522 he made a payment to Baccio da Montelupo: “ Domenicho … siamone a baccio scarpellino questo di 27 di Marzo domenico davini ciri al passatto siamone di baccio scarpellino a punte a signa a restate quella luscofuionolo ” (c. 121a). Baccio’s son Raffaello was already on the Pucci payroll by 1520 when he is recorded as bringing in barrels of wine for the workers: “Raffaello scarpellino lire cinque la soma suo cugino giovani di di meo (Bartolomeo) di chirico piandisco … habita nel medisinno lugo ” (c. 65b). C. 129a documents another payment in 1522 of 3 florins to Baccino da Montelupo for his workers. Raffaello Pucci also paid Luigi l egnaiuolo 37.6 lire (c. 109) as well as compensating Giunozo legnaiuolo 2 florins in 1520 (c. 38) and Luca muratore 10 lire in 1521. There are stylstic affinities to a medalion on the ceiling of Casignano with Baccio’s heraldic device for the Pucci, a pietra serena relief carved for the garden wall of the family townhouse in Florence.

1028 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 261 are a series of payments by Alessandro Pucci and his son Raffaello to the Montelupo family of sculptors for a commission in Casignano: c. 75b, 1521: “ venerdi’ addi’ 24 di Maggio/Mariano di Marcho Mariani da Casignano lavoratore de’ Brandi de’ dare addi’ 24 di magio lire undici sono che tanti gli a’ lascato Baccino da Montelupo per aconciare la chasa non gli murando(?) gli debbe pagare a Alexandro Pucci, lire 11 a libro 326 a Masone creditore Baccino da Montelupo di denari 6 d’oro in oro per valuta di uno bue compero’ dal lui e’ denari s’anno a pagare a Baccio sellaio in borgo san Lorenzo, denari 6 a libro 326 .” c. 121a: “ e addi 25 di marzo 1522/siamone a baccio scarpellino questo di 27 di marzo domenicho davini cirisi come passato Siamone a baccio scarpellino a ponti a signa arastato pello rolto e con cicimonchanano ercheciprano questo di 27 di Marzo Domenico davini ciri come al passato siamone di baccio scarpellino a punte a signa a restato quella luscofuionolo .” c. 129a documents another payment in 1522 of 3 lire to Baccino da Montelupo for his workers: “ Baccino da Montelupo per tre di grano porto suo garzone ………. lire 3 .” Baccio’s son Raffaello Scarpellino is also paid 13.12 florins in 1520 on c. 65b: “ lire cinque la soma suo cugino giovani di meo (Bartolomeo) di Chirico piandisco piahno de sco habita nel medisinno lugo .” On. C. 164a they are paid in flour: “ Jesus 1519/Ricordo come oggi questo di’ 26 ottobre 1519 fe’ daro’ per commissione di Raffaello Pucci a Baccino de Montelupo farina staia dodici, staiora 12 Per al libro de.” c. 165b: “Ricordo come oggi questo di’ 6 di dicembre 1519 s’e’ dato per noi a Mariano nostro lavoratore […] di dua staia di grano per seminare oltre alle quatro paia disse have’ haute da Baccio da Montelupo staiora 2 .” Unpublished, ASF, MGR 383, insert 8 (unpaginated) contains an inventory of Uliveto dated to 1612. It documents a head of a Moor in terra cotta and four heads of emperors in terra cotta at the entrance to the castello in the Val d’Elsa: Una testa di Moro di Terra Cotta sopra il cancello ” and “ Quattro teste d’Imperatori di Terra Cotta . It also documents a room especially reserved for the Pope’s visit to Uliveto. Insert 6 in this same folio lists the payments to Raffaello da Montelupo for Cardinal Roberto’s tomb in 1547.

322 litigation filed by Ottavia Capponi, the widow of Bali Roberto, the terra-cotta crucifix in the chapel and a corner tabernacle outside the castello bear further investigation as works by the Montelupo workshop (fig. 10).1029

In addition to Montelupo’s sepulcher, Pandolfo Pucci made the first of several payments on the columns, corbels, peducci, and escutcheon designed as a memorial to his father by an unnamed architect beginning in March of 1549.1030 The lime ( calcina ) used to append these architectural elements to the façade of the cardinal’s house in

Florence was included in the building materials purchased during this same period.1031

The payment records indicate that these decorative elements, which together frame a

1029 When the last male member of Puccio’s line of the family died out in 1612, the family patrimony was transferred to a junior line of the family.

1030 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 620, c. iii (1548, Florentine dating): “ E sino adi 3 di marzo lire Lxxi pagati a uno scarpellino anzi ann’ fachino per fare’ tra mutare vino et fare le balle per mandare a Firenze pagao Giovanni Farfamichio posta avere in questo……………...lire 71 .” C. 45sx: Yesus 1549 […] e a dì 8 detto (febbraio) scudi lire LXXI ½ per una torcia gialla pagò Giovanni detto avere in questo c. 44, 71 ½ […] e a dì 28 detto (aprile) scudi sette lire XL pagò il detto Giovanni per una colonna di mistio avere in questo c. 49, 7.40 e a dì detto lire XXX pagò il detto Giovanni per portatura della colonna avere c. 49, 30 e a dì 7 di maggio scudi tre lire XX pagati il detto Giovanni allo scarpellino che fa le colonne avere in questo c. 49, 3.30 e a dì detto scudi tre pagati per 5 casse per le colonne et per una testa col porto pagò detto Giovanni avere in questo c. 49, 3 […].” c. 45dx: “e de' dare a dì 31 di magglio lire L pagati in dogana di Ripa per le 4 casse delle colonne da mandar a Firenze, pagò Giovanni Farfanichio avere in questo c. 49, 50 e a dì detto lire LXX per un capello et uno cordone pagò il detto c. 49, 70 […].” e a dì detto scudi uno d'oro in oro pagato allo scarpelino, Giovanni detto avere c. 49, 1.10 e a dì detto lire XXV pagati per 2 lime per li ferri da lavorar colonne pagò Giovanni sopradetto avere in questo c. 49, 25 e a dì detto lire LXX pagati per 2 cassette per teste da mandar a Firenze, pagò Giovanni sopradetto avere in questo c. 49, 70 .”

On c. 38 Pandolfo paid for a corbel: “Yesus 1547/E adi 5 di Ottobre ducati xxxx pagati per una fiarca et un’ corbello per di mandare Greco a madama Cassandra Fiovanni detto avere in questo …… scudi 35 .”

1031 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 620, c. 45.

323 balustraded second-story window feature above the main portal of the house, were sculpted in Rome by Maestro Andrea scarpellino and Ghuglielmo scultore between

1549 and 1550 (fig. 136). 1032 Maestro Andrea and Maestro Antonio were also working on the loggia, the stall, and the street in front of the palazzo in the Campo Santo during this same period, a contemporaneous commission that only adds to the confusion inherent in mining payment records for information on artistic commissions.1033

Fortunately, the payments for the cases used to transport these architectural elements to

1032 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 620 c. lxiiii explains that these architectural elements were sculpted in Rome and shipped to Florence: “ Yesus 1549 E adi detto lire lxv pagati per illastratura di dua peducci e un corbello da mandarli a firenze messer Pandolfo dare in questo……………….lire 65 .” See also c. iii: “ E sino adi 3 di marzo lire Lxxi pagati a uno scarpellino anzi ann’ fachino per fare’ tra mutare vino et fare le balle per mandare a Firenze pagao Giovanni Farfamichio posta avere in questo…..lire 71 .” Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 620, c. 6 is the payment of 4 scudi to Ghuglielmo scultore for his trip to Florence. C. 17 is a payment of 4 scudi to maestro Ghug(lielmo) scultore on April 18, 1547. Other payments for the commission are listed on c. lxi: “E adi primo d’Aprile Scudi tre di moneta pagati a Andrea scarpellino per a suo conte di 6 giornate alle colonne rede dare in questo ……..scudi 3

E adi detto scudi tredieci lire xxx di moneta pagati a maestro….san pietro per suo della alla(?) frature per li dua peducci rede dare in questo………..13.30 c. lxiiii/Yesus 1549 E adi detto lire lxv pagati per illastratura di dua peducci e un corbello da mandarli a firenze messer Pandolfo dare in questo……………….lire 65 .” If Ammanati is indeed the sculptor with oversight over the project then a possible identification of maestro Andrea is Andrea Calamech of Carrara, an uncle of Lazzaro Calamech and a pupil of Ammanati’s (Vasari, Lives of the Artists , vol. II, 759).

1033 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 620, c. 47a: “ E sotto di 23 decembre scudi tre doro ( ) pagati a maestro Andrea scarpellino per primaconcinni fatti in palazzo di Campo Santo et per noi da Tassini avere .” The entry on carte 86 explains that the commission involves the stall for the mules, the cortile, and the street leading to the palazzo: “ Yesus 1551/ La casetta a campo alle stalle del palazo di Campo Santo de dare’ scudi centoquarantaquattro lire xxxvi che tanti neda conto havere spese Giovanni Farfamichio de danari di messer Pandolfo Pucci in alzare detta casetta piccola et alti aconcinia fatti in la detta casetta de quale nel tocca a pagare il terzo a messer Lorenzo Pucci et h 2/3 a detto messer Pandolfo ………… scudi 144.36 E’ de dare scudi trentaquattro lire lxxiii son per fare amattonare la stalla de muli et il cortile et altro del palazo di Campo Santo doppo l’ultimo conto datone a messer Antonio Ubertini et pagati de danari 4 le mani di Giovanni Farfamichio per de danari di messer Pandolfo di equali (?) etocca il 1/3 a messer Lorenzo e 2/3 a messer Pandolfo…..scudi 34.73 E de dare scudi sessanta lire xxx ½ di moneta sono per lo amattonaro della strada del palazo di Campo Santo fatto fare Giovanni Farfamichio per h’ordine di messer Antonio Ubertini come per uno conto datoci et copiato in questo /c. 165 de quali renasa creditore detto Giovanni Farfamichio in questo c. 94/ et li 2/3 messer Pandolfo et siston’ messi in questo conto per uno accendere tanti conti……..scudi 60.30 ½.”

324 Florence, taxes on their shipment from Rome to Florence, and the cost of the carter who took them to the house, help define the project. 1034 By 1549 Pandolfo was paying for the corbels to be polished and sent to Florence, an indication that this project was winding down just as the account books outline a renovation of the Palazzo Pucci in

Rome that extended to replacing columns and a good portion of the roof.1035

The columns, “head,” cardinal’s hat ( per una porta cappello ) and cords

(cordoni) surround an escutcheon of white marble onto which the Pucci motif of a blackamoor is sculpted in low relief. Its plasticized ovate form curves to meet the loggia above, undulating contours highlighted by the fish-like scrolls on either side of the cartouche. Two corbels dangle from either side of the balustrade, brackets disabled from their structural purposes for use as a decoration that bears all the marks of a mannerist architect in the thrall of Michelangelo. 1036 The humor of ex tempore architecture is evident in the use of delicate Ionic columns to bear the load of broad spandrels and the elongated stone medallion. 1037 The profiles of the pilasters bear a

Another payment on c. xiviiii indicates Maestro Antonio is working on the brickwork of the loggia of Palazzo Pucci in the Campo Santo.

1034 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 620 c. 45 and c. xiviiii are payments authorized between January and April 1548 for the cassette , the dogan a di ripa per le colonne d’amandar’ a Firenze and the vetriolo . C. xiviii records a payment of 30 scudi porto detta colonna and c. 49 describes the design as una testa sum’armo piccolo a feigura tolta . There are also payments on c. 54b for the transport of these elements to Florence from Rome.

1035 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 620, c. lxiiii: “ e adi detto ducati x per un corbello per li peducci messer Pandolfo dar 66 ducati 10 (…) e adi detto ducati lxv pagati per la illustratura di dua peducci et un corbello da mandarli a Firenze m Pandolfo dare in questo 66……………………. ducati 65 E adi detto ducati XC paga ducati 50 a maestro/Antonio murator per dua hoper’ a amattonare la loggia del palazzo et ducati 40 per calcina et 200 mattoni rede 65 ducati 90 .”

1036 Vasari, Lives of the Artists , vol. II, 703 and 821.

1037 Argan and Contardi, Michelangelo architect , 85 discuss Michelangelo’s delight in structuring architectural elements in oppositional configurations.

325 striking resemblance to the balustrades lining the vestibule staircase in the Laurentian library, executed by Ammannati after 1555 in marble rather than walnut from a clay model (fig. 143).1038 The grimacing masks coupled with three large guttae (as opposed to the six cone-shaped elements hanging from the regula of a proper Doric order), are other idioms borrowed from Michelangelo’s architectural syntax (fig. 144-145).1039 The swagged crozier and ovate curves of the cartouche are a stylized adaptation of an otherwise classical motif that enhance the overt theatricality of the balustraded window treatment running across the piano nobile and the attic above.

On the face of it, the blatantly mannerist vocabulary of the Serliana at the center of the piano nobile is a complete subversion of the static classicism of the underlying façade designed by Antonio da Sangallo the Younger. Pandolfo Pucci’s subsequent attempt to unseat Duke Cosimo laid bare Republican sentiments that may have contributed to his repudiation of the papal architect, an engineer in the service of the imperial forces that besieged Florence in 1530, in favor of a different architectural style altogether. 1040 As is typical of the next generation, it is also possible that Pandolfo’s rebellious spirit translated into the choice of a design for the face of the family seat in

Florence that upended his ancestral bearings and all they stood for. In contrast to

Antonio the Younger’s faithful reconstruction of an antiquity viewed through a

1038 Argan and Contardi, Michelangelo architect, 35.

1039 Argan and Contardi, Michelangelo architect , 80-209 outline Michelangelo’s commissions in Florence between 1516 and 1534, projects for the New Sacristy (1519-1534), and the Laurentian Library (1519-1559) in San Lorenzo where Michelangelo applied these motifs to great effect.

1040 Charles Burroughs, “ Michelangelo at the Campidoglio: Artistic Identity, Patronage, and Manufacture,” Artibus et Historiae 14 (1993), 88 makes note of the political opposition between Antonio da Sangallo the Younger and Michelangelo.

326 canonical lens of Vitruvian theory, the maniera of this design completely disregards the classical proportions of the building and dissembles its structural logic. The architectural elements appended to the façade in 1549 borrow liberally from a mannerist syntax aimed at corrupting the grammar of classical architecture, contradicting its consistently proportioned volumes, and undermining the discreet framing elements that outline the building.1041 The carefully proportioned interrelationships between columns, rooms, and ceiling heights that were a trademark of

Antonio the Younger’s architecture are here overlaid with broken pediments, ovate forms, corrupted orders, and hanging plinths.1042 Balustrades, unorthodox curves, and an inventive recombination of the basic elements of classical art and architecture create a sense of elasticity that stands in defiant opposition to the impregnable grid of rustication below, giving the façade of Casa Pucci an entirely new aspect.1043

The heraldic escutcheon and tripartite architectural window that surround it have traditionally been attributed to Bartolommeo Ammannati (1511-1592), a sculptor born in Settignano who Pandolfo Pucci may have met while Ammannati was in

Florence studying Michelangelo’s work in the months before Duke Alessandro’s murder in 1537.1044 Michelangelo’s collaboration with Raffaello da Montelupo on the

New Sacristy and on the tomb of Julius II (1542-1543) are other venues where the

1041 See Burroughs, The Italian Renaissance Façade , 38 for a discussion of Antonio the Younger’s zealous study of the Roman domus .

1042 See again Burroughs, The Italian Renaissance Façade , 38. Argan and Contardi, Michelangelo architect , 35 discuss the broken orders and ovate staircases of the Laurentian library.

1043 Argan and Contardi, Michelangelo architect , 14 summarize the conceptual tensions and compressions evident in Michelangelo’s architecture.

1044 Vasari, Lives of the Artists , Vol. II, 500 reports on Ammanati’s studies in Florence with Genga of Urbino and the Venetian painter Battista Franco, who lived in Ammannati’s house.

327 young Ammannati may have met members of the Pucci family. 1045 In any event,

Ammannati is believed to have returned to Florence in 1547, a dating consistent with the Pucci commission. 1046

A classicist with a mannerist bent who worked with Vasari in both Rome and

Florence, Bartolomeo Ammannati’s career “is in a sense the last gasp of the rivalry and enmity that commenced in the early 16 th century between the circle of Bramante and

Raphael and that of Michelangelo.” 1047 Another Tuscan artisan who practiced both as a sculptor and an architect, Ammannatti went on to design the Medici villa on the Pincian

Hill in Rome. He was an early adopter of the mannerist architecture invented by

Michelangelo, doted on by Giorgio Vasari, and sharply criticized by the papal architect

Pirro Ligorio who drew up the floor plan of Palazzo Pucci in Rome. Ligorio was an antiquarian of the old school who lashed out at the followers of Michelangelo, decrying broken pediments and the misuse of the architectural orders as an affront to the wholeness of God and nature whose praise of “masks, cartouches in broken pediments, interrupted ornaments; as one sees on every palace and every church, in every place….have thereby corrupted all the youth.” 1048 Ammannati, on the other hand, so deeply admired the work of Michelangelo that as a youth he had been accused of

1045 Kiene, Bartolomeo Ammannati , 20. Michelangelo’s collaboration with Raffaello da Montelupo on the tomb of Julius II in 1542, a project in which Lorenzo Pucci was intimately involved as papal datary and then as an executor of the Riario estate, is discussed on p. 76-77.

1046 Kiene, Bartolomeo Ammannati, 9.

1047 David R. Coffin, Pirro Ligirio: The Renaissance Artist, Architect and Antiquarian (University Park: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 2004), 53.

1048 Coffin, Ligori o, 49.

328 pilfering drawings from the master’s workshop. 1049 Although Giorgio Vasari takes credit for reuniting Ammannati with Michelangelo in 1550, it is worth noting that as a result of Vasari’s neglect of Ammannati in his Vite little is known about his background except that his father died when he about twelve, leaving him to apprentice with Baccio

Bandinelli and later with (1486-1570).1050 Ammannati’s work with

Sansovino on the richly decorated in Venice is among the many stylistic reasons for crediting the Tuscan sculptor with the balustrades and framed arches over the portal of Palazzo Pucci. 1051 The Serlian window, a center arch framed by two smaller bays based on the , is also incorporated in the much-admired nymphaeum Ammannati created for the begun in 1552 (fig.

147).1052 Although Giorgio Vasari takes most of the credit for this project, built for

Pope Julius III as a guesthouse designed as a replacement for the Villa Madama as a stopover for special dignitaries before they officially entered the city, Jacopo Barocci da Vignola (1507-73) assisted in the design of the palace and circular external loggia while Ammannati designed the concave nymphaeum in the garden. 1053 Fitted with niches filled with antique busts and graceful nudes, the main courtyard was centered with a porphyry basin removed from the Baths of Titus. 1054 Considered a reconciliation

1049 Frommel, The Architecture of the Italian Renaissance , 193.

1050 Kiene, Bartolomeo Ammannati, 8-9.

1051 Kiene, Bartolomeo Ammannati, 9.

1052 Kiene, Bartolomeo Ammannati, 11.

1053 Kiene, Bartolomeo Ammannati, 49-73, with notes and bibliography. See also Bruno Maida, Le Fabbriche Di Jacopo Barozzi Da Vignola: I Restauri E Le Trasformazioni (Milan: Electa, 2002) and Sabine Frommel, Villa Lante a Bagnaia (Milan: Electa, 2005).

1054 William Howard Adams, Gardens Through History: Nature Perfected . (New York: Abbeville Press Publishers, 1991), 101: “When Pope Julius died in 1555, sixty boatloads of sculpture were removed from

329 between the harmonic proportions of classicism and the fanciful decorative detail associated with the mannerist style, Villa Giulia drew on the axial control of its geometric organization to lead the viewer down and through a garden that finally opened up into a giardino segreto , a reward for the initiated that made its way into

Vignola’s design for Villa Caprarola. 1055 At the end of the sculpture garden,

Ammannati designed a grotto in which the sunken ground floor is based on an ancient theater while on the third story the exedra is replaced with a Serliana. 1056

A variation on the triumphal arch, the Serliana affixed to the façade of Palazzo

Pucci in Florence took its name from an illustration in the most learned architectural treatise of the age, Tutte l’Opere d’Architettura et Prospetiva by Sebastanio Serlio

(1475-ca.1554), in which the inner pilasters on the Quattrocento prototype were replaced with two columns. 1057 Ammannati’s architectural leitmotif, the Serlian arch reappeared in the façade he helped Vasari design for that part of the Uffizi loggia facing the river beginning in 1560 and was the centerpiece of his most famous palazzo, the

Villa Medici in Rome. 1058 Here the literary allusions of the villa that presided over the top of the Pincian hill to famous Roman gardens and aviaries described by Pliny were

the villa and floated down the Tiber to join the Vatican’s collections of antiquities.” See also Kiene, Bartolomeo Ammanati, 55.

1055 Adams, Gardens Through History , 101. Kiene, Bartolomeo Ammannati , 55-73. David R. Coffin, The Villa in the Life of Renaissance Rome (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1979), 155- 156.

1056 Frommel, The Architecture of the Italian Renaissance , 194.

1057 See Sebastiano Serlio on Architecture, volumes I and II (New Haven, Yale University Press, 1996 and 2001), trans. Vuaghan Hart and Peter Hicks. See also Myra Nan Rosenfeld, Serlio on Domestic Architecture (Mineola: Dover Publications, 1978).

1058 A. Godoli, “ L’Ammannati e gli Uffizi ,” in Bartolomeo Ammannati scultore e architetto , ed. N. Roselli del Turco and F. Salvi (Florence: 1995), 147-153.

330 clear to anyone with a humanist education, while the scholarly handling of classical principles of design was apparent in the carefully proportioned niches and sculptural bas-reliefs set directly into the walls. 1059 The stucco façade of the building takes up the typology of the Medici villas in Tuscany, two Belvedere towers framing a plain stucco façade. The rear of the palace, however, is encrusted with relief sculpture from the Ara

Pacis and the Ara Pietatis Augustae as well as fragments other ancient monuments and sarcophagi. The classical busts fitted into the arched niches that fan out on either side of the ancient marble reliefs also quote the display of heroes of ancient Rome in triumphal dress that once graced the Forum Augustum , suggesting a careful reading of accounts in Suetonius, Cassius Dio, and Pliny the Elder of the statuary arranged in rows along the hemicycles of this civic center. 1060 While the garlands symbolize the ancient ritual practices restored by the Emperor Augustus, the rich details of the festoons speak louder than words about the association of the Medici with peace, prosperity, and the imperial pageantry of civil and military victory.1061 Moreover, the installation of a

1059 See Glenn Andres, The Villa Medici in Rome (PhD diss., Princeton University, 1971) for a full analysis of the building and its site on the Pincian hill. For a discussion of the influence of the delle Valle sculpture garden on these and other commissions see Kathleen Wren Christian, “Instauratio and Pietas: The della Valle Collections of Ancient Sculpture” in Collecting Sculpture in Early Modern Europe (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2008).

1060 James C. Anderson, Jr., The Historical Topography of the (: Latomus, Revue D’Etudes Latines, 1984), 81.

1061 On the basis of the frescoes of the architectural project finally undertaken for the Medici family in Rome, Ferdinando de’ Medici must have originally envisioned a design for the rear façade of the villa that corresponded to the austere typology of the front. The frescoes by Jacopo Zucchi (1541-1590) of the rear façade, dated to about 1576, illustrate a pair of belvederes finished in a plain stucco wash. Ammannati’s signature Serlian arch is also not yet part of the architectural scheme for the rear façade. The cardinal’s sculpture collection was to have been housed in the galleria , a frescoed pavilion with a second story that was apparently envisioned as a gallery of the and emperors, not unlike the way that the busts are lined up in the Uffizi corridor, where they were moved in the seventeenth century. This arrangement was meant to reference the row of gods and heroes along the main viales of the garden, which were ultimately linked to a more spectacular and public display of the alternating arrangement of the reliefs and sculpture busts in the rear façade. Ammannati’s intervention in the architectural project for the Villa Medici produced the first sixteenth-century city palace in which the bas-reliefs that encrusted

331 priceless collection of classical statuary onto the exterior of a building literally and figuratively turned the sixteenth- century trope of a classical sculpture garden inside out, implying a spiritual learning center that was at once public and extremely privileged.1062 In recognition of the “triumph as the principal celebration of antique civilization,” the heroic landscape emphasized the visual symmetry of the great north- south axis linking the avenue and the juxtaposition of highly regular forms with the untamed forestland on the other side of the ancient Roman walls.1063

On stylistic grounds there is little to dispute in an attribution of the Serlian window on Casa Pucci to an architect whose use of the folding escutcheon executed in white marble was sculpted onto the public fountain Ammannati sculpted on Via

Flaminia in Rome, the Fountain of Neptune in the in Florence, and the bridge of Santa Trinit à nearby (fig. 148).1064 It is also worth noting that

Ammannati went on to design the façade of the parish church of San Michele

Visdomini across the street from Casa Pucci, a plain stucco finish whose decorative the walls related to a portfolio of rare Roman reliefs taken from the and other first century sources. Nine marble slabs carved on both sides long thought to be associated with one of the most famous monuments of the Augustan age -- the Ara Pacis Augustae, a sumptuously carved altar to peace consecrated in 13 BCE and dedicated four years later -- were purchased in 1566 by Cardinal da Montepulciano for 125 scudi . (The discussion of the sixteenth-century discovery of the Ara Pacis and its relocation in the Medici collections is found in Orietta Rossini, The Ara Pacis (Milan: Electa, 2006), 14-21). More recent scholarship has suggested that five of the carved panels are part of another imperial monument now lost, the Ara Pietatis Augustae , vowed by the Roman Senate on the occasion of the illness of Augustus’s wife Livia in 22 CE under the reign of the Emperor Tiberius and finished by the Emperor Claudius.

1062 Ammannati’s inscription from the Lex Hortorum inscribed on the south wall of the nyphaeum of the villa announces that the possession of ancient statuary, paintings or ornamental gardens identifies a man of splendor if and when these treasures are open for public viewing (Coffin, Pirro Ligorio , 98) See also Salvatore Settis, “Collecting Ancient Sculpture: The Beginnings” in Collecting Sculpture in Early Modern Europe , ed. Nicholas Penny and Eike D. Schmidt (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2008), 25.

1063 Vaughan Hart, Paper Palaces: The Rise of the Renaissance Architectural Treatise (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1998), 217.

1064 Illustrated in Kiene, Bartolomeo Ammannati, 52-53 and 126.

332 license is confined to the deconstructed Doric elements on the portal and the scrolling frame on the window. 1065 Thematically, Graham Smith’s study on the Casino of Pius IV on the grounds of the Vatican points to the nymphaeum naumachia, triumphal arch, and loggia, as a constellation of imperial iconography consciously appropriated by the papal aristocracy in the assertion of political and religious absolutism. 1066 In fleshing out a concept of an urban residence worthy of his illustrious guests and his own ambitions as the scion of a family with three cardinals to its name, Pandolfo Pucci may well have enlisted the services of an up and coming architect closely associated both with the papacy and the greatest living artist of the day. The ideological auctoritas of the façade executed in a distinctively Michelangelesque style was a certainly a design that asserted

1065 Lisci, The Palazzi of Florence , 409. See also Kiene, Bartolomeo Ammannati , 243. Kiene’s bibliography for the attribution of Ammannati to an intervention at Casa Pucci (“ tradizionalmente attribuite e non documentate ”) includes W. E. Paatz, “Palazzo Pucci,” Rivista fiorentina , I (1909), fasc. 9, 29-31; and “Palazzetto Pazzi,” Nuovo Osservatore Fiorentino 1 (1885), fasc. 10, 79; G. Marcotti, Guide de Florence , (Florence, 1904), 83; W. Limburger, Die Gebaude von Florenz (Liepzig, 1910), 143; R. M. Pierazzi, “Palazzo Pucci” Illustrazione toscana 9 (1931), 24-25; R. Linnenkamp, “ Giulio Paris architetto ,” Rivista d’arte 33 (1958), 87; M. Bucci, Palazzi di Firenze , 4 vols. (Florence, 1971), 85 e passim; L. Ginori-Lisci, I palazzi di Firenze , (Florence, 1972), vol. I, 405 sgg; Istituto 1974, 81; and the entry in Guida d’Italia, Firenze e dintorni (Milan, 1974), 232. Ammannati’s drawings for the façade of San Michele Visdomini are preserved in the Gabinetto Disegni e de Stampe as Uffizi 282A. It is also worth noting the Pucci’s patronage of Alessandro Allori, an artist who painted Bartolomeo Ammannati into a fresco in the cappella Montauto in Santissima Annunziata. See L’Acqua, La Pietra, Il fuoco: Bartolomeo Ammannati Scultore , a cura di Beatrice Paolozzi Strozzi and Dimitrios Zikos, (Florence: Guinti, 2011), 49. See also p. 135 for an illustration of Ammannati’s use of irregularly shaped ovals fabricated of white marble, a signature of his work, in the stemma for Cardinal Antonio del Monte in San Pietro in Montorio and the Fountain of Neptune in the Piazza della Signoria (page 245). Ammannati’s drawings for the façade of San Michele Visdomini are preserved in the Gabinetto Designi e Stampe as Uffizi 282A.

1066 Graham Smith, The Casino of Pius IV (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1977), 22. See also Maria Losito, “ Villa Pia nei Giardini Vaticani, I sacri Palazzi Apostolici e la Fabbrica di San Pietro ,” Arte cristana 101 (2013): 229-238.

333 his Republican sympathies and, at least initially, distanced him from the duke’s

Augustan classicism. 1067

1067 Henk van Veen, Cosimo I de’ Medici and his Self-Representation in Florentine Art and Culture (New York: Cambridge Univesity Press, 2006).

334

Figure 8. Pier Francesco Foschi, Portrait of Antonio Pucci, 1540. Corsini Collection, Florence.

Chapter VII: Cardinals Antonio and Roberto Pucci: It’s All in the Family

The second of the three sons born to Alessandro d’Antonio Pucci and Sibilla di

Tommaso Sassetti, Antonio Pucci followed in his uncle Lorenzo’s footsteps and was trained in philosophy, theology, and canon law at the University of Pisa (fig. 149) A gifted and highly respected scholar in his own right, Antonio served as chierico di camera to Leo X.1068 He delivered the opening address at the ninth session of the

1068 Stanislaw Mossakowski, “St. Cecilia: An Iconographical Study,” Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte 31 (1968): 1-26. Mossakowski provides an account of Antonio’s career in the context of the reformation movement: “A friend and confidant of Elena (Duglioli dall’Olio), the Bishop of Pistoia, Antonio Pucci, was closely connected at that time with the first attempts at the reform of Catholicism prepared among

335 Lateran Council in the spring of 1514, an oration in humanist Latin in praise of the holy war against the Infidel.1069 The manuscript of the speech, published in Venice, features a woodcut of the curia gathered together in celebration of the pope’s inauguration (fig.

151)1070 The author of thirteen other Eucharistic homilies, Antonio was the didicatee of

Wolfgang Capito’s translation of a homily of Chrysostom issued in Basel in 1519 and a eulogy by Urbanus Rhegius in De dignitate sacerdotum published in Augsburg in

1519. 1071 An epistle by Erasmus, the author of a number of commentaries on the Bible and a treatise entitled De corporis et sanguinis Jesu Christi , provides an account of his

others by Neoplatonic ideas. He was in close contact with the of Ficino and adherent of Savonarola, Paulo Orlandini, and with the humanist, the Venetian diplomat and later Camaldolite, Vincenzo Querini, who in 1513 together with Tommaso Giustiniani, presented a programme of radical reform of the Church to Leo X and was himself the author of such religious works as, for example, commentaries to the Bible and the treatise De corporis et sanguinis Jesu Christi . As chierico di camera of Leo X, Pucci at the inauguration of the ninth session of the fifth Lateran General Council in May 1514 delivered a sermon, in the presence of the Pope, calling for a reform of the Church. He was also a member of a society of clergy and seculars Oratorio del Divin Amore , whose aim was to deepen religious life, to take the Sacraments frequently, and cultivate the virtue of charity. This small society, counting only a few scores of members, led by Gaetano da Thiene, later canonized as S. Gaetano, was approved by Leo X in 15I6, and therefore existed and was active still earlier. Orlandini even dedicated to Pucci his Eptathicum (A. Garin, La cultura filosofica del Rinascimento italiano , 1961, pp. 142, 213-23, and P. O. Kristeller, Iter Italicum, I, 1963, pp. 112 f., 235). For the contacts of Pucci with Querini see G. B. Mittarelli, A. Costadoni, Annales Camaldulenses, VII, 1762, p. 415, and P.O. Kristeller, Iter Italicum, I, p. 37, and the same, Studies in Renaissance Thought , pp. I85 f., and on the programme of the ecclesiastical reform presented to Leo X: H. Jedin, Geschichte des Konzils von Trient , I, pp. 103 ff. 143 J. D. Mansi, Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio, XXXII, 1902, cols. 88798. Cf. also C. J. von Hefele, J. Hergenröther, Conciliengeschichte, VIII, 1887, pp. 597-99.” For an account of the Fifth Lateran Council at which Antonio delivered his sermon see Nelson Minnich, “Paride de Grassi’s Diary of the Fifth Lateran Council,” Annuarium Historiae Conciliorum 14 (1982): 370-460. See also Jennifer Maria de Silva, “Ritual Negotiations: Paris de’ Grassi and the Office of Ceremonies under Julius II and Leo X (1504-1521),” (PhD diss., University of Toronto, 2007).

1069 Elizabeth Pilliod, “‘In Tempore Poenitentiae’: Pierfrancesco Foschi’s Portrait of Cardinal Antonio Pucci,” The Burlington Magazine 130 (1988), 682.

1070 This work is preserved in the Folger Archives in Washington, D.C. (BX 830, 1512, P8, Cage).

1071 Contemporaries of Erasmus , Vol. 3, 122. Pilliod, “‘In Tempore Poenitentiae,’” 685 ff. 46 notes that Pucci wrote fourteen homilies and cites one of them: Antonii Puccii Cardinalis Sanctorum Quatuor Maioris Poenitentiarii De Corporis et Sanguinis D. N. Iesu Christi Sacrifio Homiliae XIIII (Bologna, 1551).

336 gracious reception by Antonio, papal nuncio to Switzerland from 1517 until 1521.1072

Deeply religious and openly in favor of radical reforms to the church, Antonio was a member of a small religious society known as Oratorio del Divin Amore , led by

Gaetano da Thiene (called Cajetan), later canonized as San Gaetano, dedicated to the purity of sacred life. 1073 The Venetian humanist, Paulo Orlandini, a pupil of Marsilio

Ficino’s strongly attracted to the reforms advocated by Savonarola, dedicated his

Eptathicum to Antonio Pucci.1074

Papal ambassador ( nuncio ) to , Portugal, and Switzerland, Antonio was constantly on the move. A letter dated February 16, 1514 in which he writes that he is awaiting Capponi’s delivery of 100 gold scudi places the tireless ambassador in

Portugal where he traveled by way of Avignon. 1075 Another letter, dated June 5, 1516,

1072 Pilliod cites G. Moroni, Dizionario di erudizione storico-ecclesiastica , LV, (Venice, 1852), 80 ff. The epistles are also cited in the entries on Antonio and Lorenzo Pucci in Contemporaries of Erasmus , vol. 3, 122-24. The translation by Francis Morgan Nichols of The Epistles of Erasmus From his Earliest Letters To His Fifty-Third Year Arranged in Order of Time (London: Longmans, Green and Co., 1918) provides a more complete listing of the epistles relevant to the Pucci family. The register identifies the epistles relevant to Antonio Pucci as Epistles 729 (which reports on Antonio’s replacement of Ennio Filonardi as papal nuncio in Switzerland in August 1517); Epistle 860, which requests Pucci’s assistance in obtaining a commendatory brief from Leo X for Erasmus’s revision of the New Testament; Pucci’s visit to 1519 to the Press in Basel which undertook the publication of Erasmus’s New Testament where Pucci bought a copy of Jerome (Epistles 855, 852, 88, 116); Epistle 1000, where Erasmus thanks Antonio for his assistance in obtaining the approval of his uncle Lorenzo, to whom he dedicated his Saint Cyprian. In Epistle 1188, however, Erasmus wrote critically of Antonio to Nicolaas Everaerts, a reproachful letter regarding members of the church charged with dealing with Martin Luther. Epistle 176 (dated 1521) refers to a “Roman harlot” considered to be Pucci since the Swiss nuncio then led 6,000 Swiss troops on behalf of the pope’s offensive against his French adversaries. Epistle 3059 reports on the rumor that Antonio, who was in Florence during the summer of 1535 (Epistle 3047) and was the papal legate to Alessandro’s wedding ten months later, was somehow involved in the death of Ippolito de’ Medici, a bitter rival of Duke Alessandro de’ Medici. Pucci also managed to maintain a particularly close relationship to Paul III, notwithstanding the enmity between the Medici and the Farnese families.

1073 I am again quoting Mossakowski’s account of Antonio Pucci’s life as a humanist reformer (see ff. 1058).

1074 See again ff. 1059.

1075 Unpublished, ASF, Carte Strozziane 339, Serie Prima , c. 225.

337 makes note of Antonio’s imminent departure for Spain where he was charged with treating the King of Spain on behalf of his Medici patarons ( patroni medicei ).1076 In

1517, Lorenzo’s nephew replaced Ennio Filonardi as papal nuncio to Switzerland.

Dispatched by Clement VII to France twice, once in March 1525 and again in the fall of

1528, Antonio was named bishop of Vannes on June 8, 1529. 1077 Kept hostage by the

Imperial troops during the occupation of Rome in 1527, Cardinal Colonna devised the bishop’s “narrow escape from the gallows set up in the Campo dei Fiori.” 1078 Antonio managed to make his way to Orvieto, where the pope instructed him to travel to Spain in the summer of 1528. He returned to Italy in time to join the papal cortege in Bologna for the coronation of Charles V as Holy Roman Emperor in 1530. 1079

Antonio Pucci, who turned forty-five in 1529, first took over the bishopric of

Vannes from his uncle Lorenzo, assumed his uncle’s post as major penitentiary in

October of that same year and was made a cardinal following his uncle’s death in

1531.1080 The conferral of additional ecclesiastical preferments in 1542 and 1543 affirmed his well-honed diplomatic skills and ability to maintain a close relationship with the Farnese faction within the papal court. 1081 On the other hand, the cardinal’s

1076 Unpublished, ASF, Carte Strozziane 339, Serie Prima, c. 224.

1077 Contemporaries of Erasmus, 122. Unpublished, AP, Filza 3, no. 12, Notizie Genealogiche . 1600.

1078 The cardinal’s flight to Castel Sant’Angelo and his nephew’s narrow escape from the gallows is recounted in Pastor, The History of the Popes from the Close of the Middle Ages , vol. 9, chapter X.

1079 Contemporaries of Erasmus, 122.

1080 Antonio was awarded the see of Vannes on June 8, 1529, a bishopric he occupied until June 10, 1541, when he resigned it in favor of his uncle Roberto. He also succeeded his uncle Lorenzo as Penitentiary Major on October 1, 1529, a post he held until his death on October 12, 1544.

1081 He received the suburbicarian see of Albano in 1542 and the see of Sabina in 1543.

338 close association with the Medici prompted Erasmus’s tantalizing report of rumors that

Antonio was the henchman behind the murder of Ippolito de’ Medici in August of 1535 by his cousin Alessandro de’ Medici, whose wedding Antonio attended as papal legate later that year. 1082 Antonio Pucci’s involvement in Tuscan politics is similarly attested to in a letter from Lorenzo Gualterotti in Rome to his father in Florence in which he reports on his pleasure at learning that Charles V had agreed to confer the title of duke to Cosimo de’ Medici and makes mention of an incident in which a fire broke out in his apartment during a visit with Cardinal Pucci. 1083 These were dangerous times. In 1543,

Antonio composed a letter in which he made mention of the pirate Barbarossa and his threat to the Emperor and the King of France, reporting on the fear of an invasion: A

Roma si sta co’ paura .1084

Humanism in the Papal Court: The Role of Cardinal Pucci’s Learned Nephew

A resourceful and committed patron of the arts, Antonio Pucci is cited in an anonymous sixteenth-century genealogy as being largely responsible for convincing

Raphael of Urbino (1483-1520) to paint an altarpiece for San Giovanni in Monte in

Bologna. 1085 Working alongside his newly promoted uncle, Cardinal Lorenzo Pucci, the young prelate arranged for Raphael, already hard at work decorating the pope’s private rooms in the Vatican, to paint the Ecstasy of Saint Cecilia for the chapel dedicated to

1082 Contemporaries of Erasmus , 122. Epistle 3059 reports on rumors of Antonio’s involvement with the murder.

1083 ASF, MAP, volume 119, insert 8, folio 226b provides a transcription of the letter.

1084 Unpublished, ASF, Carte Strozziane 339, Serie Prima, letter 59, c. 690.

1085 The commission of the picture was ascribed to Antonio Pucci in a document preserved in Archivio Pucci in Florence (Folio 7, no. 29) published by O. Pucci, " La Santa Cecilia di Raffaello d'Urbino," Rivista Fiorentina I (1908), 6 ff.

339 the patron saint of musicians (fig. 152).1086 Leo X, who had a Roman chapel in Castel

Sant’Angelo dedicated to the same female saint decorated with tiles that Antonio had made in Spain, traveled to Bologna in 1516 for the delicate negotiations organized by

Cardinal Lorenzo Pucci with the King of France that culminated in the Concordat of

Bologna.1087 In Raphael’s altarpiece, Saint Cecilia stands along with Saint Augustine

(the patron saint of the church), Saint Paul, Saint John, and Mary Magdalen, transfixed by the strains of musica angelica sung by the heavenly choir above. 1088 The assortment

1086 O. Pucci, " La Santa Cecilia di Raffaello d'Urbino, " and Mossakowski, “St. Cecilia,” 2-4. See also Gabriella Zarri, “L’altra Cecilia: Elena Duglioli Dall’Olio (1472-1520), In Indagini per un dipinto: La Santa Cecilia di Raffaello (Bologna: Edizioni ALFA, 1983), 81-118; Gabriella Zarri, “Storia di una committenza,” In L’Estasi di Santa Cecilia di Raffaello da Urbino nella Pinacoteca Nazionale di Bologna, exh. cat. (Bologna: Edizioni ALFA, 1983), 20-38; Regina Stefaniek, “Raphael's Santa Cecilia: a fine and private vision of virginity,” Art history 14 (1991): 345-371; Jürg Meyer zur Cappellen, Raphael: A Critical Catalogue of His Paintings , ed. and trans., Stefan B. Polter (Landshut: Arcos, 2001); Luitpold Dussler, Raphael: A Critical Catalogue of His Pictures, Wall-paintings and Tapestries (New York: Phaidon Press, 1971); and Marcia B. Hall, ed. The Cambridge Companion to Raphael (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2005 with bibliography.

1087 On the meetings between the papacy and the king of France that resulted in the Concordat of Bologna see Roger A ubenas, "The Papacy and the Catholic Church," in The New Cambridge Modern History , ed. G.R. Potter (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1957), vol. I, 85. The tiles for Leo X’s chapel in Castel Sant’Angelo are the subject of an article by Anthony Ray, “Nicoluso Francisco and the Medici tiles from the Castel S Angelo,” Apollo 159 (2004): 13-20: “The presence of the Moor's head of the Pucci family adds another mysterious element, and another possible explanation. The family was closely connected with the Medici, and Lorenzo Pucci was the first cardinal appointed by Leo X in 1513, but recently Spallanzani has suggested that the S Angelo tiles relate even more closely to his brother Antonio. In 1514 Antonio was sent on a secret mission to Lisbon, possibly in connection with Leo X's plan to initiate a new crusade. His itinerary is not entirely clear, but it interesting to note that on his way to Lisbon he would have passed through Badajoz, in whose province Tentudia lies, and it is certainly possible that, in view the new status it had recently been granted by Leo X, he visited the monastery. While in Spain he met King Ferdinand in Valladolid, and his letters show his great concern about suitable gifts for his Medici patrons, among which was a fine musical instrument emblazoned with Medici devices. We do not know if he went to Seville--where the Catholic Kings had commissioned two altarpieces for the royal chapel in the Alcazar from Niculoso in 1504--but Spallanzani suggests that Niculoso's reputation led to the idea of offering the tiles with the Medici devices as a gift, and that he included some with the Pucci device as a discreet indication of their generosity. At this time he was not a cardinal--he did not become Cardinal Bishop of Pistoia until 1518--which would explain the absence from the design of a cardinal's hat.”

1088 Mossakowski, “St. Cecilia,” 2-4. Massakowki’s observes that the commission arranged by Cardinal Pucci is recounted in Vasari, vol. IV, 349, and vol. III, 545. He further notes that an anonymous author, active in the first half of the sixteenth century, a personal acquaintance of Elena, wrote in her biography (. 21) " Messer Antonio Pucci ... fece ancor a Roma depinger la ancona da Rafael da Urbino " (quoted after G. P. Melloni, Atti o memorie degli uomini illustri in santita, nati o morti in Bologna , III, Bologna, 1780, 332-33, ff. 15.) Mossakowski’s investigations revealed that the only copy of this biography

340 of musical instruments strewn at their feet painted by his assistant, , is associated with the love of music by Elena Duglioli, the pious woman who commissioned the painting, and with the pope’s famous collection of rare and expensive instruments. Leo X, renowned for his appreciation of the arts in general and music in particular, funded a legendary choir consisting of Italian and foreign singers

“raised to such perfection that contemporaries could not contain their enthusiasm.” 1089

However Cardinal Antonio Pucci managed the delicate balancing act between the Medici, his service to their Farnese rivals, the need to reform the church, and his own self-interests, he proved as thoughtful a patron of the arts as he was an able diplomat. In addition to Raphael’s altarpiece in Bologna and the Spanish tiles commissioned for the pope’s private chapel in Castel Sant’Angelo, Antonio Pucci is associated with a number of other important works of arte minori: books, glassware, and small decorative works inspired by the Aristotelian concept of magnificentia .1090 Among these objects was a set of illuminated choir books decorated with the Medici coat of arms commissioned with other canons of Santa Maria del Fiore between 1497 and 1518. 1091 As the nephew of Cardinal Lorenzo Pucci who took on his

available, preserved in the Biblioteca Comunale di Archiginnasio in Bologna, is incomplete, lacking chapter 21 [Gozz. 292, fols. 19-571.] This biography is regarded as one of the oldest written sources, connected with Elena, cf. Acta Sanctorum, VI, 23 Sept., Antwerp, 1757, 655 ff., as well as Super confirmatione cultus ... beatae Helenae ab Oleo (Bologna, 1827), 9.

1089 Pastor, History of the Popes , vol. 8, 147.

1090 Marco Spallanzani, “ Antonio Pucci e le mattonelle spagnole di Leone X in Castel Sant’Angelo ,” Bollettino del Museo Internazionale delle Ceramiche in Faenza XCI (2005): 79-87. Fragnito, “Cardinals’ Courts,” 32 outlines the concept of magnificentia imbedded in Giovanni Pontano’s essays on De magnificentia and De splendore .

1091 Marcia S. Tacconi, “Appropriating the Instruments of Worship: The 1512 Medici Restoration and the Florentine Cathedral Choirbooks,” Renaissance Quarterly 56 (2003): 333-76.

341 post as Bishop of Pistoia, Antonio facilitated other sacred commissions for influential patrons, contributing to Felice della Rovere’s efforts to create an access to the monastery of Trinit à dei Monti in Rome and helping to oversee the decorative program commissioned by his uncle the cardinal for the family chapel in the French church next door. 1092 In Florence, Antonio was instrumental in arranging the artistic program associated with a bequest to San Girolomo e S. Francesco sulla Costa, now known as

San Giorgio.1093 The commission, which included the installation of the Pucci coat of arms on the high altar in 1520, was arranged in response to a request for support of the

Vallombrosan nuns by Lucrezia de' Medici Salviati, a daughter of Lorenzo the

Magnificent and a sister of the reigning pope. 1094

Although there is a scholarly dispute about which member of the family commissioned the majolica dinnerware adorned with the Pucci crest from Francesco

Xanto Avelli da Rovigo of Urbino (c. 1487-c.1542), the heraldic device of the

Saracen’s head attached to a cardinal’s galero clearly references Antonio Pucci, elevated to the purple 1531. 1095 The most famous ceramicist of the Renaissance,

1092 See again Murphy, The Pope’s Daughter: The Extraordinary Life of Felice della Rovere , chapter 12, 136-143 for the history of the church and the involvement of the Pucci in Felice della Rovee’s efforts to create an access to the monastary adjacent to Trinit à dei Monte.

1093 Giuseppe Richa, Notizie Istoriche delle Chiese Fiorentine , (Florence, 1754-1762), vol. X, Lezione XVII.

1094 See Natalie R. Tomas, The Medici Women: Gender and Power in Renaissance Florence (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2003).

1095 J.V.G. Mallet, Xanto: Pottery-Painter, Poet, Man of the Italian Renaissance (The Wallace Collection, 2007), 122 convincingly argues that Cardinal Antonio Pucci was a most likely candidate for the commission, citing the presence of the ombrellino above the family stemma of the Moor’s head, a symbol of the ecclesiastical office of the gonfalone of a Cardinal Penitenziere Maggiore . It is worth noting that Antonio d’Alessandro d’Antonio inherited his uncle Lorenzo’s ecclesiastical office of Major Penitentiary in 1529, two years before he became a cardinal himself, with his cousin Francesco identified in Antonio’s payment records as acting on his behest on several occasions. For the triumphal entry of

342 Francesco Xanto signed and dated the back of the largest known tin-ware dinner service in the Renaissance in 1532. 1096 Thirty-seven plates survive from a set that originally comprised over three hundred pieces of glazed tinware decorated with the Pucci crest presiding over scenes from Ovid’s Metamorphisis , Virgil’s Aeneid , Petrarch’s Rime ,

Pliny’s Natural History, and other classical literary sources (fig. 153).1097 A majolica jar in the Metropolitan Museum in New York is also glazed with the Pucci coat of arms, the stemma of the Ridolfi -- the Florentine family related represented in Rome by the powerful cardinal Niccolò Ridolfi -- and the shield of the Holy Roman Emperor

(fig. 154).1098 Here again the heraldic device of the Saracen’s head attached to a cardinal’s hat almost certainly alludes to Antonio Pucci, who served as the apostolic ambassador to the imperial court in Spain before his elevation to the purple and was designated as one of the two papal legates sent to receive Charles V in Genoa in 1533.

The beautiful tin-glazed and earthenware plate on display in the in

Charles V into Genoa in 1533 see George Gorse "An Unpublished Description of the Villa Doria during Charles V's Entry into Genoa, 1533," The Art Bulletin 68 (1986): 319-322.

1096 See the catalogue of Francesco Xanto Avelli’s Pucci Service by Julia Triolo in Bollettino del Museo Internazionale delle Ceramiche in Faenza 74 (1988): 228-84. Timothy Wilson has also edited a volume that includes an essay by Julia Triolo on the Pucci service in Italian Renaissance Pottery: Papers Written in Association with a Colloquium at the , (London: British Museum Press, 1991). It is worth noting the Francesco Pucci worked closely with his cousin the cardinal in Rome, an association that may clarify the conflicting views about which member of the Pucci family oversaw the commission.

1097 In the debate about which member of the Pucci family commissioned the service see Julia Triolo, “Francesco Xanto Avelli’s Pucci Service (1532-1533): A Catalogue,” Faenza 74 (1988): 4-6, 37-44 and “New Notes and Corrections to the “Pucci service: A Catalogue”” Faenza lxxviii (1992): 1-2, 87-89 argues that the Pucci service was commissioned by PierFrancesco di Francesco Pucci.

1098 The Ridolfi family was represented in Rome by Cardinal Niccolò Ridolfi. The Pucci family married into the Ridolfi family in 1564. Given Antonio Pucci’s role as a diplomatic legate, his patronage of the glazed pottery produced in Urbino positions him as a likely candidate for the commission. Antonio’s account books also identify him with Urbino: he received a transfer of funds from his father’s estate notarized by Raffaello Bateosi of Urbino. Documents preserved along with his will report the receipt of 3,636 d’argento d’oro in capital from his father Alessandro, who died in 1525, notarized by this same notary from Urbino and another significant transfer of capital in 1534 (Unpublished, ASF, MGR 371, insert 6).

343 Oxford was also created for Antonio Pucci, whose heraldic device of the arms of the

Medici impaling the Pucci pays tribute to his especially privileged relationship with both Florentine popes. Its glazed inscription, “beneath the shadow of thy wings I sleep,” pays tribute to Antonio’s close relationship with the ruling family of Florence

(fig. 155). 1099

Antonio Pucci also completed the bishop’s palace in Pistoia -- a rural villa rather than an archiepiscopal palace adjoining the cathedral of Pistoia -- where Duke

Cosimo de’ Medici is documented as enjoying his stay with his wife the duchess

Eleanora eating the delicious dark cherries and other fruits from the orchards (fig.

156). 1100 Antonio had inherited the influential bishopric on November 5, 1518 from

Cardinal Lorenzo Pucci who had in turn taken over the see of Pistoia from another wealthy Florentine Medici loyalist, Cardinal Niccolo Pandolfini (1440-1518).1101

Shortly after he was elevated to the purple in 1531 Antonio undertook a building

1099 See Julia E. Poole, Italian Maiolica and Incised Slipware in the Fitzwilliam Museum (Cambridge: Fitzwilliam Museum Publications, 1996). Pope Clement VII’s majolica collection is the subject of a study by Jacqueline Marie Musacchio, Marvels of Maiolica: Italian Renaissance Ceramics from the Corcoran Gallery (Piermont: Bunker Hill Publishing, 2004).

1100 See Nori Andreini Galli, Ville Pistoiesi (Lucca: Maria Pacini Fazzi editore, 1989), 95-105 and Bruschi, Opere d'arte alla Villa di Igno . ASF, MAP, vol. 3, 503: The text of a letter dictated by the ducal secretary on July 5, 1544 also demonstrates Cosimo de’ Medici’s involvement with Antonio Pucci and the affairs of the church: “ Quanto al negotio delle Xme [decime] ci piace quelle ne advisate che N.S.re [Paulus III] si contenti darci le quattro Xme sborsando noili 18 mila scudi intendendo vi siano li residui et che le congregationi paghino solo le due prime, restando exenti delle due altre, et in quelcambio S. B.ne [Paulus III] ponga loro come avvisate una Xma per risquoterla di poi li 3 anni, nominandola per augumento di studio. Onde voi attenderete a tirare innanzi le minute de' Brevi con l'aiuto etconsigliodi persone perite et participatione del S.r Don Francisco de Toledo acciò vi si possa darl'ultima mano [...] Appresso visiterete per nostra parte el R.mo Santi 4 [Antonio Pucci] dicendo li come la Duchessa [Eleonora de Toledo] et io siamo stati al suo bello et dilettevol luogo d'Igno dove oltre alli altri piaceri havemo goduto le sue visciole, et altre frutte con quella sicurtà che conosciamo posser fare, conforme alla voluntà et desiderio di quella. Solo è restato a tanto piacere et satisfattione la presentia sua, alla quale non havendo che dir altro ci raccomanderete .”

1101 See Waldman, “The Patronage of a Favorite of Leo X, 105-08.

344 campaign at the villa that included the addition of a fountain with a Moor’s head ( la fontana ‘del moro ’), an arbor for the garden, and walnut windows.1102 The decorative improvements to the living and dining rooms were charged to a team of artisans that included the painter Michelangelo Anselmi, better known as lo Scalabrino (1491/92-

1556). 1103 Other of the architectural enhancements commissioned between 1531 and

1532 involved Maestro Domenicho di Piero di Giovanni scarpellino da Firenze , an identification that positions Domenicho di Piero Rosselli as the artist who sculpted the well, windows, entrance (usci ), and the coat of arms for the villa vescovile (fig.

156). 1104

The terra cotta stemma attached to the wall of the courtyard again advertises

Antonio’s close relationship with the Medici, prominently incorporating their palle into the main field of the device (fig. 157). 1105 An early seventeenth-century inscription dates the completion of the building to 1540, a timing that coincides with the signature on a portrait of Antonio Pucci by Pierfrancesco di Jacopo Foschi (1502-

1102 See Mario Bruschi, Lo Scalabrino, Sebastiano Vini e I Gimignani a Pistoia: Opere d’Arte Alla Villa di Igno e al Palazzo Vesovile (1507-1621 ) (Pistoia, 2014).

1103 Bruschi, Opere d’arte alla Villa di Igno , 28-31 cites AVP, A. 32, 3. C. 118: “ uno finestra d’alberto grande fece a suo legname piu fa in nel salone di palazo di sopra e per dua cuccie di nocie senza colonne per le chambere di sopra e per una finestra foderetta di nocie ci fece per la finestra di sul veroncino del la prima sala e per fatura di una chaxa fatta in nela pancha dirimpetto ala n[ostra] a Don]n]na di salone .”

1104 Bruschi, “ Opere d’arte alla Villa di Igno ,” 32 and 33 cites the payment records in AVP, III, A. 34, 1 Pucci. Debitori e Creditori (1532-1533), c. 117 and c. 199: “ maestro Domenicho di Piero di Giovanni scarpellino de avere adi XXX di giugno 1532 lire 154 soldi 16 gli facian buoni per suo salario di mesi 8 e di 18 stette a Ingno a nostre spexe a scarpelare pietre per la lastrico e armi e usci e finestre di Ingno cioe da di 2 ottobre 1531 per insino a di sopradecto a ragione di lire 18 el mexe d’acordo .” Although his grandfather’s patronymic is incorrect (Pietro’s father is here identified as Giovanni rather than Giacomo), the involvement in 1524-1526 of Domenico di Pietro Rosselli in Palazzo Pucci in the Campo Santo and his oversight of the renovations at the palazzo that Antonio Pucci purchased from the Orsini in 1536 where he is also described as a sculptor help substantiate this identification.

1105 Pilliod, “‘In Tempore Poenitentiae,’” 679-687.

345 1567). 1106 Foschi is the most likely candidate for the frescoes of the cardinal painted on the back wall since he was later dispatched to Orvieto to paint the Pucci arms on their home there. 1107 Elizabeth Pilliod’s reading of the painting suggests that the setting of the portrait, a loggia overlooking the countryside, may in fact be Villa Igno. 1108 She observes that there is a bridge near a church in the background, apparently never built, that may have been the subject of a letter to Michelangelo written on August 28, 1533 requesting no more than two hours of the master’s time for a design that would bring earthly and spiritual perfection to the villa.1109 This letter appears to corroborate the hypothesis that Domenico Rosselli was still working under the aegis of Michelangelo and that the Florentine master was consulted and perhaps had the final say in the improvements to Villa Igno undertaken during this period:

Michelangelo quanto fratello charissimo, perche penso meco siate per usare li medesimi termini che con altri, vi fo intendere che a me faresti singularissimo piacere venire fino a Igno per starvi meco dua hore et non piu, per disegnare un ponte di pietra che acconcia tutta la arrivata alla casa d'Igno et disegnare una chiesa correspondente al la amenita di questo locho; le quali due cose, nel temporale et nel spiritual, danno la perfettione a Igno.

In Foschi’s idealized portrait, easily confused with Bronzino’s portrayals of richly dressed aristocrats in settings replete with tropes alluding to their humanist pursuits,

1106 Pilliod, “‘ In Tempore Poenitentiae .’” 680.

1107 c. xxiib, February 1541 (1542 modern dating): “ E adi 19 detto fiorini cinque lire diciasete de devo ne fa buoni Alessandro Pucci in questo 5 tante pago a Pierfrancesco dipintore come al giornale 14 …….. fiorini 5 lire17 denari 2 .” On c. 33a (June 1542): “ E addi 24 detto fiorini dua lire 2 denari x ni fa buoni spese in questo 39 tanti pago a Pierfrancesco dipintore per conto di larme si mando a orvieto come al giornale 127 ….. fiorini 2 lire 2 denari 10 .” C. xxxviii and c. lv record payments that are continued into September 1542: “ E adi 25 di setembre fiorini sete lire x si fanno buoni a Perfrancesco dipitore in questo 55 sono per fatura due tondo colarmi di Pucci come al giornale 37 …… fiorini 7 lire 10 .”

1108 Pilliod, “‘ In Tempore Poenitentiae ,’” 683.

1109 Pilliod, “‘ In Tempore Poenitentiae ,’” 685.

346 Antonio is holding a papal bull signed by Clement VII (fig. 159). It is worth nothing that the cardinal’s correspondence with both the pope and the Habsburg emperor has been preserved in the Pucci archives; certainly the objects arranged on the table by

Antonio’s side allude to his lofty political connections, extensive travels and literary accomplishments. 1110 A small bronze statuette reproducing the ancient Greco-Roman statue of the spinario sits adjacent to an inkwell and a medal in which the Medici palle are again incorporated into the Pucci coat of arms.1111 The Turkish carpet covering the tabletop is so rare it has been identified as one of the few Timurid carpets from

Anatolia that made their way to Western Europe, suggesting that other of the numerous tappeti listed in the family inventories were similarly costly Persian rugs.1112

While the medal Antonio is holding in the painting has not been identified, there are medallions engraved with Antonio’s likeness preserved in the British Museum, the

Bargello in Florence, and the Kusthistorisches in Vienna that share the same unusual

1110 Unpublished, AP, Filza 2, unpaginated.

1111 Historical sources on Antonio Pucci cited by Elizabeth Pilliod, “‘ In Tempore Poenitentiae,’ ” 682, ff. 27 include A. Aubery, Histoire generale des cardinaux , Part III, (Paris, 1645), 425- 30; A. Ciaconio (also known as Ciacconius or Chacon), Vitae, et res gestae Pontificum Romanorum et S.R.E.Cardinalium (Rome, 1677), III, cols. 522-23; A.M. Rosati, Memorie per servire alla Storia de' Vescovi di Pistoia (Pistoia, 1766), 151-59; L. Cardella, Memorie storiche de' Cardinali della santa romana chiesa , 127-29; and G. Beani, La Chiesa pistoiese della sua origine ai tempi nostri: appunti storici , 2nd ed. (Pistoia, 1912), 251. She also cites C.J. Von Hefele, Conciliengeschichte nach den Quellen bearbeitete , VIII (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1887), 592-615 for the Council and Pucci’s speech. Pilliod observes that Clement's esteem for Antonio is shown by his secretly awarding him the privilege of assuming the cardinal's dress before the official publication of his elevation to that rank and cites I. Cohelli, Notitia Cardinalatus (Rome, 1653), Moroni, LII (1851), 61- 69; W.J. Kubelbeck, “The Sacred Penitentiary and its Relations to the Faculties of Ordinaries and Priest,” (Published dissertation, The Catholic University of America, Somerset, Ohio, 1918); and New Catholic Encyclopedia , XI, (New York 1967), 87 for the office of the major penitentiary.

1112 Pilliod, “‘ In Tempore Poenitentiae,’ ” 681The interlaced borders surrounding the red ground of the so-called ‘Lotto carpets’ are illustrated in Maurice S. Dimand and Jean Mailey, Oriental Rugs in the Metropolitan Museum of Art (New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1973), 184, 220, ill. fig. 158. . John Varriano’s article on Caravaggio’s painting provides a useful review of these carpets as well as the majolica and other decorative arts popular with sixteenth and seventeenth century artists: “Caravagio and the Decorative Arts in the Two Suppers at Emmaus,” The Art Bulletin 68(2) (2014): 218-224.

347 monogram PSTR as the ovoid cast portraits created for Margaret of , Ippolito d’Este, and Giulio de’ Medici. 1113 The numismatic scholar G.F. Hill observes that the

Pucci medal, inscribed with a legend identifying the cardinal with his titutal church and his role as major penitentiary (A PUCCIVS SS QVATVOR MP), should be dated to 1540 or so, a timing that is consistent with the painting and the fabrication by the same artist of the bronze medalions for Ottavio Farnese and Pietro Bembo. Hill’s reading of the initials in the monogram as TP identifies the artist as Tommaso Perugino, the enormously talented engraver at the papal mint in Rome from 1534 to 1541. 1114

The Purchase of Palazzo Pio: Bailing out the Orsini

In 1536, five years after his elevation to the lofty rank of cardinal priest,

Antonio turned his attention to the matter of a suitable city palace in Rome. The political defeat and untimely death of his close friend, Alberto Pio III (1472-1531) and the financial travails of Alberto’s father-in-law, Cardinal Franciotto Orsini (1413-

1534), provided the head of the papal tribunal of mercy with the opportunity to purchase of one of the Orsini insediamento in Rome, their baronial seat in the Campo dei Fiori (fig. 160).

Antonio Pucci had been named one of the five executors of Alberto Pio’s estate a year before the death of the exiled prince. As a trustee of the heir to the duchy of

Carpi, the bishop of Pistoia was in illustrious company: Pio also named Montmorency, the Grand Master of France; Lord Gianmatteo Giberti, the bishop of ; Lord

1113 G.F. Hill, “Notes on Italian Medals,” The Burlington Magazine for Connoisseurs 29 (1916): 251-55.

1114 Hill, “Notes on Italian Medals,” 251. In the late nineteenth century, the medals were incorrectly attributed to the well-known medalist Pastorino.

348 Lorenzo Toscani, the bishop of Lodeve; and the most illustrious Lord Count

Gianfrancesco of Mirandola as executors to whom “I commend by soul, my heirs and the members of my household.” 1115 As it turned out, Alberto Pio III, a Medici intimate whose humanist education was overseen by his famous uncle, Pico della Mirandola, was the last prince of Carpi .1116 His political alliance with Francis I earned him the enmity of the Holy Roman Emperor while his control over the family seat in the

Modena river valley was contested by another uncle, Marco Pio, who sold his portion of the estate to Ercole I d’Este, the powerful Duke of Ferrara, and lost it altogether in the Battle of , an invasion staged in 1525 by , a condottiere in the employ of Charles V. 1117

Over the years, the Pucci family had extensive financial dealings with Alberto’s father-in-law, Cardinal Orsini, another Medici ally. Franciotto Orsini was a first cousin of Pope Leo X through the marriage of Clarice Orsini to Lorenzo de’ Medici. The signore of Monteredondo, Franciotto was educated in the Medici household and had five legitimate children with his wife, Violante Orsini di Mugnano, whose death prompted his decision to join the ecclesiastical state as a protonotario apostolico .1118 In

1115 Nelson H. Minnich, Controversies with Erasmus (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2005), 403.

1116 The entry by Marco Bernuzzi on Alberto Pio III in Contemporaries of Erasmus, vol. 3, 86-88, makes note of the prince’s death on January 7, 1531 (modern dating).

1117 Bernuzzi, Contemporaries of Erasmus , 86.

1118 The introduction to Nelson Minnich’s volume on the theological debate between Erasmus and Pio, a master rhetorician whose views were expressed in his Responsio Paraenetica , contains a thorough biography of the nobleman scholar Alberto Pio, who married Cecilia Orsini in 1518. Cecilia, who was eighteen years younger than her husband, bore him a son, who died, and two surviving daughters. She followed her beleaguered husband to the Duchy of Carpi in 1523 and then stood her ground when the Imperial forces threatened her retreat to the papal fiefdom of Novi. The count attempted to name their daughter heir to the principality but died before securing his family’s succession to the territory. The life

349 February 1518, eight months after his induction into the Sacred College of Cardinals,

Franciotto’s daughter Cecilia (1493-1575) married Prince Alberto Pio, eighteen years her senior. Pope Leo X contributed 9,000 ducats toward her dowry and hosted a grand affair in the Sala di Costantino to celebrate their nuptuals.1119 Very possibly the loan to

Cardinal Orsini recorded in Cardinal Pucci’s account books had to do with financial pressures related to Franciotto’s portion of Cecilia’s regal dowry, which included another 3,000 ducats and several income-producing territories. 1120

Whatever the source of the liability, Antonio Pucci assumed a debt of 800 scudi that Cardinal Orsini still owed at the time of Lorenzo Pucci’s death in September

1531. 1121 Most likely Franciotto’s own demise in January 1534 prompted his daughter’s decision to sell the family insediamento overlooking the Campo dei Fiori because

of Cecilia and her husband Alberto Pio is examined by Elena Svalduz in Da Castello a “Citta” Carpi e Alberto Pio (1472-1530) (Rome: Officina Edizioni, 2001).

1119 Minnich, Controversies with Erasmus, xxxiv. Cecilia married Alberto Pio in February 1518. For the Sala di Costantin see Rolf Quednau, Die Sala di Costantino im Vatikanischen Palast: Zur Dekoration der beiden Medici-Papste Leo x und Clemens VII , Studien zur Kunstgeschichte (Hildescheim and New York: Olms, 1979).

1120 Minnich, Controversies with Erasmus, xxxiv.

1121 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 610, c. 19a: “MDXXXVI Alexandro Deti e compagni a Firenze deon dare […] e deon avere […] e addì XXX detto (aprile) scudi dumilia piccioli per noi al signor Ieronimo Orsino per costo del palazo di Campo di Fiore a nostra vita, scudi 2000

MDXXXVII

Dominus Alexandro Deti e compagni di Roma pagate addì primo di marzo prossimo immediate sequente alla illustrissima signora Cecilia Orsina de' Pii contessa di Carpi scudi cinquecento quaranta dua larghi d'oro in oro di sole e' quali sono per resto di mille scudi simili e di tutto altro che fino a questo presente giorno abbiamo avuto a trattare insieme la detta signora e io di dare e avere pigliando quietanza da' sua signoria quando li farete il pagamento e sse per sua satisffazione volessi che voy mettessi a mano al presente mandato sarete contento farlo e tutto ponete al nostro conto ex penitentieria apostolica die XXX decembris 1538 a natività in Roma, scudi 542 soldi 50. ”

350 Cardinal Antonio’s account books record a payment in April 1536 of scudi duemilia pagati per noi al signor Ieronimo Orsino per costo del palazo di Campo di Fiore a nostra vita .1122 The account books specify the countess of Carpi as the recipient of the payment: Segnora Cecilia Orsina de Pii Contessa di Carpi for the palazzo di Campo di

Fiori.1123 Clearly the financial setbacks that forced the sale of Cecilia’s hereditary territories in Monteredondo to the Barberini also entailed the sale to Antonio Pucci of the medieval architectural complex, a palace built over the ruins of the ancient Theater of Pompey overlooking one of the city’s most important public markets. 1124

The Orsini abitato in the Campo dei Fiori had been given a facelift in the previous century when the Orsini family purchased a neighboring palace built by

Cardinal Francesco Condulmer, a nephew of Pope Eugenius IV (1383-1447), and proceeded to convert the tangle of medieval buildings into the baronial palazzo del’orologio.1125 An important aspect of the renovation was the conversion of the cavea of Pompey’s theater into a courtyard, a large covered area visible in various aerial plans of the city that proved of great use in the factional warfare that characterized Roman

1122 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 610, c. xix, 1536 (April): E addi xxx detto scudi duemilia pagata per noi al Segnore Reverendissimo Orisino per resto del palazo di Campo di fiore ancora vita…….….scudi 2000 .”

1123 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 610, c. 19. The transaction took another two years to settle and by 1538, when Antonio fully paid for his purchase of the palace, the improvements he undertook to the building were complete.

1124 See Kristin Triff, “Patronage and Public Image in Renaissance Rome: Three Orsini Palaces,” (PhD dissertation, Brown University, 2000), 21. Unpublished, AP, Filza 7, no. 21 records that Cardinal Antonio was already living in the Campo dei Fiori by 1532 and there are at least six fornace on the property he owns there.

1125 Triff, “Three Orsini Palaces,” 190 and 193.

351 politics of the period (fig. 161). 1126 Beyond its association with an important ancient monument, the palazzo’s location on the route of the papal possesso heightened the political profile of this fortress-like palace in heart of the city .1127 By the time of its acquisition by Cardinal Antonio Pucci, the neighborhood around Campo dei Fiori was identified with several grand Renaissance palaces, including Palazzo Farnese and the

Cancelleria. The Sienese architect Baldassare Perruzzi was hard at work on Palazzo

Massimo alle Colonne nearby in the year before his death in January of 1536. 1128

Antonio Pucci’s alterations to the sprawling stronghold, often identified by its distinctive medieval clock tower overlooking the piazza, were already underway by the spring of 1536, notwithstanding the notation in the cardinal’s account books for the year 1537 that he still owed Cecilia Orsini 542 scudi.1129 Nostro Baldassare Bardini, the cardinal’s maestro di casa, paid the salaries of the construction workers and

1126 Triff, “Three Orsini Palaces,” 190-91.

1127 Triff, “Three Orsini Palaces,” 22.

1128 See Ann C. Huppert, Becoming an Architect in Renaissance Italy: Art, Science, and the Career of Baldassare Peruzzi (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2015); Christoph Frommel et al, ed. Baldassare Peruzzi 1481-1536 (Rome: Istituto della Enciclopedia Italiana, 1987); and Valeria Cafà, Palazzo Massimo alle Colonne di Baldassare Peruzzi, 139-145 and Storia di una famiglia Romana e del suo palazzo in rione Parione (Vicenza-Venice, Marsilio, 2007), all with bibliography. See also Christoph Luitpold Frommel, The Architecture of the Italian Renaissance (London: Thames and Hudson, 2007), 152-53. Gustina Scaglia (“Antonio del Tanghero in Rome in 1519 with Pietro Rosselli, Michelangelo Buonarroti, and Antonio da Sangallo il Giovane,” 227) suggests that Antonio the Younger’s attribution to Pietro Rosselli of Uffizi 1150A poses the possibility that Pietro Rosselli traveled to Siena with Peruzzi, who served as coadiutore in Rome, sometime in 1518 or 1522.

1129 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 610, On c. 36 the cardinal paid the countess 542.50 of the 1000 scudi he still owed her: “MDXXXVII/ Dominus Alexandro Deti e compagni di Roma pagate addì primo di marzo prossimo immediate sequente alla illustrissima signora Cecilia Orsina de' Pii contessa di Carpi scudi cinquecento quaranta dua larghi d'oro in oro di sole e' quali sono per resto di mille scudi simili e di tutto altro che fino a questo presente giorno abbiamo avuto a trattare insieme la detta signora e io di dare e avere pigliando quietanza da' sua signoria quando li farete il pagamento e sse per sua satisffazione volessi che voy mettessi a mano al presente mandato sarete contento farlo e tutto ponete al nostro conto ex penitentieria apostolica die XXX decembris 1538 a natività in Roma, scudi 542 soldi 50 .” C. 37 dated December 30, 1538 documents the last of his payments to the Countess of Carpi.

352 authorized payments for iron and other building materials. 1130 The structural nature of the commission is clear from expenditures on bricks ( mattoni ) and the involvement of a stonemason, maestro Ambrogio muratore .1131 Benedetto da Cremona falegname , a master woodworker, was also part of the construction crew, as was Domenico

Rosselli.1132 Here identified as the scarpellino, Domenico was given 30 of the 120 scudi he was owed by the cardinal in the fall of 1536.1133 Although the details of the commission are omitted from the payment records, these outlays and the stylistic

1130 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 610, c. xxv. On c. xxvi, the cardinal also made payments for bricks: “Yesus 1536 (November )/E addi’ 14 detto scudi 75 pagati al xil ar cinechono de medini per mattoni annti dalla sua binaci per la muraglia …………scudi 75.” On c. xxiiii the woodworker, Benedetto falegname a Bosanto and the mason, Ambrosio muratore , are paid for their work in October 1536: “Jesus 1536/E addi’ detto scudi 60 pagati al detto scudi 40 per dare a maestro Ambrosio muratore per scudi 20 a maestro Benedetto falegname a Bonsanto che dela voti fano per la chasa ……..scudi 60 .” On c. xviiii, Benedetto is identified as originating in Cremona: “ E addi’ detto scudi otto pagati a maestro Benedetto da Cremona falegname per mexate pasate…scudi 8 .” On c. 24a, maestro Ambrosio is paid another 25 scudi: “ Jesus 1536 (October )/ E addi’ detto scudi 25 pagati al detto per dare a maestro Ambrosio muratore a buon chonto della fabricha………..scudi 25 .”

1131 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 610, c. 24a, “ Jesus 1536 (October 1536)/E addi’ detto scudi 25 pagati al detto per dare a maestro Ambrosio muratore a buon chonto della fabricha………..scudi 25 .” c. xxiiii/“ Jesus 1536 (October 1536)/E addi’ detto scudi 60 pagati al detto scudi 40 per dare a maestro Ambrosio muratore per scudi 20 a maestro Benedetto falegname a Bonsanto che dela voti fano per la chasa ……..scudi 60 .” c. xxiiii: “ Yesus MDXXXVI/E addi’ detto scudi 60 prima(?) al detto (Baldassarre) scudi 40 per dare a maestro Ambrogio muratore e scudi 20 a maestro Benedetto falegname a bon chonto de’ lavori fano per la casa, scudi 60 .”c. xxv: “ Yesus MDXXXVI/E addi’ detto scudi 30 prima al detto (Baldassarre) disse per pagharli a maestro Ambrogio muratore per chonto della fabricha di Campo di Fiore, scudi 30.” C. xxv: “E addi’ detto scudi 25 paghati a messer Baldassarre per pagare a maestro Ambrogio muratore a bon chonto della muragla di Campo di Fiore, scudi 25 .” c. xxvi/“ Jesus 1536 (November)/E addi’ 14 detto scudi 75 pagati al xil ar cinechono de medini per mattoni annti dalla sua binaci per la muraglia …………scudi 75 .”

1132 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 610 are the account books of Antonio Pucci from 1536-1537. C. 19a, (April 1536)/ “ E addi xxx detto scudi duemilia pagati per noi Alessandro (?) serenissimo Orsino per chonto del palazo di Campo di fiore anza vita………………….scudi 2000 .” c. xviiii/ “ E addi’ detto scudi otto pagati a maestro Benedetto da Cremona falegname per mexate pasate………………………….scudi 8.”

1133 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 610, c. xxv “ Jesus/ (Reverendissimo Alessandro deti e con pagata di Roma deano avere Pauli 11/vi xviii t 40 /Daltro conto prima dare libro 24)/E addi’ 6 di novembre scudi 30 pagati per per 25 di nostro maestro di scudi 120 a maaestro Domenico Rosselli per piu lavori de scharpello fati per casa….scudi 30/E addi’ detto scudi 25 pagati a maestro Ambrosio muratore per chonto della fabricha di Campo di Fiore…. scudi 30 .” The payment to Domenico Rosselli on c. xxvii further specifies his salary of 30 scudi per month: “Jesus 1536 (December)/ E addi’ detto scudi trenta pagati a maestro Domenico Rosselli scharpellino per la terza mesa ta ………scudi 30 .”

353 similarities of the Doric loggia with sculpted façades attributable to Pietro Rosselli elsewhere in the same neighborhood position Domenico Rosselli as the most likely candidate for the replacement of the crumbling stone façade with an architectural ensemble consisting of Doric pilasters surmounted by a classicizing architrave sculpted with martial emblems (fig. 162). Although the loggia has been filled in, it was most likely designed as an open space similar to the open loggia in Castel Sant’Angelo from which the cardinal was able to preside over an audience in the piazza below, to say nothing of the multi-story benediction loggia at St. Peter’s. Rowland points out that the

Doric frieze from the lowermost story of the ancient in Rome was a hallmark of papal style. 1134

Little is known about the life of Domenico Rosselli, whose father Pietro di

Giacomo had died five years before Domenico began work on the palazzo in the

Campo dei Fiori, although the Pucci payment records sketch in nearly a decade of his career. Domenico’s first project appears to have been to assist his father in the construction of the sculpted tabernacle for the church of SS Silvestro in Capite in Rome between 1518-1522, a project commissioned by the former gonfaloniere di giustia of

Florence, Pietro Soderini, where Pietro Rosselli and Antonio del Tanghero collaborated with Michelangelo. 1135 Given his role as his father’s assistant, it is probable that

Domenico was involved in construction of Casa di Prospero Mochi (1516), a small palace attributed to his father on Via dei Coronari, which also featured a sculpted

1134 Rowland, The Culture of the High Renaissance , 222.

1135 Scaglia, “Antonio del Tanghero in Rome in 1518 with Pietro Rosselli, Michelangelo Buonarroti, and Antonio da Sangallo Il Giovane,” 219. See also William Wallace, “Michelangelo’s Assistants in the Sistine Chapel,” Readings in Michelangelo , William Wallace ed. (Oxon: Routledge, 1999), 213.

354 classical order.1136 Cardinal Lorenzo’s account books designate Domenico as one of three scarpellini working on Palazzo Pucci in the Campo Santo in November 1524, where he continued to work through the summer months of 1526. He then appears to have been involved in the improvements to Villa Igno near Pistoia in 1532 and is recorded on Cardinal Antonio’s payroll for nearly a year beginning in October 1536 through late 1537 for his work on the palazzo in Campo dei Fiori.1137 The Florentine sculptor appears to have supervised the other scarpellini involved in the renovation of the palazzo facing the city square in much the same way that he took charge of the finishes to the Pucci palace in the Campo Santo during the last year of its construction.1138 A year later Domenico is documented as capomaestro di scarpellini of the Vatican. 1139 In the last five years of his life Domenico was involved in the commission for the Cappella del Re (1556) and the sculpture for the Casino of Pius IV

(1560).1140

1136 The entry on Pietro di Giacomo Rosselli by Shelley E. Zuraw in The Grove Dictionary of Art (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), 1400 attributes several small Roman palaces to Pietro Rosselli, including Casa Mochi .

1137 See ff. 1056 for the idendification of Maestro Domenicho di Piero di Giovanni scarpellino da Firenze as Domenico Rosselli.

1138 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 610: c. xxv: “ Jesus/ (Reverendissimo Alessandro deti e con pagata di Roma deano avere Pauli 11/vi xviii t 40/ Daltro conto prima dare libro 24)/ E addi’ 6 di novembre scudi 30 pagati per per 25 di nostro maestro di scudi 120 a maaestro Domenico Rosselli per piu lavori de scharpello fati per casa….scudi 30 E addi’ detto scudi 25 pagati a maestro Ambrosio muratore per chonto della fabricha di Campo di Fiore……………………………………. scudi 30 . On c. xxvii Domenico Rosselli is paid for the third month of his work: “ Jesus 1536 Decembere/E addi’ detto scudi trenta pagati a maestro Domenico Rosselli scharpellino per la terza mesa ta ………scudi 30 .”

1139 Wallace, “Michelangelo’s Assistants,” 213-14 notes that when Michelangelo was commissioned to fresco the Pauline chapel in 1538, Domenico Rosselli was named capomaestro of the Vatican scarpellini and worked with Aristotile da Sangallo on the .

1140 Scaglia, “Antonio del Tanghero in Rome in 1519 with Pietro Rosselli, Michelangelo Buonarroti, and Antonio da Sangallo il Giovane,” 219.

355

As with Villa Igno, the architect who drew up the master plan for Cardinal

Antonio’s architectural project in the Campo dei Fiori remains an archival mystery.

There are conceptual similarities of the classicizing architrave of the Doric loggia facing the Campo dei Fiori to the courtyard of Palazzo Farnese just around the corner by the papal architect Antonio da Sangallo the Younger. On the other hand, Pietro

Rosselli had a long-standing relationship with Michelangelo, the architect with the final say over other of Rosselli’s designs. 1141 Unfortunately, the extant documentation is of no help in clarifying the full scope of the project or the architetto in charge. As it was executed, the cortile is consistent with the known sculptural repertoire of the Rosselli family, father and son, an ornate structural frame organized around an architectural order. Judging from the ornate tabernacles and facades attributed to the Rosselli workshop, the inspiration for the all’antica designs that were a signature of their practice included friezes and relief sculpture associated with ancient Roman monuments. 1142 Influenced by the work of Giuliano da Sangallo, a close associate of

Pietro Rosselli’s son-in-law, Il Cronaca, this Florentine family of sculptors and minor architects liberally borrowed volutes, putti, garlands, swags, ornate greenery, ribbons, urns, pilasters, and Corinthian columns from sarcophagi, coins, and other antique decorative buildings and accessories.

By the fall of 1537 Cardinal Antonio must have been putting the finishing touches on the interior of his recently acquired palazzo in Campo dei Fiori because he

1141 See ff. 1128 above.

1142 Zuraw, The Grove Dictionary of Art, 1400 makes note of the architectural influence on Rosselli’s work of Giuliano da Sangallo, Baldassare Peruzzzi, and Michelangelo, more famous architects associated with the Vatican fabbrica.

356 paid Maestro Benedetto falegname another 96 scudi .1143 The master woodworker then received a payment of 20 scudi in February 1538 along with the painter, Angelo dipintore .1144 Construction costs approaching 850 scudi support the visual evidence that the project encompassed the classicizing loggia on the side of the building overlooking the square near Palazzo Farnese. The inclusion of a decorative painter and a woodworker further imply improvements to the interiors and it is possible that Cardinal

Pucci added the galleria inside; Barbara Furlotti’s study of the banking records of the next owner, Paolo Giordano Orsini (1541-1585), makes note of his repair of a fireplace in this large reception room, where the duke also refinished the floors and enlarged the windows. 1145 Paolo, the first duke of Bracciano, a great-grandson of Felice della Rovere and a nephew of Cardinal Guido Ascanio Sforza, was a controversial character accused of murdering his young wife, Isabella de’ Medici (1542-1576).1146 His repurchase of the family’s baronial stronghold in 1566 would have been viewed as an important step in his efforts to resuscitate a family reputation tarnished by the forced sale of the family stronghold thirty years earlier. 1147 The inventory made of the palace at the end of his

1143 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 610, c. xxxiii.

1144 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 611, “ Libro di Debitore e Creditore e Ricordi del Eredita del Cardinal Santi Quattro 1537-1545,” c. xx.

1145 Barbara Furlotti, A Renaissance Baron and His Possessions: Paolo Giordano I Orsini, Duke of Bracciano (1541-1585) (Turnhout: Brepols Publishers, 2012), 254-55.

1146 Caroline P. Murphy, Isabella de’ Medici: The Glorious Life and Tragic End of a Renaissance Princess (London: Faber and Faber Ltd., 2008).

1147 The record of the Pucci sale of the building in 1566 is contained in Unpublished, ASF, Carte Strozziane 341, Serie Prima, c. 80. According to this record, Pagolo Giordan Orsino bought back palazzo for 3800 florins: “1566/ Lo illustrissimo signor Pagolo Giordano Orsino per il conto e l'obligo di messer Alexandro Pucci e debitore di capitali e canbi corsi sino a 12 d'ottobre paxato di fiorini tremila secento cinquanta soldi XIII d'oro in oro di moneta di Firenze a lire 7 per fiorino per valuta de' quali si trasse a Lione in fiera proxima di tutti santi in denari 59.4.13.2 d'oro contanti a scudi 57 1/3 per marco a ritorno della qual fiera il debito sarà quel tanto che monterà il ritorno di detta tratta al prezzo che si canbierà per Firenze e di più le spese delle promixe di Firenze e di Lione, fiorini 3650.13.1

357 life helps date some of the interventions to the building made earlier in the sixteenth century. For example, one of the rooms adjoining the galleria (nell’altra camera in volta che seque ) featured walnut wood paneling fitted with the arms of the Medici and the Orsini families. While this heraldic feature could relate to Cardinal Orsini’s lifetime and his allegiance to the Medici popes, it may also describe the Paolo’s occupation of the building with his Medici bride.1148 The architectural style of the loggia, on the other hand, almost certainly pre-dates Paolo’s renovations, since the canonically classical skin over the medieval structure and its elevated open terrace is consistent with examples of earlier Cinquecento papal architecture rather than the more stylized maniera that took hold in the second half of the century. Given the Pucci payment records, the similarities between what is left of the façade and the work of the Rosselli workshop elsewhere in the same neighborhood provide an even more compelling explanation for its somewhat static, highly sculptural appearance. 1149

The Cardinal’s Famiglia

Even as he replaced the medieval façade and commissioned a thorough remodeling of the interior of the Orsini palace in the Campo dei Fiori, Antonio Pucci

e per il canbio della detta fiera, fiorini potrà essere detto canbio circa fiorini 150 di moneta e così il debito sarebbe in tutto fiorini 3800 .”

1148 Furlotti, A Renaissance Baron and His Possessions , 254 provides a transcription of the inventory of the palazzo made on the occasion of Paulo Giordano Orsini’s death in 1585. On page 67 of her study she observes that the palazzo, smaller than the Orsini palace at Monte Giordano (considered the family’s primary residence in Rome), was sold to Prince Carlo Pio da Carpi in 1652 and subsequently obtained its current façade overlooking the Piazza del Biscione.

1149 Furlotti, A Renaissance Baron and His Possessions, xvii, 5 and 70. Triff, “Three Orsini Palaces,” 327 attributes the loggia to Virginio’s patronage while observing its architectural similarity to the renovations undertaken by Antonio da Sangallo the Younger at Palazzo Pasquino earlier in the sixteenth century.

358 paid for the upkeep of Palazzo Pucci in the Campo di Santo. His expenditures in 1537 included repairs on the walls of Palazzo Pucci near St. Peter’s, related household expenses, and a payment of 91.65 scudi for taxes ( il cenzo).1150 His other property holdings also required large outlays of cash. In late 1536, the cardinal sent 100 scudi to

Florence earmarked for the bishop’s palace in Pistoia and several months later, in the spring of 1537, 90 scudi designated for the upkeep of Castello Uliveto in the Val d’Elsa. 1151 Particularly intriguing is a payment in October 1536 of 75 scudi to

Alessandro de’ Medici for bricks for a wall, a timing coincident with Antonio da

Sangallo the Younger’s fortification under construction in Florence.1152 The cardinal allocated the outsized sum of 300 scudi for the cost of a trip to Florence during this same period.1153 On the credit side of his balance sheet, the cardinal received 80 scudi from the Portuguese ambassador to the Holy See, for half of what he was owed for rent on one of the cardinal’s Roman properties. 1154 Antonio’s relationship with the ambassador extended to honoring the legate in Viterbo at a ceremony held in October of 1538 for which he sent Bartolomeo Pucci 70 scudi .1155

1150 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 611, c. 31a: “ E addi’ detto scudi 91 soldi 65 annz ( )’ da ghallera exep pagata el cenzo del palazzo di Campo Santo……….scudi 91 soldi 65 .”

1151 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 611I, c. xxxv.

1152 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 611, c. xxvi. The Pucci were close allies of Alessandro de’ Medici and patrons of Antonio da Sangallo the Younger.

1153 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 611, 6a: “E addi’ detto scudi trecento pagati Pulidoro nostro a messer Lionardo Nasi disse di spendere nel viagio di Firenze…………scudi 300 .”

1154 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 611, c. xxxviiii. On c. iiii there is also a payment related to the annual rent on the palazzo owed by the Ambassador from Milan: “ E addi’ detto scudi quattrociento paga per nostro mandato al serenissimo ambaseiatore di Milano e sono cioe scudi 200 d’oro di m( ) ta per reverendissimo di …per la pgione dun’ anno del palazzo st quattro chiamo dallo …serenissimo d’ambasciatore di Milano laquale pigione fini pere add’ ultimo d’optobre ………….scudi 400 .”

1155 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 611, c. xxviiii.

359 Notwithstanding his piety and strong support for church reforms, the mandatory pomp and ceremony of an ecclesiastical lifestyle was duly reflected in the cardinal’s payment books. Payments of 25 scudi to the master of the stalls and 10 scudi for a single horse were expenditures that imply a fine stable outfitted with richly ornamented harnesses and caparisons. 1156 The size of his courtly retinue further entailed expenditures on food and entertainment that were met by purchasing wine, oil, wood, grain, and bread in bulk. Although a more typical monthly outlay for local wine was 20 scudi , one payment of 135 scudi seems to have been associated with a festival for which the cardinal bought tapestries, taffeta, new hats, clothing, shoes and handkerchiefs. 1157 On the other hand, there were downsides to a life surrounded by the trappings of luxury and a large group of retainers, including medical bills totaling 27 scudi.

Cardinal Antonio’s Last Will and Testament

When Antonio d’Alessandro succeeded his uncle Lorenzo as cardinal in 1531, he also took over the role of family patriarch, transferring 2,116 scudi in capital to his nephew Giovanpoalo di Francesco d’Alessandro d’Antonio and 150 scudi to an in-law, his sister Nera’s husband, Alessandro Corsini. 1158 The cardinal’s last will and testament, dated November 2, 1544, also followed in the footsteps of his grandfather

1156 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 611, c. xxi.

1157 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 611, c. xxvii-xxviiii. More typical of his costs for household provisions were the payments of 31 scudi for oil, 34 for legne, 38 ruglia di grano and 44 for bread authorized late in 1536.

1158 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 611 c. xviii and xvi. These payments were made in the final months of 1538. This relationship may explain how the cardinal’s portrait wound up in the Corsini collection.

360 and namesake, Antonio di Puccio, depositing his estate at the Ospedale di Santa Maria

Nuova near the family homestead in Florence. 1159 A fortune valued at 33,600 s dni.1

(scudi d’oro ) was divided equally between his nephew Giovanpaolo and his younger brother Raffaello. Of these assets, 1,400 scudi related to the value of Palazzo di

Casignano, which his heirs received nella forma che (h)oggi si trova e con la fornac da mattoni e con li podere et boschi al punte si trovano with its podere and the house for the farmworkers. 1160 Cardinal Antonio also passed onto Raffaello and Giovanpaolo his share of the family country property in the comune of Caiano and his stake in the agricultural estate at Granaiolo. To his uncle Roberto, elevated to the purple fourteen months earlier, Antonio Pucci bequeathed his share in Castel Uliveto and its chapel, although by this time Giovanpaolo, the son of his deceased brother Francesco, was the primary owner of the Pucci stronghold in the Val d’Elsa. 1161

In addition to his share in the family portfolio of real estate, the inventory of

Antonio’s clothing and other belongings -- a list made within weeks of his death that was copied into his uncle Roberto’s giornale -- included the cardinal’s red berretta , a painting of The Three Magi valued at 1 scudo, two tondi of the Virgin Mary and several tapestries (appendix 16).1162 The precious liturgical objects in Antonio’s chambers

1159 Unpublished, ASF, MGR, 371, insert 6, unpaginated. The relationship between the Medici and King Manuel I of Portugal is illustrated in the decorative program in the Sala di Papa Leone in the Palazzo Vecchio in Florence in which Leo X is shown signing a concordat with the Portugese in 1516 guaranteeing free election of the clergy. Hanno the elephant was a diplomatic gift to the pope from the Portugese king.

1160 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 371, insert 6.

1161 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 371, insert 6, c. 4. Piero’s sons were Senatore Lorenzo and Puccio.

1162 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 617, c. 61. Cardinal Antonio’s book, maintained by Bindo Altoviti, also recorded the debits left by him at his death that were part of inheritance of Cardinal Roberto Pucci.

361 included a baldachin for the altar with an altar frontal and a pendant (un baldaacchino d’altare con paliotto e pendent ), a case for the cardinal’s (una chassa da mitria con una mitria di domascho ), two scharselle da cardinal usate , a gold cross ( croce di rame dorato ), and a vase of perfume.1163 His wardrobe included several mantelli , one of which was especially valuable, along with seventeen pairs of shoes and as many hats, fifteen shirts, twenty-one handkerchiefs and a cassone in which he stored clothing and valuables. 1164 Some of the many tables and chairs in his apartments were covered in red velvet and the fabrics used as table coverings and wall hangings (taffeta, panno d’arazo , and corami rossi (red leather) were even more highly valued.1165 Silver was the most highly assessed of the cardinal’s possessions: the thirty-three pieces of silver of various sorts, six smaller pieces of silver stamped by the papal mint, and twelve silver drinking cups accounted for half of the value of Antonio’s beni mobile which totaled 1,184 scudi .1166

Because Antonio died without satisfying all of his creditors, Roberto’s account books indicate that his nephew still owed 120 scudi for another piece of silver, this one described as a coppa d’argento d’orato, and still liable for the 10 scudi he had spent on shoes. 1167 The cardinal must have been unwell for the last two years of his life: the unpaid balance of Antonio’s medical bills to the doctors who treated him in Perugia,

1163 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 617, c. 60.

1164 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 617, c. lxi records the silver. An account of the everyday wardrobe of Ippolito d’Este and its cost is to be found in Hollingsworth, The Cardinal’s Hat: Money, Ambition, and Everyday Life in the Court of a Borgia Prince , 180 and 187.

1165 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 617, c. 61.

1166 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 617, c. lxi.

1167 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 617. Cardinal Antonio also left his uncle Roberto a number of valuable items, a part of his estate recorded in an account book maintained by Bindo Altoviti dated to 1546.

362 Bangaregio, and Rome included an obligation to Pierantonio medicho of 258 scudi. 1168

Antonio’s illness may explain why his uncle Roberto was elevated to the rank of cardinal priest in 1542, more than a year before his nephew’s death.

Antonio’s death also entailed arrangements for the transfer of his ecclesiastical titles to his uncle Roberto, the third Pucci cardinal in the family. 1169 While the post of major penitentiary, a spiritual station within the church hierarchy with an increasingly temporal role in the exercise of papal sovereignty, had been passed down from Antonio to Roberto in 1545, Antonio’s titular church in Rome (the medieval basilica of Santi

Quattro Coronati) was passed on at the time of his death.1170 Roberto’s account books document an income from the penitenzieria of 2,600 scudi , 800 from the bishropric of

Pistoia, another 400 from the see of Malfi, and 500 from the Cappello meircha .1171

1168 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 617, c. ii. Antonio’s illness may also explain why his uncle was named a cardinal while he was still alive. c. 1: “ Yesus MDXXXXIIII/La redita della bon me del reverendissimo cardinale Santi Quatro messer Antonio Pucci de dare addi’….(?) addi’ di settembre scudi sedici (?) da (?) pagati in Perugia a messer Mariotto Forucci per canne tre dueluto nero donato a maestro Tiberio medicho di sua so….. scudi 16 soldi 55.”c. ii: “E addi’ detto scudi venticinque per tanti pagati a maestro Pierantonio medicho per sue fatiche quando medicho la bon me de la cardinale……scudi 25/E addi’ detto scudi venti di moneta per tanti nabiamo fatti palare in Fiorenza a messer Alesandro Corsini per reverendissimo di quello spese per mandare uno medicho a Bagnarea alla bone me a scudi 20 .” Giovan Francesco Manueli was another of the cardinal’s doctors (MAP, Vol. 3, Folio 538, entry for July 26, 1544.

1169 See again Cardella, Memorie storiche de' cardinali della Santa Romana Chiesa, 239-40 for a biography of Roberto, about whom relatively little is known.

1170 See also the biographical entry on Roberto Pucci in the biographical dictionary of the Cardinals of the Holy Roman Catholic Church, Florida International University Libraries (webdept.fiu.edu/~mirandas). The transfer of titular churches was contingent upon papal approval.

1171 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 617, c. lxii.

363 Expectations that Cardinal Antonio Pucci maintain a princely lifestyle included the cost of an elaborate burial. 1172 His uncle Roberto’s accounts record an unpaid balance of 13 lire for Cardinal Antonio’s exequies.1173 Cardinal Roberto Pucci, who delivered the eulogy at his nephew’s funeral, also commissioned a tomb for Antonio from the sculptor Raffaello da Montelupo. As in the tomb sculpted by the master sculptor for Cardinal Lorenzo, the first cardinal in the family, it was decorated with bronze letters and surrounded by specially made candles (torcie ).1174

1172 State funerals had become even more elaborate by the early seventeenth century. See Maurizio Fagiolo dell’Arco, Corpus delle Festa a Roma (Rome: De Luca, 1997), vol. 1.

1173 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 617. Cardinal Antonio’s book, maintained by Bindo Altoviti, recorded the debts still unpaid at the time of his death that were incorporated into Cardinal Roberto Pucci’s inheritance.

1174 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 617, Libro Verde , 1545, 25a: “ Redi del Reverendissimo Antonio Pucci Cardinale di Santi Quattro deano dare addi’ 22 di Settembre 1545 ducati dieci di pauli x piccioli pagati al Capitolo di San Pietro per conto della sua exequie/……………………………………………………………………..lire 8 soldi 18/ E addi v d’ottobre scudi cinque di moneta paga Renzo spetiale per la cera dellexiquie del detto Reverendissimo………………………………………………………………………………….. lire 49 E addi xiiii detto scudi venticinque di moneta pagati a Raffaello da Montelupo porto’ contanti x lavori fa per la sepoltura di detto reverendissimo, lire 22.3.6 E addi’ XIIII di novembre scudi nove d’oro di moneta pagati al Lorenzo spetiale per xvii torcie e altro per ‘uficio de’ morti del reverendissimo Cardinale Santi Quattro, lire 8.12 […] E addi XII di dicembre scudi venticinque di moneta pagati a Raffaello da Montelupo sculture a conto della sepoltura che fa, lire 224 E addi 23 detto ducati cento di moneta pagati per hordine del Reverendissimo Roberto Pucci Cardinale santi quattro a messer Marchione dello Scutto (sic), lire 88.14.3 E a di’ 5 di febraro ducati quindici di moneta paghati a mastro Jacopo di Francesco funditore per conto de’ lavori fa per la sepoltura dell’illustrissimi cardinali defunti E addi’ 31 di marzo ducati centoottanta di moneta pagati per hordine del reverendissimo Roberto Pucci cardinale santi 4 a mastro Marchionne camarlingho di santo Pietro per resto di danari li dovevano, lire 159.13.3 E addi’ 6 d’aprile scudi quindici di moneta pagati d’ordine del reverendissimo sopra detto a mastro Iacopo dell’Opra per resto di piu’ lettere di bronzo fatte nelle sepolture de’reverendissimi defunti, lire 13.12.9 E addi’ 16 di dicembre scudi cento di moneta pagati a messer Marchione dello Scutto camarlingo di santo Pietro a conto di scudi secondo se li pagano l’anno, lire 88. 14.4. E addi’ XV di gennaio scudi centotrentadue soldi 18. 4 di camera fannosi buoni al reverendissimo Ruberto Pucci cardinale santi 4 in conto suo, lire 132.18.4.” The biographical account of Antonio Pucci’s life and career in The Cardinals of the Holy Roman Church , the biographical dictionary available online courtesy of Florida University, provides a transcription of his epitaph in Santa Maria sopra Minerva by Ferdinando Ughelli in his addition to Chacón, Vitæ, et res gestæ Pontificvm Romanorum et S. R. E. Cardinalivm, II, col. 1479: “D. O. M. ANTONIO. PVCCIO. EPISCOPO. SABINO. CARD.

364

Cardinal Roberto’s Career: A Medicean Loyalist

In addition to the rich legacy of Cardinal Antonio’s personal possessions, the ecclesiastical offices and benefices awarded to both Cardinal Lorenzo and his nephew held the right to succession assuming that the pope approved the promotion.1175

Cardinal Lorenzo Pucci first passed on the bishopric of Pistoia and the apostolic title of major penitentiary to his nephew Antonio, named a cardinal priest just six days after his uncle’s death on September 16, 1531.1176 Antonio, in turn, resigned the influential see of Pistoia in favor of his uncle Roberto in 1541, who was elected to the College of

Cardinals in a consistory held on June 2, 1542, a ceremony that anticipated his nephew’s death by well over a year (fig. 163).1177 Roberto then took the titulus of SS

Nereo ed Achilleo and the remaining benefices accumulated by the two Pucci cardinals who preceded him when his Cardinal Antonio Pucci died on October 12, 1544. These

SANCTORVM. QVATTVOR. MAIORI. POENITENTIARIO. MORIBVS. EI. RELIGIONE. AC. IN. OMNES. PROBOS. LIBERALITATE. SINGVLARISSIMO. QVI. VIXIT. ANNOS. LX. DIES. IV. ROBERTVS. PVCCIVS.CARDD. SANCTORVM. QVATTVOR. MAIOR. POENIT. FRATRIS. FILIO. IVXTA. CLEMENTEM. PAPAM. VII.A. QVO. PVRPVRAM. ACCEPERAT. SEPVLCHRVM. FACIENDVM. CVRAVIT. MORTEM. OBIIT. ANNO. MDLXIV.” The same biographical account provides Ughelli’s transcription of the plaque placed by his family in his cenotaph in the chapel of Saint Sebastian in Santissima Annunziata in Florence: “ANTONIO. PVCCIO. ALEXANDRI. F. EPISC. SABINO. CARD. SANCTOR. QVATTVOR. M. POENIT. SACRARVM. LITER. PERISS. ABVD. GALLIÆ. HISPANIÆQ. REGES. LEGATIONE. EGREGIE. FVNCTO. A. CLEM. SEPTIMO. PONT. MAX. IN. CARD. COOPTATO. ROBERTVS. PVCC. VT. EIVS. CONSERVARETVR. MEMORIA. HOC. AVI. SVI. EX. FRATRE. NEPOTI. STATVIT. MONMENTVM. ANN. DOMINI. M. DC. VII.”

1175 Hallman, Italian Cardinals, 121.

1176 See the biographical entry on Antonio Pucci by Rosemary Devonshire Jones in Contemporaries of Erasmus, vol. 3, 122-23.

1177 Cardinal Antonio Pucci resigned the bishopric of Pistoia in favor of his uncle on November 8, 1541. Roberto took over the post of papal penitentiary in 1545 and held it until his death.

365 included the diocese of Melfi and Rappola in southern Italy, although letters addressed to the cardinal’s Tuscan estate in Granaiolo from this period suggest that Roberto spent little if any time in the impoverished districts under his religious jurisdiction.1178 This system of succession within the cura, called collation, designed to keep the property within the family sometimes relied on a cardinal who acted as an intermediary until the bishop’s heir reached an appropriate canonical age.1179 The so-called “dead hand of nepotism” as Hallman puts it, played out after Roberto’s death in January 1547, when the apostolic benefices amassed by the three Pucci cardinals were passed on to

Roberto’s son Pandolfo, a layman residing in Florence, assuming the pope approved the transfer.1180

Roberto’s ecclesiastical career, which began when the death of his wife Dianora

Lenzi in 1526 left him a widower with four children and rendered him eligible to join the clergy. 1181 Although Cardinal Roberto Pucci’s activities within the apostolic curia

1178 See The Cardinals of the Holy Roman Church (webdept.fiu.edu/~mirandas). Unpublished, ASF, Carte Strozziane 339, Serie Prima, c. 688.

1179 Hallman, Italian Cardinals, 121.

1180 Hallman, Italian Cardinals , 121.

1181 A letter dated December 1491 now preserved in the Pucci family archives in Florence describes the reaction to Lorenzo de’ Medici’s choice of a daughter of Lorenzo Lenzi as Roberto’s bride: “Giannozzo,/La moglie di Ruberto e figliuola di Lorenzo Lenzi, huomo nella cipta nostra…di buona chasa populare … La madre tu sai chi e: Mona Maria de’Soderini, donna nella citta nostra venerabile et honoranda quanto alcuna altra, si per le bellezze sue, si per nobilta di sangue suo, si per la prudentia che preduce … Quando l’ho udita parlare mi ha facto stupire si per la sanctimonia della vita sua. E’ cugina del magnifico Lorenzo, sorella di Pagholo, Antonio, Piero et messer GiovanVectorio, figliuola di messer Tommaso Soderini….La fanciulla e purissima, allevata tanto puramente quanto si puo dire, senza alcuna superstition or superfluita o vanita alcuna, solo a dire orationi…, lavorare et senza pompa d’alcuna cosa, capelli neri come la nature li ha p… , speso pocho tempo in fare l’unghie belle, la natura gli e facte belle proporzioni…e grande, biancha et belle carni, bello ochio, el viso non e in tutto femminile, ha del maschile un poco, pure e bella e grande./El giuramento si fece el di di San Thomaso in casa del magnifico Lorenzo, su in sala grande…fu fatto che io mi partivo, el magnifico Lorenzo mi disse: “Be pro ti faccia!”; io risposi “…cio che fate voi non ci possono fare se non sempre mai pro!” e lui mi disse: “…a cotesto fine et quando faranno secondo il desiderio mio, sempre vi faranno pro!”…/Da una

366 are not as fully documented as those of his immensely powerful brother Lorenzo or his scholarly nephew Antonio, whose ambassadorial duties placed him front and center of the see-saw politics of the period, Roberto’s career prior to his elevation to the purple describes an equally learned, resourceful, and highly respected politician with a fine legal mind. 1182 An education in canon law was complemented by a command of the rhetorical refinements of humanist Latin that served him well in promoting Pucci interests in Rome. 1183 Roberto’s correspondence also testifies to his willingness to work behind the scenes to ensure the family’s receipt of a healthy share of the ecclesiastical benefices distributed among the curia. A letter penned by one of his relatives in 1530 relates to the distribution of church income as does another dated to July 1538 from the archbishop of Florence regarding clerical vacancies valued at 500 scudi .1184

As was the case for other members of his family, Roberto’s lifelong loyalty to the Medici generated substantial economic and political payoffs. Roberto, who handled the conspiracies of the Alamanni and the Buondelmonti factions against Medici rule, was elected gonfaloniere di giustia in May of 1522 and again in 1532. 1185 Named

letter di Piero (?) Pucci, figlio di Antonio Pucci il vincitore di Pietrasanta, al fratello Giannozzo che si trovava a Roma presso il fratello Lorenzo (poi cardinal) e spedita da Firenze il 24 Dicembre 1491 .” Unpublished, ASF, MGR 387, insert 10 notes that Pope Pius IV had granted Cardinal Roberto Pucci an annuity of “2 ,000 ducati…capitoli di canonici di San Pietro di Romo finite sotto 20 di giungio 1564 .”

1182 It is worth noting that in Contemporaries of Erasmus: A Biographical register of the Renaissance and Reformation there is no entry on Roberto Pucci.

1183 Letters in the Biblioteca Riccardiana in Florence make clear Roberto’s thorough command of Latin.

1184 Unpublished, ASF, Carte Strozziane 339, Serie Prima, folios 685 and 684.

1185 Unpublished, ASF, Manneli Galilei Riccardi 453, c. 1, dated December 12, 1562: “ Ruberto di Antonio di Puccio sedere delle Signori adi prima di Settembre 1518 et adi prima di luglio 1524. ... sedere Gonfaloniere di Justitia adi prima di Maggio 1522 et sotto di 27 di aprile 1532. Fu electo in uno del numero delle 48 et sedere Magistrato Consiglieri adi primo di Maggio 1533 et adi prima di Maggio 1535 et fini metere exercito altri magistrate della citta Ducale .” Passerini, Mss. 8, 156, 202 held in the Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale di Firenze also holds a description of these conspiracies.

367 commissario of Siena by Clement VII in 1526, Roberto was similarly victorious in his opposition to an insurrection staged by the Petrucci. On the other hand, his efforts to suppress the rebellion against the Medici hold over Florence in 1529 resulted in his exile from his native city.1186 Even so, the Medici once again emerged victorious, and in 1532, following the end of the War of the League of Cognac and the installation of

Duke Lorenzo de’ Medici’s illegitimate son Alessandro de’ Medici as the ruler of

Florence, Roberto was named one of the city’s twelve senators. 1187 Duke Alessandro’s assassination in January 1537 and the absence of political influence with the new ruler of the city, Cosimo I de’ Medici, was a turn of events that appears to have prompted

Roberto’s return to Rome.

In addition to his negotiations over the distribution of ecclesiastical sees, Roberto was the go-to man for the family’s real estate interests in Rome. Within months of his brother’s elevation to the purple, Roberto made a payment of 1,000 scudi d’oro on behalf of the reverendissimo of a house on Campo Santo, a property in the Vatican complex rented out to a bishop for 100 scudi .1188 With an eye to the uncertain political climate in Florence, Roberto was behind his brother’s move to build another geographic

1186 Litta, “ Pucci di Firenze ,” vol. 15, table VI.

1187 Litta, Pucci di Firenze , table VI.

1188 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 614, c. 82: “ricordo con’ per (?) ni sino adi 22 di giugno 1514 il cardinale bona (?) di Santi Quattro per le’ mane’ di Bernardo Bini pago il Signore Agostino Cornati per costo per la casa compata da lui preso a Campo Santo con’ apare’ per contratto rogati messer Andrea Caroso Romano ... scudi 1000. La qual casa a pigiono al a Reverendissimo Vescovo di Para per scudi cento cinquanta Ca’no et tutto apare al Cibro di Bernardo Bini .” On c. 83: “ Nota di beni a trovo havere’ conpati la bona me da la cardinale Santi Quattro et ebi n’e’ stato rogato conti apare per i libri di Bernardo Bini et prima adi 22 di giugno 1514 scudi 1000 d’oro pagati al signor Agostino Cornati per costo della casa di Campo Santo rogato messer Andrea Coroso (Romano?) … scudi 1000 .”

368 buffer zone, this time between the family palazzo sited on the edge of the Aurelian walls and the undeveloped lands to the west of the Vatican Borgo. Sizable expenditures were recorded in Roberto’s Libro Segreto di Debitori e Creditori e Ricordi 1538-1545 for properties overlooking the southern entrance to St. Peter’s. 1189 Beginning in 1514,

Roberto proceeded to buy five vineyards in the Fornace, the neighborhood located just on the other side of the Roman walls surrounding the construction site of the greatest basilica in Christendom. His transactions, notarized by Giovanni Gatiis, totaled 1,043 scudi (fig. 164). 1190 In the fall of 1514 Roberto spent 159 scudi for two more vineyards and then paid 1,200 scudi for another house in the same area. 1191 Among the dozens of transactions notarized between 1516 and 1519 were vineyards, cannetti (thickets of cane), casale, and other parcels of undeveloped land, as well as two fornaci (kilns) and another house near Santa Maria in Solia. 1192 It had taken Roberto less than five years to amass a neat block bordered by Casale del Popolo , the House of Pelligrino of Lucca, and Santa Maria del Riposo. The cost of these properties was a hefty 12,200 scudi .1193

1189 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 614, Libro Segreto di Debitori e Creditori e Ricordi 1538-1545. This secret account book appears to include transactions with Benvenuto Olivieri, a banking partner with Filippo Strozzi who took over Bindo Altoviti’s accounts. Benveuto Olivieri also had silverware made that is in the inventory of Lorenzo Pucci’s possessions made at the time of his death. Altoviti maintained Cardinal Lorenzo’s accounts at the end of his life (Unpublished, ASF, Filza 609, Libro di Debitore e Creditore e Ricordi del Eredita del Cardinal Santi Quattro 1531-1537). For an account of Altoviti’s career see Francesco Guidi Bruscoli, Papal Banking in Renaissance Rome: Benvenuto Olivieri and Paul III, 1534-1549 (Farnham: Ashgate, 2007), 46-52. Unpublished, ASF, MGR 373 is a book documenting Cardinal Lorenzo Pucci’s acquisitions of land in Rome during the first decade of his cardinalate.

1190 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 614, c. 83.

1191 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 614, c. 82-83.

1192 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 614, c. 84-85.

1193 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 614, c. 84-85.

369 Whether or not the family resumed its program of land purchases in Rome after

1537 as a hedge against Duke Alessandro de’ Medici’s succession by an unknown member of the family is unclear, but the Genealogica de’ Canoni Posti fuori de Porte

San Pancratio, e Fabrica Detto ‘La Fornace ’ is a carefully executed map of property acquired by Roberto in stages between 1537 and 1540 (fig. 165). 1194 The survey illustrated in the cardinal’s giornale illustrates the Pucci holdings, a block of adjoining properties bordered on the northeast by the Chiesa di S. Michele Archangelo and the adjoining muro di detto Cimiterrio de S. Michele, on the south by the Muro di detto

Cavvieto , and on west by La Cavalleggieri , the street that wound down the Fornace to the Porta Torrione, and from there past Palazzo Pucci to the Vatican.1195 Two pieces of land south of the church were bordered by the vicolo detta Casete, a smaller road leading to St. Peter’s. At the heart of this block of adjoining parcels of land was a large vineyard with a house bordered on the west by a garden surrounded by walls. There were other small houses on the family’s Roman properties, one called Casa Biscia , a kind of non-poisonous snake that may have been prevalent in these undeveloped tracts of land. 1196

In any event, the acquisition by the Pucci family of land overlooking the

Vatican continued. In 1540, Roberto purchased a house on the road “made by the

1194 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 613, c. 35 includes the Genealogica de’Canoni Posti fuori de Porte San Pancratio, e Fabrica detto ‘La Fornace.’

1195 Unpublished, Carte Riccardi 615, Libro Segreto di debitore e Creditore 1485-1545 , c. 35. Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 613, c. 10 indicates the transactions were undertaken in stages between 1537 and 1540.

1196 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 613, c. 10a documents the little house ( casetta ) acquired by Roberto Pucci in 1537. The property outside the Porta Torrione owned by Cardinal Lorenzo was inherited by Roberto Pucci and much of it was still in the family when Ottavia Capponi filed her lawsuit against her husband’s heirs and finally sold in 1642 (c. 32).

370 maestro from an old one.” 1197 The identity of the maestro is unknown, but a year later

Roberto was still making improvements to the house because in July 1541 he was in receipt of a letter concerning the costs of building a large staircase that a relative,

Jacopo Pucci, had been sent to Rome to supervise. 1198 Two years later Cardinal Roberto received another note indicating that while the house in the Fornace was “still standing,” nothing had been done to repair the extensive damages to it and the surrounding property. 1199 In August 1545 Roberto wrote a letter to Pierluigi Farnese recommending the muratore Battistiano Barbo of Cremona to the capitandoli per via di

Penitentia.1200 Roberto’s son Pandolfo was likewise engaged in the acquisition of property outside the Aeuralian walls, some of it further southwest of St. Peter’s.1201 In

February of 1538 Pandolfo purchased a lot posta della porta St. Pancrazio and rented out a vineyard in this same area. 1202 Better known as the Janiculum, this hill high over the city center was the site of a medieval church surrounded by vineyards. Pandolfo

1197 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 613.

1198 Unpublished, ASF, Carte Strozziane 339, Serie Prima, c. 279.

1199 Unpublished, ASF, Carte Strozziane 399, Serie Prima, c. 40: “ Reverendissimo signor mio colendissimo ho veduto quanto vostra signoria reverendissima mi comanda. La casa sua alle Fornaci è anche in piedi et per quanto mi par di vedere alle altre cose che sin qui patiscano per conto della fabbrica et che montariano pur assai di ricompensa poca provisione vi si fa. La signoria vostra reverendissima veda pur lei di là parlarne con chi le parerà bene anchor ch'io credo che la sarà anche a tempo al ritorno suo qui, come di tutto parlai distesamente all'huomo suo et prontamente me li offersi in servitio della signora vostra reverendissima in buona gratia della quale mi raccomando humilmente pregandola a comandarmi sempre. Da Roma alli XXIIII di giugno 1543 al reverendissimo Pucci Humile servitore il cavaliere di Carpi .”

1200 Unpublished, ASF, Carte Strozziane 339, Serie Prima, c. 689.

1201 ASF, Carte Riccardi, Filza 13, includes a “ Geneaologica de’Canoni Posti fuori de Porte San Pancratio, e Fabrica Detto ‘La Fornace .” Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 619 are the payment records of Pandolfo Pucci from 1540 to 1544.

1202 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 619, c. 11-12.

371 must have had a garden on some of these properties because he made a payment to one

Bernardino all’jardina .1203

Considering that a number of these lots had kilns used by the fabbrica of St.

Peter’s, the family’s purchases clearly gave consideration to the economic interests of the Vatican (fig. 166). The notarial description of the Porta Torrione, the gate through the ancient Roman walls near Palazzo Pucci, further describes the thoroughfare that ran through this block of land bordered by Casa Bata as the street “that leads straight out of the city to where the animals drink.” 1204 The access of Via Cavalleggieri to Palazzo

Pucci -- and from there to the weakly fortified southern flank of the Vatican complex -- may also account for the political sensitivity of these land holdings, especially as this was the route followed by the Imperial army unleashed on the Holy See by Charles

Bourbon in May 1527. 1205 The strategic and economic import of this block of land was further augmented by its use as the primary access to the Vatican by pilgrims and travelers to the Eternal City who landed in Italy by way of Ostia.

Roberto’s outlays also involved land that he purchased on behalf of his extended family elsewhere in Italy. In 1517 and again in 1518 Roberto made payments toward a debt of 1,100 scudi for possessioni on behalf of his nephew Raffaello Pucci in

Orvieto. 1206 In 1531, he ceded his share of Casignano, the family villa outside of

Florence, to his nephew Raffaello in exchange for 1,200 ducati d’oro and ceded his

1203 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 619, c. 59.

1204 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 383, insert 3, unpaginated.

1205 Pastor, The History of the Popes , vol. 9, 391.

1206 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 614, c. 86.

372 share in Uliveto, the fortified villa in southern Tuscany that had been in the family for a over a century, to Raffaello’s cousin Giovanpaolo for the same amount. 1207 Here again the family followed a carefully coordinated strategy designed to provide each male heir with a city house and a country villa surrounded by income-producing acreage. A steady campaign designed to situate each estate as the nucleus of a contiguous block of properties was borrowed from the time-honored tradition among Florentine patricians of establishing a compact farm ( appoderamento ) in the country .1208

Cardinal Roberto and the Arts

Although Roberto inherited the house Cardinal Lorenzo purchased in 1521 for

8,000 scudi ducats from Bernardo Bini -- whose son Piero had married Lorenzo’s niece

Oretta di Piero – he was a faithful custodian of Palazzo Pucci in the Campo Santo.1209

He also proved a loyal patron of Antonio da Sangallo the Younger and the artisans associated with his workshop. In the last decade of a long and productive career,

Antonio Sangallo the Younger was called in to repair the damage to Bramante’s , a renovation required by a disastrous collapse of part of the cortile

1207 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 387, insert 3 is dated November 1531. Unpublished, ASF, MGR 387, insert 3 is a clarification of the donatio inter vivos notarized by Cardinal Lorenzo Pucci in 1522 that describes the family patrimony in 1533. A copy of the cardinal’s living will is also preserved in AP, Filza 7.

1208 Lille, Florentine Villas in the Fifteenth Century , 32. A comparison of descriptions of the Pucci patrimony (Unpublished, ASF, MGR 387) suggests that Roberto also developed the podere of Granaiolo near the river in the Val d’Elsa into a palazzo sometime between 1532 and his death in 1547.

1209 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 373, unpaginated: “ Una casa grande posta in Roma quale hera di Bernardo Bini compra per tutto quello che il reverendo cardinale Lorenzo restava creditore di Piero e Giovanni Bini e compagni che erano circa ducati 8000 di camera de' dare per la valuta d'essa casa compera e restata nella sua redità che si valutao scudi 9000 d'oro posto havere le sustanzie d'esso reverendissimo a c. 3, scudi 9000 .”

373 around the sculpture court. 1210 James Ackerman’s study of this project documents the repairs undertaken in 1541-42 and notes that Daniele da Volterra (1509-1566) decorated the stairwell connecting the long passageway to the sculpture court with a fresco cycle framed by the coat of arms of Pope Julius III. 1211 Ackerman’s study overlooks the Pucci stemma in the borders of the delicately conceived ornamental program, with a dating of 1544-45 that positions Roberto Pucci as the most likely patron of the project since his nephew, Cardinal Antonio, had died in 1544 after a long illness (fig. 167). Volterra was an assistant to Perino del Vaga, the painter commissioned by Cardinal Lorenzo Pucci to fresco the family chapel in Trinit à dei

Monti in Rome that was abandoned following the Sack of Rome in 1527.1212

While what is known of Roberto’s patronage of the arts has been confined to the commission for his townhouse in Florence from Antonio da Sangallo the Younger, an episode recounted in Cellini’s autobiography relates to his familiarity with artists in the employ of the Vatican. Cellini’s account of his escape from Castel Sant’Angelo makes clear his close ties to Roberto Pucci, who interceded on Cellini’s behalf with an infuriated Pope Paul III.1213 It is worth noting that Roberto’s inventory includes a bronze crucifix that matches the description of the by Cellini recorded

1210 See Hans Henrik Brummer, The Statue Court in the Vatican Belvedere (Acta Universitatis Stockholmiensis, Studies in History of Art 20 (: Almqvist & Wiksell, 1970).

1211 James S. Ackerman, The Cortile del Belvedere, Studi e documenti per la storia del Palazzo apostolico Vaticano , vol. III, (Rome: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1954). See also James S. Ackerman, The Cortile Del Belvedere (1503-1585), (PhD diss., N.Y.U. Graduate School, 1952), 22 and 73-79.

1212 See ff. 8.

1213 Roberto was not yet a cardinal at the time of the incident and his relationship with Cellini makes clear his familiarity with the players in the papal court.

374 in the catalogue of Pucci possessions three centuries later. 1214 The temperamental goldsmith with numerous enemies -- including Cardinal Salviati, an “ass of a man” who was unfortunately the holder of numerous prestigious posts, including legate of Parma –

Cellini refused to complete the gold monstrance commissioned for a papal procession and was imprisoned in the papal fortress. 1215 He escaped to a secret chamber within the palace of the “Duchess, wife of Duke Ottavio” (Margaret of Austria) who was indebted to Cellini for a clever maneuver by which he had aimed heavy artillery at the rain clouds threatening the magnificent procession organized for her entry into Rome, avoiding enormous damage and discomfort. 1216 Accompanied by Baccio Valori, Pucci

1214 Other members of the Pucci family appear to have been patrons of Cellini. These included Lucrezia di Gismondo di Francesco Pucci, who died in 1572. A great great-granddaughter of Puccio’s who married into the noble Panciatichi family in Pistoia in 1528 (as did her great-grandmother Marietta di Gabriele di Zanobi Panciatichi, who wed one of Francesco di Puccio’s sons in 1478), Lucrezia had her portrait painted by the Medici court artist Agnolo Bronzino. (The literature on the portrait includes Silvia Malaguzzi, Un amore senze fine: Il Ritratto di Lucrezia Panchiatici di Bronzino ,” Art e dossier 17 (2002): 33-37. See also Carlo Falciani and Antonio Natali, editors. Bronzino: Artist and Poet at the Court of the Medici (Florence: Mandragora, 2011). Lucrezia was reputed to be the first love of Cosimo de’ Medici who commissioned the portrait for the tribunal but did not marry the beautiful heiress for reasons of state. The portrait is a pendant to the portrait of her husband Bartolommeo Panciatichi (1507- 1582), a celebrated humanist and specialist in the art of Latin poetry who was among the first members elected to the Florentine Academy. Bartolommeo was recalled from his post as ambassador to France by Duke Cosimo de’ Medici, who tried and convicted him of heretical protestant sympathies, although Bartolommeo returned to public life following a brief imprisonment and was named a senator of the Florentine duchy. (Litta, “Pucci di Firenze ,” vol. 15, table IV). The portrait of Lucrezia is dated to the same period as Bronzino’s iconic portrait of Eleanora of Toledo, the duke’s beautiful Spanish wife, and shares with the portrayal of the stylish young duchess a gold ring, a pendant hung from a pearl necklace and a jeweled belt wrapped around the waist of a richly colored gown. Although no documents attributing the jewels to the goldsmith Benvenuto Cellini are known, scholars point to letters and accounts of Cellini’s constant presence in the ducal guardaroba in the years that the portraits were painted, to say nothing of Cellini’s work cleaning and restoring the antique bronze artifacts excavated in Arezzo, as indicative of his likely production of the exquisitely crafted gold finery for both women. John Pope Hennesy, Cellini (New York: Abbeville Press, 1985), 225 notes that the sitters also share the somber faces associated with a society that condemned hedonism notwithstanding the fact that both women owned exiguous wardrobes, that is to say, clothing and jewelry that was reported to the Duke for violation of the laws against luxury and subsequently sanctioned as appropriate. A bronze by the brilliant if violent and self-aggrandizing sculptor was also included in the inventory of paintings and fine art taken by Marchese Roberto Pucci in 1846.

1215 Cellini: My Life, 101.

1216 Cellini, My Life , 101-02.

375 interceded with an infuriated Pope Paul III on Cellini’s behalf for his failure to complete the papal commission. As Cellini wrote of his experience as a fugitive:

While this was happening, Messer Roberto Pucci, the father of Messer Pandolfo, having heard about this great event, went in person to see it for himself; then he came to the Vatican, where he encountered Cardinal Cornaro, who had described everything that had taken place and how I was in one of his bedchambers and had already been treated. These two worthy men went together and fell to their knees before the Pope, who declared to them, before he allowed them to speak: “I know everything that you wish from me.” Messser Roberto Pucci replied: “Most Blessed Father, we ask you to pardon this poor man who, because of his talents, deserves to receive some consideration, and who, in addition to those talents, has demonstrated such bravery along with such ingenuity that it hardly seems human. We do not know for which sins Your Holiness has held him for so long in prison. Still, even if these sins exceeded all bounds, Your Holiness is holy and wise and your will may be done in everything and through everything, but if they are matters that are in your power to grant we beg you to do us this favour.” The Pope, feeling ashamed at this request, declared that had kept me in prison at the request of some of the members of his household, “for being a bit too arrogant, but recognizing his talents and wishing to retain him in Our service, We have ordered that he be treated so well that he will not have any reason to return to France. I am very grieved over his serious injury; tell him that he should concentrate on getting well, and after he is well we shall compensate him for his suffering.” These two great men came to me and gave me the good news on behalf of the Pope. In the meantime all of the Roman nobility came to visit me, both young and old of every rank. 1217

1217 Cellini, My Life , 192. According to Cellini’s account of how he came to be imprisoned for the commission: “Then the Pope, turning to Messer Bartolomeo Valori, said to him: ‘When you see Benvenuto, tell him on my behalf that he himself caused the post at the Piombo to go to Bastiano the painter, and that he can rest assured that the first of the better positions to fall vacant will be his, and that in the meanwhile he should apply himself to doing well and complete my work.’ The following evening, two hours after nightfall, I ran into Messer Bartolomeo Valori at the corner near the Mint: there were two torch-bearers walking in front of him and he was in a great hurry, having been summoned by the Pope; I bowed to him, and he stopped and called me over, and he told me with the greatest affection all that the Pope had told him to tell me. To his words I replied that I would complete my work with even greater diligence and study than anyone else, but that I would do so without the slightest hope of ever receiving anything from the Pope. Messer Bartolomeo reproached me, saying that one did not reply to the offers of a pope in such a manner. To this I said that even if I placed my hopes in such words, since I knew that I would never receive anything in any case, I would be crazy to respond in any other way, and after I departed I went off to attend to my own affairs. Messer Bartolomeo must have repeated my impertinent remarks to the Pope, perhaps making them a bit more impertinent that those I actually spoke, for the Pope went more than two months before summoning me, and in that period I had no wish to go to the palace for anything. Since the Pope was anxious to see the work, he ordered Messer Ruberto Pucci to check on what I was doing. This very distinguished and honourable man came to see me every day and constantly spoke affectionately to me, as I did to him. As the time for the Pope’s departure for Bologna

376 However exaggerated Cellini’s account of his redemption may be, the tempermental artist never made good on his commission to complete the ostensory.

Duke Cosimo subsequently commissioned Nicolo Santini to complete the liturgical vessel as a present for Pope Pius V in 1569 in gratitude for Cosimo’s elevation to the royal title of Grand Duke of Tuscany. 1218 In addition to Roberto’s close association with the arrogant goldsmith in charge of the papal mint, Cardinal Roberto’s appreciation for Renaissance sculpture is evident in his long-standing patronage of

Raffaello da Montelupo, a patronage previously outlined in this study. 1219

Roberto Pucci’s Inventory: Liturgical Magnificence

The cardinal’s ecclesiastical benefices supported a standard of living that outshone the splendor of the court maintained by his pious nephew, a profligacy that clearly extended to his familia: in 1544, the year of Antonio’s death, Roberto spent

3,960 scudi feeding and maintaining his retinue. 1220 Fragnito’s study of cardinals’ courts observes that the pomp and circumstance of a properly maintained domus also entailed specially commissioned vestments, furnishings, tableware, and silver, luxury

was drawing near, when he finally saw that I would not come to the palace he made me understand, through Messer Ruberto, that I should bring my work to him, because he wanted to see how far along I was. So I brought it, showing that the most important parts of the chalice had been completed, and I begged him to give me five hundred scudi, partly as an advance payment and partly because I lacked enough gold to finish the work. The Pope said to me: ‘Keep working, keep working to finish it.’ I replied, as I departed, that I would finish it if he gave me some money. And so I left.” (Cellini: My Life, 97-98.)

1218 Cellini, My Life, 406 f. 96.

1219 See pp. 223- 26.

1220 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 617, c. lxii.

377 goods amply in evidence in Roberto’s city palace in Rome. 1221 Organized by the papal banker Benvenuto Olivieri, an inventory of the cardinal’s belongings dated to October

20, 1544 is one of the most complete accounts of curial finery recorded in the

Renaissance (appendix 19). 1222 The list of liturgical robes, sacred vessels, devotional works of art, tapestries, embroidered hangings, tableware, and decorative accessories describes a level of conspicuous consumption that flew in the face of the Reformation, surpassing the extravagance of his brother Lorenzo’s household, whose palace was badly ransacked four years before his death, and his nephew Antonio, a devout and scholarly member of the curia who favored curbing the wordliness of the Roman clergy. Olivieri was in charge of a second inventory made in August of 1545 of Villa

Igno, the bishop’s palace in the hills outside Pistoia, which describes a rural retreat as elaborately furnished as the cardinal’s palace in Rome. 1223

1221 Fragnito, “Cardinals’ Courts,” 30. For the papal vestments and liturgical finery of Leo X see again the exhibit catalogue of edited by Nicoletta Baldini and Monica Bietti, Nello splendore mediceo: Papa Leone X e Firenze . For the notion of magnificence as a noble virtue see also A.D. Fraser-Jenkins, “Cosimo de’ Medici’s Patronage and the Theory of Magnificence,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtald Institutes 33 (1970): 162-70.

1222 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 383, insert 8. The inventory of Cardinal Roberto’s worldy goods is taken from this document. This is the first Pucci inventory that lists either a credenza or a guardarobba . It is not clear from these documents which city palace in Rome served as Cardinal Roberto’s primary residence. The inventory names Cardinal Roberto’s son Pandolfo as his heir. Unpublished, AP, Filza 4, no. 13. In 1533 Roberto named Pandolfo as his sole heir, a document notarized in the apostolic palace by Bernardo di Virmigli.

1223 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 383, insert 8 includes an inventory of the cardinal’s robes at Villa Igno made in 1546: “Inventario delle robe e arnesi si trova questo di xxx di marzo 1546 al viscovio di pistoia fatto alla pressenzia bastiano Corsini a ….del reverendissimo Cardinal Roberto Pucci de sua commissione

Di sopra

11 lettere D’albero con uno saccone/una senza ferro in camera apresso al verone

378 Not surprisingly, the display of the Aristotelian notion of magnificentia and its associations with an environment suitable to greatness and high-mindedness was most fully in evidence during the practice of the cardinal’s liturgical duties in Rome.1224 The former senator and able politician presided over his ecclesiastical domain in state: the chairs in his Roman palace were upholstered in red velvet and ( due sedie di velluto con l’arme del cardinale ) and further ennobled with a red velvet baldachin ( baldacchino di velluto rosso di altare con el palio ) with its own special case. 1225 There were three other red velvet chairs, one of which was decorated with inlaid wood, and another eight chairs covered in red leather ( di corame rosso con le frangie rosse et verde ). A palio de domasco rosso della capelletta del cardinale was reserved for use in the cardinal’s private chapel, a small chamber decorated with leather and silver wall hangings and a cosine of red velvet. Among the other liturgical accessories in the chapel was a cross di rame smaltata , a copper basin for washing the feet ( una concolina di rame per lavar i piedi ), silver and crystal ampules, and a special container for perfumed oil. A a gold cloth with pearls ( amafista panno doro con perle ) was available for use in the

una croce d’ambra nero guasta/ una finestra invetriatta/ tre candellieri di rame apuntati/ tre archibugi da muraglia grossi/ viiii archibugi da muraglia picole/una cassa dentrovi 8 …. D’armare/una cassa vecia piena di letere/uno sgabello dipinto/una casetta da… in camera de palafrenieri iii letiere d’albero con loro sachonni/uno scringno/uno descho con suo piedi/ in nel dal destro una letiera d’albero con sachone/ii materasse di lana/uno coltrone bianche/una sarbia rossa/uno promaccio/uno cuscino con federa/uno paio de lenzuolla/uno panchetto dinanzi al letto.”

1224 See John Cook Wilson, “Μεγαλοπρεπεια and μεγαλοψυχια,” Arist. Classical Review 4 (1902) and more recently Sarah Macleron, “ Lusso, spreco, magnificenza ,” Rivista di studi culturali e di estetica 2 (2002): 43-62. For the associations of the Medici with the classical notion of a lifestyle suitable to noble activity and high-mindedness see again the essays edited by Baldini and Bietti, Nello splendore mediceo: Papa Leone X e Firenze.

1225 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 383, insert 8.

379 performance of Eucharistic rites, as was a a square hand towel to dry the chalice during mass (sugattore suggamano ) decorated with Cardinal Roberto’s stemma , the Pucci

Moor’s head with six Fleur de lys on the left hand side. Other valuable liturgical articles were stored in the guardarobba; these included a silver washbowl used during the mass ( un baccile d’argento della cappella ), the cardinal’s ring of office and his seal

(sigillo d’oro del Cardinale ). Also listed among the cardinal’s devotional articles were several ceremonial , one with pearls and another with a pendant made of white damask.

The cardinal’s liturgical wardrobe was as richly fabricated as the ornamental mazza he carried during ceremonial processions of the clergy. The inventory documents six expensive mantles ( mantellette), another of crimon, one valued at 5 scudi and two others worth three times as much. The surplice with pearl buttons would have been worn under a brocade apron (gramabuli di brocata ). Among his honorary garments were the stole ( stolata ) of the major penitentiary and a second liturgical cape, this one of gold brocade. Other undergarments worn with his vestments (piviale) were his gold tunics (tunicelle de brocato d’oro ). The long ecclesiastical scarf ( pianita di brocato d’oro ) draped over these robes was also trimmed in gold brocade, as were the specially made shirts worn underneath. Two shirts ( chamica ) alone were valued at 10 scudi . Fur was another luxury fabric much in evidence in this account of sartorial finery. A pontifical cape trimmed with pelts (pelle da cappe pontificali ), possibly ermine, and a fox overcoat much like the garment he is wearing in his portrait by Cristofano di Papi dell’Altissimo were accessorized with five fur hats ( capelli pellosi ) and a pair of hand warmers ( manipuli ) (fig. 163). Another luxurious accessory in the cardinal’s closet was

380 the fan or cover of peacock feathers ( rostra di piuma di pavoni ). On a more practical note, Roberto’s wardrobe was furnished with plenty of handkerchiefs ( salviette ), seven pairs of gloves, a pair of sandals ( zendoli ), and various versions of a cappuccino , the worn by members of the apostolic curia.

Along with credenza that serviced the altar, there were cases to hold the cardinal’s red beretta ( berette rosse da cardinal ), the tasseled strings of cardinal’s hat

(cordoni di capella pontificali ), robes, and even his chamber pot. One casetta -- a large, long box containing smaller boxes of medicine and oils -- was a gift from the Medici.

Other containers were specially designed for use during the liturgy, especially the concolina designed to hold oils employed during mass, the carattello (a cake made of wine), and a fiasco (an old fashioned wine container). Still others served for storing smaller decorative items such as the carved balls incised with the cardinal’s coat of arms that fitted on the arms of his chair. A particular extravagance was the gold- embroidered red cover designed for the cardinal’s gold bedpan. Even the cardinal’s suitcases were covered in red silk.

The devotional artwork catalogued in the cardinal’s Inventario delle robbe was surprisingly sparse. The painting of The Three Magi and two tondi of the Virgin Mary painted against a gold background ( meso d’oro ) are works previously documented in the chambers occupied by his nephew, Cardinal Antonio Pucci.1226 The décor of

Roberto’s palazzo was more dependent on his collection of tapestries, richly embroidered pieces of cloth, and other textiles; rich silks and velvets that both reflected

1226 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 383, insert 8. These were devotional works catalogued in Antonio’s inventory and passed on to his uncle at his death.

381 clothmaking as a mainstay of the Florentine economy and the tapestries that were the favored wall accessory among Roman baronial families.1227 Moreover, as Marina

Belozerskaya points out: “ Tapestries were indispensable to the articulation of a ruler’s authority and might. Their exhorbitant cost, resulting from the vast quantities of expensive materials and their labor-intensive manufacture, made tapestries an elite art par excellence.” 1228 Listed along with the predella rossa worth 30 scudi and a predella pavonaza rossa (the peacock blue favored by members of the curia) were twelve smaller tappeti and four larger ones, along with ten large panni grandi a figure and another thirty-three smaller pieces of embroidered cloth. One of the cardinal’s tapestries featured ten figures woven into the field of weft-faced weaving.

A large amount of fine linen was stored in a credenza along with other tablecloths and serviette in a separate tinello secreto . Indeed, the inventory of the cardinal’s tableware is a tableau of arti minori. One vase was incised with the Pucci stemma and another was shaped like a fountain with diamonds worked into the metal

(bacili due fontane fatte a diamanti). Roberto’s dining arrangements included special marmalade containers (confettinri ), a large serving platter, chandeliers, a gilded saltshaker with its lid (saliera d’orata con el copercio ), a sauce bowl shaped like a boat

(navicela ), and two lightweight salt bowls in the German style. Due coppe d’argento dorate lavorate quale non si pesorno (silver cups that were not weighed) were on display along with twelve other drinking glasses of wrought silver. Some of these were included in a list of pawned (impegnati ) valuables valued at 220 scudi d’oro in a

1227 See also Patricia Waddy, “The Roman Apartment from the Sixteenth to the Seventeenth Century,” in Jean Guillaume, ed. Architecture et vie sociale: L'organisation intérieure des grandes demeures à la fin du Moyen Age et à la Renaissance (Paris: Picard, 1994), 155-66.

1228 Belozerskaya, Luxury Arts of the Renaissance , 99.

382 transaction handled by Raffaello Davanzati. Pawning items in an era when it was sometimes difficult to access cash was not unusual even for the very rich. The cardinal’s inventory also makes note of 7,212 scudi borrowed from the banker

Benvenuto Olivieri ( a che sono nel conto di messer Benvenuto Ulivieri rehaveli fra sei mesi ) that was collateralized with several large silver jugs or beakers ( boccali ) and silver cups. Even the cardinal’s kitchenware was expensive: Pandolfo cleared 11 scudi when he sold some of these objects after his father’s death to a Jewish pawnbroker by the name of Simone. 1229

Nearly a year later after his nephew’s death Cardinal Roberto commissioned an inventory of the bishop’s residence outside Pistoia. 1230 Singled out among the nineteen books in the cardinal’s library was a copy of Cicero, very possibly inherited from

Cardinal Lorenzo, since it was also listed in his brother’s household inventory at the time of his death. 1231 Another item that appears to have been passed on to Roberto from his brother Lorenzo was a small missal for saying mass (un messalino ). The description of the precious book with its red damask cover recalls the delicately illustrated missal created for Cardinal Lorenzo by the Lombard artist Matteo da Milano, the illuminator who decorated Cardinal Giulio de’ Medici’s Berlin missal. 1232 The full case of books in the guardaroba included two specially worked book covers in red silk worth 4 scudi at

1229 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 620, c. 13: “ Yesus 1547/Giovanni farmichio de dare sotto di 9 di febraro scudi trentuno lire xxx di moneta sono per diverse masseritie la cucina vendute a Simone Ebreo delle’ spogle della bon me del reverendissimo cardinale messer Ruberto spogle avere in questo…………..c. 11 scudi 31.30 .”

1230 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 383, insert 6.

1231 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 383, insert 6. The description of the contents of Villa Igno is taken from this document.

1232 See ff. 549.

383 a time when a senior member of the cardinal’s household earned half a scudo a month.

A parame in red leather was another valuable object catalogued in the bishop’s residence overlooking the hills surrounding Pistoia.

As in the cardinal’s palace in Rome, the carefully copied inventory of Villa Igno identifies the Pucci collection of tapestries and textiles as its most valuable furnishings. 1233 Nine tapestries were valued at 13 scudi , two embroidered panels were estimated at 7 scudi , one large tapestry was valued at 18 scudi, and another at 20. There were six other pieces of material valued at 50 scudi . The beds were as richly covered as the walls. Eleven damask covers valued at 20 scudi and an embroidered drapery

(padiglioni d’orato ) along with several other particularly valuable covers ( coperti ) were stored in the guardaroba . The three-legged table covered in leather and a painted chair

(scabello) worth 55 scudi were documented in the same storage room. The cardinal’s furnishings also included leather cushions ( cuscini di corami ) and a crimson drapery

(corpinagi pevonaza ). This rich display of luxurious materials – embroidered, woven, stamped into leather, hanging from walls, and covering furniture – all served to enhance the prestige of the cardinal’s court and dignify the office of the major penitentiary.

1233 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 383, insert 6.

384

Figure 9. Raffaello da Montelupo, Drawing of a Tomb. Uffizi 1613E. Gabinetto di Stampe e Disegni, Uffizi, Florence. Chapter VIII. Epilogue and Conclusion: Reframing Ambition, Wealth, and Dishonor (1547-1612)

The death in January 1547 of the third Pucci cardinal followed on the heels of the unexpected demise on Christmas Eve of that same year of Raffaello Pucci’s 24- year-old son Lorenzo (1523-1547), who had become bishop of Vannes in his uncles’ stead.1234 The premature death of the up and coming young prelate better known for the sizable sums he wagered during gambling parties at Poggio a Caiano with Eleonora da

Toledo potentially spelled financial disaster for the family. 1235 Letters and documents

1234 Litta, “ Pucci di Firenze ,” vol. 15, table VI. For the life and times of Eleanora of Toledo see Konrad Eisenbickler, ed. The Cultural World of Eleonora di Toledo: Duchess of Florence and Siena (London: Routledge, 2016).

1235 ASF, MAP, volume 1170a, insert I, folio 85, August 1545 documents Bishop Lorenzo Pucci’s presence at a gambling party at Poggio a Caiano hosted by Eleonora da Toledo: “La presente staffetta si spedisce in quest'hora perchè la S. V. [Riccio] se non stasera almeno domattina di buon hora faccia o

385 from this period attest to efforts to ensure that Pope Paul III, who happened to be a

Pucci in-law, approved the transfer of the ecclesiastical benefices assigned to the three

Pucci cardinals to their male heirs in Florence. 1236

Enriched with church income and pensions, a Roman palazzo, and numerous smaller homes in the vineyards surrounding the Vatican Borgo, the Pucci estate was of economic concern to Duke Cosimo de’ Medici. 1237 In 1544, the duke instructed his commissario in Pistoia to support the transfer of the ecclesiastical benefices associated with this wealthy see to Roberto’s son Pandolfo.1238 Barbara Hallman’s study of the fiscal abuses of the Roman curia and the reforms half-heartedly instituted during the pontificate of Paul III between 1534 and 1549 quotes another letter from the Medici duke expressing relief that the cardinals’ income-producing pensions, sees, and holy

faccia fare un'invito per parte di mia S.ra la Duchessa [Eleonora di Toledo] a Piero Salviati, Lorenzo Pucci, et l'Abate della Stufa di venire ciascuno di essi a stare a piacere per quattro giorni qua al Poggio [a Caiano] et per giocare dì et notte a primiera non più che a un scudo la cavata, mescolandoci la pariglia a chi piacerà di fare, et con intimatione che si debbino trovare qui domattina a l'hora di desinare, afinché dopoi si possa dare principio a l'opera [...]” Folio 87, August 1545:” [...] Vennero quei gentilhuomini [Lorenzo Pucci, Piero Salviati, Abate della Stufa] domandati da mia S.ra la Duchessa [Eleonora de Toledo] per la primiera, et hieri furno alle mani, et fra questo et il giocare della palla, si passa il tempo allegramente, et i caldi hormai ci danno poco fastidio [...].

1236 Hallman, Italian Cardinals, 123 observes that all of the benefices vacated following the death of the young bishop were transferred to the head of the family in Florence, with the sole exception of the proceeds from the Bishopric of Vannes. Her sources for the letters from Duke Cosimo de’ Medici expressing concern over the successful transfer of the ecclesiastical income to the Pucci family in Florence are ASF, Carte Strozziana 338, Prime Serie, c. 40a, 41a and 42a. C. 40, dated January 1547, is a letter in which the duke assures Pandolfo that whatever the Bishop of Vannes had will stay in the family. C. 23, dated January 1547, is another letter from the duke expressing his condolences over the death of Pandolfo’s father.

1237 Hallman, Italian Cardinals, 123.

1238 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 382, insert 14 includes the papal bull issued on June 15, 1547 naming Pandolfo as the legitimate heir of Cardinal Roberto Pucci.

386 benefices were reassigned to Pandolfo, a member of a family who the duke suspected of disloyalty to his regime.1239

On the face of it, Pandolfo was deeply appreciative of Cosimo’s efforts to secure his ecclesiastical inheritance and continued to send the duke thoughtful gifts: an inlaid table, valuable glasses, ripe fruit, and other fresh delicacies. 1240 For his part,

Cosimo de’ Medici, a brilliant tactician who rather wisely moved to distance himself from a predecessor universally resented for his arrogant and abusive rule of a city still smarting from the loss of its republican traditions, had his eye on the prize: the vast

Pucci fortune. Cosimo, well aware of Pandolfo’s allegience with the ribelli , was well informed of Pandolfo’s “bad boy” reputation, which he played to his full financial advantage. There is a record in Cardinal Roberto’s secret account book of a payment toward a 1,000 scudi fine paid on Pandolfo’s behalf in 1542. 1241 A year later, Duke

1239 Hallman, Italian Cardinals, 123.

1240 ASF, MAP, Volume 617, folio 611, March 10, 1545 documents Pandolfo’s gifts to the duke: Pandolfo Pucci con la sua de' 28 di febraio scrive mandare all'Ex.a V. [Cosimo I] alcuni bicchieri de' migliori che si sieno trovati .”

1241 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 617, c. 9; “ Yesus MDXXXXV/Cosimo de’Medici D. di Firenze de dare addi’ …di febrario scudi secento di moneta che tanti nerimetmmo a Michele Ruberto suo casiere generale da Gino Capponi per Lettera di messer Benvenuto Ulivieri …..Cosimo de’Medici D. di Firenze de’avere scudi mille da moneta che tanti inpagorinno per suo ordine Bastiano da Montaguto e insino di giugno 1542 a quali ne facemmo ricenta sotto scritta di (?) mano……………scudi 1000 .” Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 617, Libro Segreto di Debitori e Creditori e Ricordi 1538-1545 , c. viiii . A year later, on October 16 1543, Duke Cosimo dictated a letter from Poggio a Caiano to Cardinal Roberto informing him that his " scredente " son had been arrested on charges of sodomy: “[...] In un medemo tempo ogni mia allegrezza si sia mutata in male contentezza per essermi referto dal scredente suo figlio suto commesso l'error della soddomia, con un certo fanciulletto qual dal officio de' Conservadori era stato per altro conto retenuto, dove che examinato insieme con certi altri è stato nominato Pandolfo [Pucci], con tanto mio dispiacere che non lo potrei dire a V.S.R. che se pur non si fusse voluto far beffe delli ricordi datili sì sopra tal vitio come de' monasterii né io… harei questo dispiacere né l'harebbe dato a V.S.R. né lui si troverebbe in carcere sforzato io dalla osservantia delle leggi et dal honor di Dio el qual faccendomi ogni giorno tante gratie non vorrei irritare, havendo da poi che fu fatta questa santa legge mandato per il medemo conto della soddomi meglio che XII poveri huomini in galera non posso né debbo irritare Dio con non gastigar ancora li nobili et richi sammi male insino al anima, che sia tocco a V.S. R. et a me questa mala sorte per trovarci sì nel medemo errore ancora Giovanni Bandini servitor mio che è stato ne' luoghi che V.S.R. sa pure [...].”(ASF, MAP, folio 355, volume 5). Additional

387 Cosimo had Pandolfo, a boon companion of Duke Alessandro de’ Medici who seems to have joined the duke in some of his more incriminating adventures, arrested on charges of sodomy and briefly incarcerated with Giovanni Bandini of Volterra.1242 Fortunately,

Cardinal Roberto obtained a papal pardon for his son and arranged for his release from the duke’s prisons. Indeed, for a fourteen-month period until the death in 1544 of

Pandolfo’s cousin, Antonio, there were two Pucci cardinals in the curia, more than enough apostolic influence to keep Pandolfo out of the duke’s clutches. However,

Roberto’s death in 1547 left his son at the mercy of the politically ambitious and economically impecunious young duke and Pandolfo was again incarcerated, this time for an attempt on the duke’s life. Put to the strappado , he confessed to aiming an arquebus from a window of Palazzo Pucci during a procession from the Duomo to

Santissima Annunziata. Following his execution in January 1559 (Florentine dating), the window from which he planned to aim his weapon was ordered boarded up as a symbol of a house dishonored by infamy. 1243

information on Pandolfo’s arrest for sodomy is contained in MAP, folios 376r-379v. See also Litta, “Pucci di Firenze ,” vol. 15, table VI for an account of Pandolfo’s brother Antonio, a violent and dissolute young man exiled for breaking into a house in Castelfiorentino. Antonio died shortly after breaking his three-year sentence and entering Rome without permission.

1242 The friendship between Alessandro de’ Medici and Pandolfo Pucci is attested to in several entries preserved in the archives of the Mediceo del Principato (MAP). Folio 630, folio 2, dated to January 1532 (Florentine dating) records the gift of a horse bridle: “[...] Per commissione di Sua Ecc.tia [Alessandro de' Medici] dato al mastro di stalla uno fornimento alla giannetta di ramo [proposed reading: rame] ismaltato con dui para di staffe ala gianeta che per ordine di Sua Ecc.tia ne de uno paro a m. Pandolfo Pucci [...].” Alessandro’s abusive rule is chronicled in Fletcher, The Black Prince of Florence : The Spectacular Life and Treacherous World of Alessandro de’ Medici.

1243 Unpublished, ASF, Manoscritti 754 also contains a narrative of Pandolfo’s congiura, with the claim that the plot was conceived of as early as 1548. A copy of Grand Duke Francesco de’ Medici’s indictment of Pandolfo’s son dated October 1575 is preserved as Unpublished, ASF, Carte Strozziane 356, Serie Prima, c. 72.

388 Until this episode in Florentine history, it was virtually inconceivable that a member of a family whose wealth and influence was so clearly grounded in their support of the Medici cause would turn against their allies. The ferocious opposition by the aristocratic fuorusciti to the ascension of young Cosimo to the head of a duchy under the aegis of the Holy Roman Emperor changed all that. 1244 An archival investigation into this infamous conspiracy against the Medici reveals that Pandolfo shared with numerous other powerful Florentines oligarchs a simmering resentment over the assassination in 1537 of Duke Alessandro de’ Medici and his replacement with an untested seventeen-year old under the thumb of the Holy Roman Emperor. 1245

Lorenzo Ridolfi and Baccio Valori, both patrons of the plan to build residential quarters within the Pucci compound, were beni uomini implicated in the effort by Filippo

Strozzi, another close friend and business associate, to defeat Cosimo’s bid for power. 1246 It was a conflict played out at the Battle of Montemurlo in August of 1537

1244 The choice of Cosimo as duke of Tuscany was a title with its own political conflicts given that the Medici were reinstated as rulers of Florence at the insistence of Charles V, the Holy Roman Emperor who visciously attacked Rome in 1527. Florentine opposition to the Holy Roman emperor reached back to the death of Lorenzo de’ Medici in 1492 and the expulsion of his inept son, Piero. The Florentines took advantage of the Holy Roman Emperor’s preoccupation with the invasion of Rome to create a republic. Florence’s Council of Ten was initially supported in this political endeavor by Charles V’s great enemy, the French King Francis I, but following French defeats in Naples in 1528 and Landriano in 1529, the Florentines found themselves once again at the mercy of the Holy Roman Emperor. In the see- saw politics of the period, Charles V had by then thrown his lot back in with the Medici Pope, Clement VII, who insisted on the installation of Alessandro de’ Medici as the new ruler of Florence. However, Duke Alessandro was murdered by his own kinsman and when his widow, a daughter of Charles V, remarried a nephew of the Farnese Pope, Paul III (1468-1549), Pope Clement’s Roman villa, Villa Madama, and all of its furnishings were taken over by the Farnese. Cosimo de’ Medici was fiercely protective of what remained of his heritage since the Farnese then claimed ownership of a good part of his Roman inheritance.

1245 Francesco Guiccidardini, The History of Italy also provides an account of the shifting alliances between Alessandro de’ Medici and his cousin Ippolito. Pandolfo, convinced that their other cousin, Lorenzino de’ Medici, was a traitor, remained ardent in his desire for revenge of Alessandro’s murder, allying himself with the Farnese of Parma (several letters survive from this correspondence in the Archivio di Stato, Florence) and the King of France, avowed enemies of the new Medici duke.

1246 There is abundant archival evidence of Pandolfo’s alliance with the duke’s well-heeled enemies. Baccio Valori is described in Cellini’s autobiography as a close friend of Pandolfo’s father and Valori’s

389 when they lost their lives in an effort to remove Cosimo as capo of the Florentine government and create a true republic.1247 Filippo Strozzi the Younger, the well-heeled leader of the ribelli, was captured and reputedly committed suicide. 1248

A letter written to Duke Cosimo in August 1537 housed in the fondo Mediceo del Principato of the Archivio di Stato, Florence, details the punishments meted out to other of the duke’s opponents and lists the enormous fines ( taglia dei prigioni ) extracted from his prisoners before their execution.1249 Among those listed in this document, aristocrats fiercely loyal to the Medici up until the assassination of Duke

Alessandro in 1537, was Baccio Valori, named papal governor of Florence by Clement

VII in honor of his victory over the republicans in 1530. Cosimo fined Valori 4,000 belongings are listed in that same inventory of Cardinal Lorenzo’s palazzo as one of its regular occupants. Filippo Strozzi – who led the forces against Cosimo at the Battle of Montemurlo -- is documented in a letter from Cardinal Lorenzo and on pages on pages of Pucci account records as one of the family’s most important business partners. Another intriguing archival reference to Pandolfo’s sympathies with the rebels is the inscription on Uffizi 766A, an architectural drawing by the papal architect Antonio da Sangallo the Younger. As previously noted, the verso of this drawing lists Roberto Pucci, Baccio Valori, and Lorenzo Ridolfi as patrons for new houses in Florence to be built on the block of properties owned by the Pucci.

1247 See Paolo Simoncelli, Fuoriuscitismo repubblicano fiorentino, 1530-54 (Milan: F. Angeli, 2006) and “Florentine Fuorusciti at the time of Bindo Altoviti” in Raphael, Cellini & A Renaissance Banker: The Patronage of Bindo Altoviti , ed. Alan Chong, Donatella Pegazzano, Dimitrios Zikos (Boston: Isabella Stewart Gardner Museum, 2003), 285-317. The literature on the fuorusciti also includes Giorgio Spini, Cosimo I e l’indipendenza del principato Mediceo (Florence: Vallecchi, 1980) and Melissa Meriam Bullard, Filippo Strozzi and the Medici: Favor & Finance in Sixteenth-Century Florence and Rome , 2nd ed. (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2008).

1248 J.N. Stephens, The Fall of the Florentine Republic , 1512-1530 (Oxford: Clarendon, 1983) outlines the politics leading up to the Battle of Montemurlo.

1249 Unpublished, ASF, MAP, Volume 657, Folio 38-39. Another letter dictated by the duke on April 23, 1542 addresses the duke’s continuing deliberations over the punishments proportional to the crimes committed by other of his opponents at the battle. Cosimo admits that he has dissembled in his accusations against some of his enemies and considers what he should do with the items he has confiscated from his prisoners and when and if to return their confiscated property. This missive also singles out Filippo Strozzi for the duke’s scorn along with one Captain Fazio da Pisa, who is described as “a deprecation of God and a liar” who still hasn’t confessed. It is worth noting that Bartolomeo Panciatichi is described as a villain in this same letter. Bartolommeo Panciatichi the Younger was subsequently accused of heresy and exiled. His portrait by Bronzino is a pendant to the painting of his wife Lucrezia Pucci, a grandaughter of Francesco Pucci (1420-1483) who the senator wed in 1528.

390 scudi before beheading him and exacted another 2,000 scudi from Filippo Valori. Piero

Francesco de Albizi was fined 1,000 scudi and Bernardo Caniglioni was required to pay the duke 300 scudi d’oro. Another letter dictated by the duke on April 23, 1542 addresses his continuing deliberations over the punishments proportional to the crimes committed by other of his enemies. 1250

According to the duke’s account of the conspiracy, Cardinal Roberto’s son began his move to unseat the duke in 1548, a period in which Pandolfo’s letters express mounting anxiety over the financial pressures of his land-rich but cash-poor patrimony. 1251 “I have the devil on my back and the accountants are hounding me for this house which was sold for a piece of bread,” he complained about the upkeep of

Palazzo Pucci in the Vatican Borgo.1252 Pandolfo also wrote to the queen of France,

Catherine de’ Medici. It is true that the debt he asked her assistance in collecting involved an ecclesiastical see based in France, but the queen regent was known to be

1250 A letter dated August 1537 preserved in the ASF, MAP 657, no. 27 details the punishments Duke Cosimo meted out to his political opponents.

1251 Dimitrios Zikos, “Benvenuto Cellini’s Bindo Altoviti and Its Predecessors,” in Raphael, Cellini, & A Renaissance Banker: The Patronage of Bindo Altoviti , 136-37 also makes note of the Pucci conspiracies and cites Cardinal Ridolfi’s opposition to Duke Cosimo. See again Paolo Simoncelli’s essay in this same volume: “Florentine Fuorusciti at the Time of Bindo Altoviti,” 285-317. ASF, Fondo Manoscritti 187 includes an account of the congiura de Pandolfo Pucci . In addition to Pandolfo’s house in Florence and the family’s agricultural estate in Granaiolo, Duke Cosimo took possession of the dowries of both of Pandolfo’s wives. The first of these was the daughter of the famed historian Francesco Guicciardini, just another nail in Pandolfo’s coffin given her father’s well-known allegiance to the republicans. No doubt the duke also made an effort to confiscate the Pucci properties in Rome although – as in the case of his banker Bindo Altoviti whose artworks and properties were confiscated by Duke Cosimo during this same period – it appears that Cosimo’s nemesis Pope Paul III thwarted the duke’s efforts to lay claim to the ecclesiastical portion of Pandolfo’s inheritance. As in his attempt to confiscate the Ridolfi collection of books and manuscripts, Duke Cosimo was also interested in the valuable Pucci library, which is inventoried in October 1575 (Unpublished, ASF, Carte Strozziane 341, Serie I, c. 90-93.

1252 Unpublished, ASF, Carte Strozziane 352, Serie Prima, c. 220 is a letter complaining about his bad luck. The letter goes on to complain about his bad luck in turning down a number of offers on the house that is now worth the price of a piece of bread: “ le varo una mal ventura non si assetano o roveneta tutta la cosa nostra e fa cotesta cosa ei costa or di qua no abbiamo pago agli insorossi vorrei qualche .”

391 close to the Florentine fuorusciti, one of the many archival clues as to Pandolfo’s real political sympathies with the ribelli. 1253 In a postscript, Pandolfo added that he had resigned all his official duties in order to obtain the ecclesiastical benefices for the cardinal’s heirs, but even so, if things didn’t go the right way, the house of Pucci would be ruined. 1254

Eventually, Pandolfo di Roberto Pucci shared the plight of his Republican allies. 1255 Taking a page from the well-worn Medici playbook on political betrayals,

Cosimo first confiscated all of Pandolfo’s Florentine properties and then had the scion of the house of Pucci executed in the Bargello. Within days, a ducal secretary made a thorough inventory of the family house in San Michele Visdomini (appendix 20).1256 In addition to Pandolfo’s house and all of its contents, Cosimo took possession of the family’s agricultural estate in Granaiolo along with the dowries of both of Pandolfo’s wives.1257 The first of these was the daughter of the famed historian Francesco

1253 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 386 includes a letter that places Pandolfo’s son Alessandro in Venice in 1563, a diaspora for disaffected Florentines. Another letter in this same folio from one Bernardino Grazini speaks of the events of 1548 and the confiscation of the the beni fattasi per il caso di Pandolfo and the gratefulness that in 1563 the Grand duke returned the properties to the Pucci family. See Simoncelli, “Florentine Fuorusciti ,” 305 for the support of the fuorusciti by Queen Catherine de’ Medici, Cosimo de Medici’s unpopular cousin.

1254 Unpublished, ASF, Carte Strozziane 338, Serie I, c. 677 includes other letters written by Pandolfo in the summer of 1558 related to his continued attempt to collect the income from the bishropics held by his father. In August 6, 1558 he received a letter from Rome a papal bull was finally published regarding the benefices and pensions of the Diocese of Pistoia and in January 1558 he was informed that the Bishop of Pistoia had resigned.

1255 Unpublished, ASF, Fondo Manoscritti 754 contains an account of Pandolfo’s congiura. ASF, Fondo Manoscritti 187 also contains an account of the congiura de Pandolfo Pucci .

1256 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 355, c. 159 contains a copy of the inventory of Pandolfo’s house in Florence dated January 6, 1559 (Florentine dating).

1257 Unpublished ASF, Riccardi 625, c. 13 explains that two-thirds of Laudomia Guicciardini’s dowry was inherited by her children in July 1560 (There appear to be errors in Litta, “ Pucci di Firenze ,” vol. 15, table VI, as he lists her daughters as Dianora, Virginia, Porzia and her sons as Roberto and Orazio when

392 Guicciardini -- an heiress who brought with her a dowry of 2,200 scudi and several valuable properties -- just another nail in Pandolfo’s coffin given her father’s known allegiance to the republican cause.1258 No doubt the duke also made an effort to confiscate the Pucci properties in Rome although it appears that Cosimo’s nemesis

Pope Paul IV thwarted the duke’s efforts to lay claim to the ecclesiastical portion of the

Pucci estate.1259

Perhaps because of their formidable political connections and long-standing service to the Medici, the Pucci were pardoned and readmitted as citizens of Florence in

in fact her son was Alessandro). Carte 13 also explains that Cassandra di Pierfilippo Gagliano, who married Pandolfo Pucci in 1543 following Laudomia’s death in 1541 and bore him another three sons – Roberto, Ascanio and Emilio – inherited two-thirds of her dowry when their father died. Unpublished, ASF, MGR 387, insert 4 is an account of the dowry of Laudomia di Francesco Guicciardini, who Pandolfo married in 1534. These documents make note of the confiscation of these dowries in 1548 and 1573. Unpublished, ASF, MGR 355 is a copy of the inventory made of Pandolfo’s house in Florence at the time of his execution in January 1559 (Florentine dating). Unpublished, ASF, MGR 387, Insert 3 explains the course of the Pucci patrimony. In November 1531, Pandolfo’s father Roberto gave over his rights to Casignano to his older brother Alessandro for 1,200 ducats and ceded ownership of Uliveto to his nephew Giovanpaolo di Francesco d’Alessandro for another 1200 ducati d’oro . This same document contains a folio outlining the inheritance of Alessandro di Pandolfo Pucci from his mother Laudomina. This document, included in folio 1 and dated 1560, describes Granaiolo as a palazzo. Although I have been unable to identify documents explaining the architectural interventions to this property in the the Val d’Elsa, these records suggest that Cardinal Roberto or his son developed this farmland into a palazzo by the time of Pandolfo’s execution for treason. His sons subsequently enlisted the mannerist painter Giovanni Battista Naldini to paint the alterpiece in the chapel.

1258 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 387, insert 4 describes Laudominia’s dote and her inheritance. Dated May 21 1540, her father’s last will and testament bequeathed her the podere con casa valued at 480 fiorini and half of the Palazzo de Soderini nel Porto di Signa purchased from Bishop Giuliano Soderini for fiorini d’oro 1,200. This was the property on which Pandolfo’s son Alessandro built Bellosquardo in 1585 to a design by Giovanni Antonio Dosio. Insert 8 describes the inheritance of Alessandro di Pandolfo Pucci and describes his patrimony in Granaiolo as a palazzo. Two years after Laudomia died in 1541, Pandolfo married his second wife, Cassandra da Pierfilippo Da Gagliano (Unpublished, ASF, MGR 387, insert 5). Cassandra’s marriage to Pandolfo is also documented in Unpublished, ASF, MGR 455, insert 12. Dated 1543, these nuptual exchanges were witnessed by the Florentine notary Stephano di Bernardino Vermigli.

1259 Duke Cosimo was unsuccessful in his attempt to confiscate the Roman properties of the banker Bindo Altoviti (see again Zikos, “Benvenuto Cellini’s Bindo Altoviti and Its Predecessors,” in Raphael, Cellini, & A Renaissance Banker, 136-37).

393 1563.1260 As the legal document describing this transaction attests, the Pucci were readmitted as citizens of Florence three years after Pandolfo’s execution.1261 But more trouble was already brewing. Another letter dated to 1563 places one of Pandolfo’s sons in Venice, a haven for disaffected Florentines. In October 1575 another of

Pandolfo’s children, Orazio (1534-August 1575), made an attempt to avenge his father’s execution and was summarily executed in the same prison as his hapless parent.1262 In the “repurchase” of the family property arranged in 1585, ten years later after Orazio di Pandolfo was put to death, Cardinal Ferdinando de’ Medici returned the villa in Granaiolo and the casa grande on Via dei Calderai to Pandolfo’s four living sons, granting the deeds to Alessandro inter vivos for 6,900 scudi .1263

The duke’s confiscations rendered Pandolfo’s children impecunious and in debt to a family benefactor, Cardinal Alessandro Farnese, who underwrote a portion of

Virginia di Pandolfo Pucci’s dowry. At the time of her marriage to Giovanfranesco di

Pagnozzo Ridolfi, a relative of the influential Florentine cardinal Niccolò Ridolfi, her dowry was set at 5,900 scudi , an enormous sum by any measure, of which 5,500 was to

1260 Unpublished, MGR 390, c. 120 reports that in March 1563 (Florentine dating) Duke Cosimo claimed that the plot was initiated in 1548 but is willing to forgive his heirs.

1261 A copy of the liberation of Alessandro and Roberto Pucci from their father’s crimine damnato is preserved in ASF, Carte Strozziane 356, Serie Prima, c. 73-74.

1262 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 383, insert 14, c. 6-7 indicates that Pandolfo’s heirs bought back Granaiolo from Duke Francesco on May 2, 1577 for 1,200 ducats. A copy of that liberation from Pandolfo’s crimine damnato is preserved in Unpublished, ASF, Carte Strozziane 356, Serie Prima, c. 73-74. It is worth noting that letters from this period refer to the Pucci as “vassals” of the Medici dukes.

1263 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 390, c. 130, dated March 27 1585 documents the “donation” to the Pucci family of their confiscated properties by Grand Duke Ferdinand de’ Medici. Unpublished, ASF, MGR 384 also provides an account of the repurchase of the family properties in 1585 when Grand Duke Ferdinand returned Granaiolo and other of the properties confiscated in 1573 to Abbot Alessandro, Emilio, Ascanio, and Ruberto Pucci. For the geneology of this branch of the family see Litta, “Pucci di Firenze ,” vol. 15, table VI. Passerini, Mss. 8, 156, 202 held at the BNCF also holds a description of these conspiracies.

394 be paid in Rome and the balance in Florence. 1264 Cardinal Farnese contributed 1,900 scudi toward her dowry ( dote ), an amount that her brother Alessandro matched, the rest drawn on an account in the Rucellai bank in Rome. 1265 Prior to Virginia’s departure for her marriage in Rome on November 3, 1562, she was cloistered in the Monastero di

Santo Nicchola (sic) in Florence where her brother sent her the clothing and expensive fabrics with which to furnish her trousseau. Shortly after her father’s execution, her brother Alessandro directed Scipione ragazzo to take her fifty bundles of Neopolitan silk in various colors, a number of silk shirts, one of which was finely worked with gold and red pagazza and another with gold buttons, and a dark vest with ebony buttons.1266

The vest, similar to the garment depicted on the bust on her tomb, must have been quite valuable because it is described in a second giornale as encrusted with pearls. 1267

Another delivery to the monastery in Via Ginori by Alessandro’s agent included a coral corona and three cantinore d’oro amattoncini .1268 The bridal gifts Virginia took to

Rome on a new horse also included dresses of gray velvet, two scingahi in black silk to wear on her shoulders, and two gold necklaces. 1269

1264 Unpublished, ASF, Carte Strozziane 341, Serie Prima, c. 63.

1265 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 625, c. 46. The agreeement called for Alessandro to pay back 1,000 scudi of the 1,900 he borrowed from the cardinal within a year. In November 1562, Alessandro returned to Rome from Signa where he repaid 1,585 scudi d’oro to Luigi Rucellai, almost certainly the portion of Virginia’s debt borrowed from the Rucellai Bank.

1266 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 622, c. 29.

1267 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 625, c. 28.

1268 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 625, c. 28.

1269 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 625, 44-52 is a copy of the items in Virginia’s bridal chest. Her gifts included a horse.

395 Virginia was among the family’s female descendants with the financial and social wherewithal to command the services of the most sought-after artisans of the day. Her likeness is memorialized as a stately bust by Domenico Poggini (1520-1590) and a polychrome marble wall tomb positioned to the immediate right of the entrance wall of Santa Maria sopra Minerva, the church where her uncles were laid to rest (fig.

139).1270 The sculptor of Virginia’s beautifully crafted monument is unknown, but the epitaph dates it to 1568. The distinctive colored marbles invite comparisons with the tomb of Pope Paul IV by Pirro Ligorio, Giolamo da Cassignuola, and Tommaso della

Porta in the Carafa Chapel in the same church. 1271 Tommaso’s more famous relative,

Giacomo Della Porta (1537-1602), also sculpted the wall tomb of her brother, Cavalier

Emilio Pucci, located to the right of the Carafa chapel (fig. 140).

Virginia’s death less than six years after her marriage was a tragedy that came on the heels of her brother’s efforts to support the family’s noble standard of living in the face of the financial disaster wrought by Duke Cosimo’s enmity. These were the years in which Alessandro pawned and sold finery passed down through the family for

1270 Poggini’s bust of Virginia (now in the Bargello) is discussed in an article by Corrado Ricci entitled “Ritratti di Virginia Pucci Ridolfi ,” Bollettino d’arte del Ministero della Pubblica Istruzione 9 (1915): 374-76.

1271 See Dorigen Caldwell, “A Neglected Papal Commission in Naples Cathedral: the Tomb of Cardinal Alfonso Carafa,” The Burlington Magazine (2011) 712-717 for a comparison of the marble wall tombs constructed for Alfonso Carafa, Pope Paul IV, Cardinal Paolo Cesi, and Cardinal Federico Cesi during the 1560s. See also the article by Grazyna Jurkowlaniec, “A Suprising Pair. The Tomb of Cardinal Holsius and Cardinal Altemps’ son, Roberto, In the Basilica of Santa Maria in Trastevere in Rome,” Ikonotheka 19 (2006). Emilio fled to Rome following the tragic death of his older brother Orazio, became a cavaliere and was imprisoned in September 1565 in the attempt to defend the island of Malta. Emilio returned to Florence following the death of Duke Francesco I where the new grand duke Ferdinando honored him with post of ambassador to Naples, Malta, and . Celement VIII Aldobrandini, an enemy of Medici who protected the rebels and was at odds with the duke, alleged that Emilio aspired to succeed his grandfather as cardinal but that Duke Ferdinando wouldn’t allow it. The wall monument erected following his death was commissioned by the pope, who wrote brief letters of consolation to Emilio’s brothers when he died. (Litta, “Pucci di Firenze ,” vol. 15, table VI.)

396 generations. A month after his father’s execution, he traveled to Pisa where he borrowed 50 scudi against a little cross with five diamonds and a pearl. 1272 Alessandro also instructed Piero da Gagliano to sell a large cross set with diamonds and a corona of lapis lazuli in Rome. 1273 Another corona , this one of agate, ten vases, a gold ring, and a silver cross were transported to Rome for sale in a sack. 1274 A large ruby was sold along with a two silver belts and another smaller ruby to Messer Gherado Perini. 1275

These transactions make it possible to trace the fate of luxury goods acquired earlier in the sixteenth century: a ruby, possibly the gemstone Cardinal Lorenzo gave his nephew

Francesco in 1505, was taken to Rome for sale in 1560 by Piero di Giulia de

Gagliano.1276

This chapter in the family chronicles was also the occasion in which a fair amount of the ecclesiastical finery acquired by the three Pucci cardinals was donated to other religious institutions. A relative, Sister Alessandra de Gagliano, a monaca di San

Domenico , was the recipient of two ruby rings, a silver bell ( campanello di argento ) and six tapestries decorated with the stemma of Cardinal Santi Quattro. 1277 The frati of

San Lorenzo must have been pleased with the gift of five embroidered wallhangings

1272 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 622 is an account book dated to 1560-1565 and refers to transactions undertaken when Pandolfo was in prision: rogavani di franceco cosi sopra d’ero soco … e prigioni a quanto di sopra . C. 28: “ ha riscosso detta crocetta, et per io Ugo conti per lo portata al al cassiere di Luigi et Alessandro Capponi et compro di Firenze et mi hanno restato 50 scudi di sopra, I quali Bernardo Carnescci si portati a Martelli sopra detti .”

1273 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 622, c. 30.

1274 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 622, c. 30.

1275 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 622, c. 30.

1276 See the discussion of the luxury goods given to Alessandro and his son Francesco in Unpublished, ASF, VGL 294. Pandolfo’s second wife was Cassandra Gagliano, who died in 1557.

1277 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 625, c. 26 and 42.

397 (panni d’arazzo ), three of which had the same crest on them. Two smaller hangings given to San Lorenzo, a Florentine church long associated with the Medici, were decorated with Cardinal Antonio’s coat of arms. 1278 Bishop Gaddi was the recipient of several valuable robes and bedcovers (padiglione di ermino rosso con il suo cappelletto con fragnie di seta rossa, et uno tomabetto con frangie,’ una coltre di taffetta rossa ) as well as two silver saltshakers chased with gold. 1279 These gifts to churches and monastaries also describe spalliera fitted with tapestries embroidered with the cardinals’ coat of arms .1280

Another ledger dated to this same period describes other precious objects owned by the three Pucci cardinals that were either sold or given away. The little missal covered in a violet ( pavanazzo ) cover, most likely the illustrated brevery listed in the inventories of both Cardinal Lorenzo and Cardinal Roberto, was gifted to Monsignor

Guidi in the fall of 1562.1281 Signore Principe di Siena received a gold ring engraved with the crest of Pope Paul III. 1282 Several medals, including a medal of Leo X, along with a number of tapestries embroidered with the arms of the Pucci cardinals, were likewise donated to a church. On the other hand, a medal of Pope Paul III that had

1278 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 625, c. 26.

1279 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 625, c. 56.

1280 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 625, 28.

1281 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 625, c. 27. See ff. 907. The brevery’s value is attested to in the notation that Alessandro had taken the book to France. Alessandro had also taken ten works by Cicero to France, including a copy of de Officiis , along with three works by Plutarch, and a copy of a work by Aristotle. In addition to a Life of Charles V a copy of Aristophanes in the original Greek, Alessandro’s younger brother Emilio owned a copy of Euclid that was taken to Signa in a shipment of household goods sent on October 7, 1562.

1282 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 625, c. 26.

398 belonged to Duke Alessandro de’ Medici was sold to a collector for 20 scudi .1283

Another ruby, this one described as uno rubino grande legato in uno anello d’oro smalto d’nero, was pawned in May of 1562 for 700 gold scudi. 1284 The goldsmith,

Giorgio da Cortona orafo, bought a gold festone and a green medal for 51 lire, a tailor bought another ring for 3.5 lire, and a cross with three small pearls and rosetta of diamonds fetched 10 scudi .1285

Alessandro also cleaned out his father’s closets. His cousin, Senatore Lorenzo

Pucci, was given a jacket trimmed in ermine (un guibbone di ermisino nero ) and a pair of black velvet shoes. 1286 Maria di Pucci di Bardi was another beneficiary of

Alessandro’s efforts to put his father’s affairs in order. Her son Hercole received a baby’s mantle worked in gold and blue damask ( damasco azzurro ). The family’s signore di casa in Rome was given an old wood table, a bed, a stool ( scabello ), a of velvet, a pair of shoes, several pieces of material, two mattresses, two bed covers, and other household furnishings. 1287 Silvestro d’Ottaviano Coppola da Napoli was the recipient of a pair of white velvet shoes, a velvet beretta , a velvet belt, and a pair of boots ( stivali ), some white velvet stockings (calze ), and a heavy jacket ( guibbone ).

Simone de Prato was given another pair of velvet shoes, a heavy jacket of guarnello nero , another leather collar, and a pair of velvet hose. Alessandro gave Francesco di

Lionardo Savicci mio spenditore another white jacket of heavy cloth and various other

1283 Unpblished, ASF, Riccardi 625, c. 30. The sale was closed in October 1562.

1284 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 625, c. 24.

1285 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 25, c. 24-26. Senator Lorenzo was Piero d’Antonio’s son.

1286 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 622, c. 31.

1287 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 622, c. 28.

399 household items. Giovanni legnaiuolo received several pieces of cloth, three signed brass candelieri , and six silver forks. 1288

Pandolfo’s heirs dealt with the financial setbacks related to the duke’s confiscation of their Florentine patrimony by renting out ( in affitto ) a podere in

Bellosquardo and a house on Via Cocomero in Florence adjacent to the stalls behind the family house on Via dei Calderai. 1289 A house in Pisa was leased to the Salviati beginning in 1560 and rights to a chapel in a hospital in the Val d’Elsa were sold. 1290

Alessandro di Pandolfo, who moved a cartload of books and household effects to his mother’s house in Signa, also arranged for the sale of the family real estate holdings in

Rome. 1291 In 1564 Pandolfo’s five heirs sold land in the Fornace, transactions notarized by a member of the same family of notaries in Bologna that drew up the contracts to purchase the land in the first place. 1292 Two years later Pandolfo’s heirs also sold

Palazzo Pucci in the Campo Santo to Pope Pius V for its official use as the headquarters

1288 Unpbulshed, ASF, Riccardi 625, c. 34.

1289 ASF, Riccardi 622, c. 32: “Ricordo come G(iovanni?) di Sir Torello P.soli di Poppi come procuratore di Messer Alessandro Pucci da allogato affitto per cinque anni prossimi adun(?)e il podere di Bello squardo per 16 scudi. ” Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 625, c. 19 explains that while the duke confiscated Granaiolo, the family’s farmland in Signa near Pisa was part of Laudomia Guicciardini’s estate. That property was leased in 1560. There was a house on the property where Alessandro took beds, mattresses, silverware and other household supplies in December 1560. Alessandro di Pandolfo subsequently developed this podere into a villa known as Bellosquardo.

1290 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 625, c. 15-16.

1291 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 622, c. 32-33. C. 33: “S’Ellogato una mia casa porta nella via del Cocomero dietro all mia stalla a uno orto di Marco Bernardi Romano .” Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 625, c. 10 documents the lease of the house to maestro Oreto, a tailor from Rome, beginning on May 1, 1560. The house on Via Cocomero was sold in October 1563. Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 625 c. 28 documents the books and other household effects transported to Signa on October 28, 1562.

1292 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 626. See also Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 622, a Libro di Riccordo maintained on behalf of Pandolfo’s children between 1560 and 1563.

400 for the apostolic tribunal of the inquisition.1293 In that same year, they disposed of the palazzo in the Campo dei Fiori. 1294 A year later, in May 1567, Pandolfo’s children sold a house with a vineyard in the vicinity of the Porta del Torrione all Fornace nel vicino dicto Chiesa di S. Michele Archangelo de Fornaciari.1295

Financial pressures prompted the sale of other Pucci landholdings in Rome in

1573. A brother-in-law, Giovanfrancesco Ridolfi, married to Virginia Pucci from

1562/3 until her death in 1568, was the manager of the Ridolfi bank in Rome where the proceeds were deposited.1296 These transactions included a vineyard in an area known as Torricella posta fuori di porta S. Brancatio appresso al Torione , and a cane field

(cannetto) outside the Porta Torrione ( posto fuori di porta a Torrione a luco detta valle

1293 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 383, insert 9, c. 7 contains a copy of the transaction in which Pope Pius V acquired Palazzo Pucci for 6,000 scudi . A second transaction in which Roberto di Giovanpaolo di Francesco d’Antonio Pucci was paid 3,000 scudi for his share of the palazzo in the Campo Santo is also recorded in this document.

1294 Unpublished, ASF, Carte Strozziane 341, Serie Prima, c. 80 documents the sale of the palazzo in the Campo dei Fiori: “ L’illustrissimo Signor Pagolo Giordano Orsino per il conto done e l’oglibo di messer Alessandro Pucci e debitori di capitali e candbi corsi fino a 12 d’ottobre passato di rede mila secento cinquanta fiorini xiii d’oro .” c. 80: “1566/ Lo illustrissimo signor Pagolo Giordano Orsino per il conto e l'obligo di messer Alexandro Pucci e debitore di capitali e canbi corsi sino a 12 d'ottobre paxato di fiorini tremila secento cinquanta soldi XIII d'oro in oro di moneta di Firenze a lire 7 per fiorino per valuta de' quali si trasse a Lione in fiera proxima di tutti santi in denari 59.4.13.2 d'oro contanti a scudi 57 1/3 per marco a ritorno della qual fiera il debito sarà quel tanto che monterà il ritorno di detta tratta al prezzo che si canbierà per Firenze e di più le spese delle promixe di Firenze e di Lione, fiorini 3650.13.1 e per il canbio della detta fiera, fiorini potrà essere detto canbio circa fiorini 150 di moneta e così il debito sarebbe in tutto fiorini 3800 .”

1295 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 626 contains an account of the census payments made by Pandolfo’s children on the land they still owned in 1573 and describes some of the parcels they sold through the Ridolfi bank.

1296 ASF, Riccardi 626, c. 122. Giovanfrancesco Ridolfi was the family banker married to Virginia Pucci who died at the age of 28 in May 1568. As in 1560, when the Pucci found themselves destitute in the wake of Duke Cosimo de’ Medici’s confiscation of their Florentine patrimony, Cardinal Alessandro Farnese came to the family’s assistance, lending them money and backing other loans to the Pucci brothers (c. 118).

401 Manittima .) 1297 Three other parcels of land nearby were sold in that same year by two of Pandolfo’s sons, Antonio and Ascanio, for 500 scudi , 350 scudi and 850 scudi .1298

Not all of the Pucci holdings in the Fornace were sold, however, since other parcels were handed down to Roberto di Pandolfo’s wife Ottavia Capponi, who finally disposed of them in 1642. 1299

After the Fall: Reframing Ambition, Wealth, and Dishonor The Pucci conspiracies against Duke Cosimo were not the only circumstances associated with the family’s fall from the good graces of the Medici dukes. In 1597, a namesake of Francesco d’Alessandro Pucci was burned as a heretic in the Campo dei

Fiori in Rome, an infamy glossed over in accounts of the family’s wealth and prestige. 1300 Notwithstanding these economic and political setbacks, the Pucci eventually managed to reintegrate themselves within the social matrix of the granducal court. As in the past, commissioning art from prominent court artists was a cultural strategy that expressed their close alignment with the first family of Florence. A tradition of aggrandizing the family patrimony was equally in evidence: Alessandro di

Pandolfo built a new country villa in the Tuscan countryside called Bellosquardo on land inherited from his mother Laudomia di Francesco Guicciardini.1301 Designed by

1297 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 613, c. 32 and ASF, Riccardi 626, c. 100, 103, and 106.

1298 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 626, c. 100, 103 and 106.

1299 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 613, c. 16.

1300 There is an account of Francesco’s heresy in a recent work by Christopher F. Black, The Italian Inquisition (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2010).

1301 Unpublished, MGR 387, insert 5 documents the dowry of Laudomia di Francesco Guicciardini arranged in March 1532 in a document of approved by Duke Alessandro de’ Medici that Pandolfo Pucci signed in March 1533.

402 Ammannati’s most famous student, the Tuscan architect Giovanni Antonio Dosio

(1533-1609), this country retreat in Lastra a Signa was decorated with garden sculptures by Romolo Ferrucci del Tadda (1555-1621), best known for his animal sculptures in the . 1302

Other architectural projects were closer to home. Another of Pandolfo’s sons,

Ascanio, was responsible for the renovation of a modest medieval church in Florence on Via San Gallo. 1303 Courtesy of the Pucci, the convent dedicated to Sant’Agata was given an entirely new façade in 1592. 1304 The Pucci commissioned the frescoes on the ceilings and walls from the same artist, Cristoforo Allori (1577-1621), a son of

Alessandro Allori so closely associated with Bronzino’s workshop that he sometimes included Bronzino in his name. Female members of the Pucci family had long resided in the convent, inhabiting specially decorated rooms and enjoying expensive

1302 Sara Bonavoglia and Francesca Parrini, “ La Villa di Bellosquardo a Lastra a Signa ,” in Giovan Antonio Dosio , ed. Emanuele Barletti (Florence: Ente Cassa di Risparmio di Firenze, 2011), 507-30, esp. 520. See also Francesca Parrini’s study of Bellosquardo, Mecanati e Artisti in Villa: Un Patrimonio Nascosto a Lastra a Signa (Campi Bisenzio, Rotary Club, 1999).

1303 ASF, Carte Strozziane 341, Serie Prima, c. 48-49, June 30, 1605 documents the commission for the oratorio inside Santissima Annunziata: “ Roberto Pucci commissiona a Giovanni di Michelangelo Caccini scultore e a Lorenzo di Francesco Fancelli scalpellino di Fiesole la costruzione della cappella del suo oratorio di San Bastiano annesso alla chiesa della Nunziata di Firenze, et altri conci et ornamenti a detto oratorio conforme al disegno fatto da detto messer Giovanni, et altre convenzioni fatte tra le dette parti di che si farà menzione distintamente appresso. Segue una descrizione dettagliata dell’opera e dei materiali .” Unpublished, ASF, MGR 390 documents Ascanio Pucci’s involvement in Sant’Agata in October 1596.

1304 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 390, c. 36 documents the residence of various female members of the Pucci family in San’Agatha on Via San Gallo, Florence. Senator Lorenzo Pucci’s sister, Madama Francesca di …de’ Medici and her sister was Giulia, are recorded as living in the convent in 1564 when their father deposited 15 scudi d’oro on their behalf. In May 1567 Sister Ersilia, another of Senator Lorenzo’s daughters was also residing in the convent. Her father covered her 354 scudi of expenses, 105 scudi of which were designated for the sacraments, 112 for a valuable piece of cloth, and another 5 scudi for shoes. In 1592, when Sibilla Pucci was a resident in the monastery, Isabella Naldini was the sister in charge. Roberto di Giovanpaolo Pucci’s daughter paid for a violin concert that cost 394.34 scudi and included a tenor. Maestro Antonio Pollo was a profumiere paid for his services to the Pucci sisters residing in the convent in 1597.

403 entertainments.1305 In 1598, for example, shortly after the transformation of the façade,

Sibilla Pucci commissioned music and vestments for the enjoyment of the nuns, who included her sister Lucrezia and a cousin named Ana, a granddaughter of the infamous

Pandolfo. The Lista della muscia a santa Aghata was co-signed by the mother superior,

Isabella Naldini, a member of another noble Florentine family acquainted with the

Pucci for generations. 1306 Since the likeness of the richly-attired Madonna at the center of the composition has been identified as Marie de’ Medici, it seems plausible to surmise that various female members of the Pucci family, patrons of the altarpiece, were also depicted in Alessandro Allori’s painting of Le nozze di Cana .1307

1305 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 455 documents the residence of Francesca d’Ascanio Pucci in the convent in 1595. Senator Lorenzo Pucci made payments to the convent totaling 354 scudi in 1564 on behalf of his daughter, Giulia, as well as Madama Francesca di Bachata de’ Medici.

1306 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 390: “ Listra della musica a santa Aghata Sette franciosini scudi tre e mezzo, lire 24, 10 messer Piero Bracciolini per sua fatica d'accordatura di strumenti e soni alla Messa, lire 7 fra Bartolomeo di , lire 2 fra Filippo della Nuntiata, lire 2.13.4 messer Adamo, lire 2.13.4 messer Francesco, lire 2.13.4 Soprani I dua castrati del signor Emilio, lire 7 Dante Buonchristiano Segliamazza(?) et il fratello, a tutti dua giuli per uno, lire 5.6.8 Contralti messer Ceseri Alessandro dell'Ancisa e Niccolò, lire 6 Tenori messer Piero Masselli, messer Piero Amadori, Piero del Botti, messer Lorenzo Bruni et Oratio, quattro giuli per uno, lire 13.6.8 Piero, Vettorio, Federigho et il Rosso in iscuola del Franciosino, lire 8 Giovambattista del Violino, lire 7 Per ispartitura de' bassi continuati della Messa e de' mottetti e per cantori alla Messa, lire 6 lire 94.3.4 Gratis cioè senza premio don Marcantonio di santa Trinita, un frate della Nuntiata che canta di tenore, Giovanni Lapi, Antonfrancesco Borsoni, Antonio Mochi, Ferdinando Archilei el dì 21 di aprile 1546 Io suora Maria Isabella Naldini in santa Agata confesso havere riceuto le sopra dette lire novantaquattro soldi 3.4 recò messer Alessandro Conti per paghare la sopra detta musicha .”

1307 Caterina Caneva and Francesco Solinas eds.. Maria de’Medici: una principessa fiorentina sul trono di Francia, (Florence: Sillabe, 2005), 157-162.

404 Pandolfo’s male offspring, who inherited what was left of their father’s vast wealth after the duke’s confiscations, were also legal beneficiaries of the villa known as

Granaiolo. 1308 While Duke Francesco de’ Medici had yet to return the villa to the Pucci family, their patronage of the nearby church of Santa Maria in Granaiolo in the Val d’Elsa extended to the commission in 1576 for a painting of the Madonna and Child with Saints by Giovanni Battista Naldini (1537-1591). 1309 In his Riposo, Raffaello

Borgherini explains that the commission for The Lamentation of the Dead Christ that served as a model for an altarpiece of the same subject had been painted for the

Maribetti Chapel in Santa Maria Novella in 1572 (fig. 168).1310 Naldini was a gifted protégé of Pontormo’s, the mannerist artist commissioned the Pucci pala in San

1308 Unpublished, AP, filza 7.

1309 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 625, c. 95sx and c. XCV are payments to “Batista di Mateo Naldini dipintore ” on March 12 1576 as well as two other payments in 1579 by Bali Roberto Pucci for a painting referred to as a Purification of Christ: “ Yesus MDLXXIIII/1576/Batista di Matteo Naldini dipintore de' havere a dì 12 di agosto 1576 lire novanta piccioli havute per lui messer Ugo Conti da Bartolomeo Minucci di 8 drapelloni come al giornale 104 in questo a c. 138 lire 92/1578/et a dì 2 di settembre scudi quindici havuti da Ruberto Pucci come si vede al giornale a c. 162, in questo c. 178, lire 105/et de' havere per più lavori fatti per la nostra casa cioè per uno quadro dipintovi su Christo morto con più figure cioè l'historia della tavola de' Minerbetti, lire 70/1579/e addì 13 d'ottobre 1579 scudi otto di moneta recò Pagolo ragazzo del signor abbate a messer Ugo Conti come al giornale 189, in questo c. 219, lire 36/et de' havere per tanti posto dare per saldo di questo conto, c. 237, lire 262/et de' dare lire settanta per uno moggio di farina datoli in più volte per il quadro della Historia de' Minerbetti della loro tavola che fu uno Christo morto con molte figure, lire 70/et sotto dì 8 di ottobre fino l'anno 1576 per 8 barili di vino venuto di Val d' Elsa, lire 32/ et per uno moggio di farina scontò detto anno in più volte, lire 6/et per uno fornimento di terre per la tavola, lire 11/et per uno moggio di farina havuto l'anno 1577 lire 2. 13. 4 lo staio hauto […] più volte, lire 64 lire 237/ 348/lire 585 .” Unpublished, ASF, MGR 390, insert 7 dated 1634 on the back of the volume indicates that Ottavia Capponi inherited the villa di Granaiolo .

1310 Borgherini’s discussion of the Lamentation of the Dead Christ in his Riposo is most likely the painting now hanging in the National Gallery in London. The citations are included in Borgherini, Il Riposo (1584) , trans. Lloyd H. Ellis, Jr. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2007), 299-300.

405 Michele Visdomini in 1518 (fig. 169). 1311 Naldini is best known for the Allegory of

Dreams in the studiolo of Duke Francesco de’ Medici in the Palazzo Vecchio painted between 1571 and 1574. 1312 A letter dated to September 1560 records Borgherini’s acquaintance with Alessandro Pucci, who apparently commissioned a portrait of

Roberto Pucci from Giovanni Battista Naldini, a painting currently unaccounted for.

An inventory made when Abbot Alessandro Pucci died in 1601 of his homes in

Florence and Bellosguardo and another inventory commissioned in the late summer of

1616 related to the claims against the next generation of Pucci heirs provides a more complete account of the buildings and artwork commissioned earlier in the sixteenth century for the family’s luxurious residential interiors (appendix 22).1313 Ottavia di

Ludovico Capponi was a descendant of a Florentine family of bankers long allied with the Pucci family who contested the transfer of the Pucci patrimony to a junior line of the family when her husband, Ruberto Bali di Bologna , died in 1612.1314 Her case was taken up by the Borghese Pope Paul V who supported her argument that she was left

1311 See David Franklin, “A Document for Pontormo’s S. Michele Visdomini altar-piece,” The Burlington Magazine 132 (1990): 487-89.

1312 Harvey Hamburgh, “Naldini’s Allegory of Dreams in the Studiolo of Fancesco de’ Medici,” The Sixteenth Century Journal 27 (1996): 679-704.

1313 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 387, Insert 4 provides an account of the titles and income owned by Ruberto Pucci Bali di Bologna in 1603. Ruberto inherited the big house in Florence from Abbate Alessandro Pucci worth 6400 florins; the villa of Bellosquardo associated with the inheritance of Pandolfo Pucci’s first wife, Laudomina d Francesco Guicciardini; the Palazzo di Casignano, here associated with the bequests made by Cardinal Lorenzo Pucci in January 1522 as notarized by Bernardo Vermigli; the house next to Santa Maria Nuova; Palazzo Uliveto except for the beni of the church of Votiggiano; the villa of Granaiolo; the beni of Rome; part of the house in Florence with the casetta on Via di Cocomero worth fiorini 6900; Castelnuovo, a fattoria which produced oil in the comune of Castelnuovo in Val d’Elsa with various other small farms worth 125 florins; and another villa posta nel popolo di S. Martine in Monti..rsti (?).

1314 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 383, insert 8 includes an inventory of the Florentine house Cante della via de’Servi . This inventory describes the following sequence of rooms: See Litta, “ Pucci di Firenze,” vol. 15, table VI for the geneology of this line of the family.

406 only with Granaiolo, while the so-called casa grande in Florence and other of the family estates in Tuscany -- the castello of Uliveto, Casignano, and the newly built villa of Bellosquardo in Signa – were wrongfully inherited by Niccolò Pucci, a cousin of her late husband’s descended from a line of the family founded by Puccio’s younger brother Saracino.1315 In August 1613, when the first of what turned out to be a twenty- year litigation began, Uliveto was valued at over 21,000 scudi , Casignano at 7,920 scudi , and Bellosquardo at 5,166 scudi .1316 Furniture and fine art of special value were also identified in the claims filed by Ottavia against her husband’s cousins. The large house in Florence contained a letto di noce, three gesso heads, and a statue displayed in a niche. Garden sculptures of special value in Bellosquardo were also identified: due pasdi and un lione .1317 In Uliveto, the statuary head over one of the doorways and four other terra cotta heads in niches are identified as works by Raffaello da Montelupo.

Ottavia’s claim also singled out the altarpiece in the oratorio dedicated to Saint

Sebastian in Florence and another valuable painting in the Cappella di Bellosquardo .1318

Ottavia may have been a woman, but her aristocratic lineage helped give voice to her

1315 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 384. See also Litta, “ Pucci di Firenze,” vol. 15, table VII.

1316 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 390, insert 126. C. 126 contains a copy of the will prepared by Roberto Pucci who died in 1612 . Unpublished ASF 384, insert 40 contains a copy of the codicil in Bali (officer) Ruberto’s will in which his wife Ottavia Capponi was given furnishings valued at 5,000 scudi .

1317 The lion is undoubtedly the leopard by Romolo Ferrucci (called Del Tadda) in the garden of Bellosquardo, a sculpture in pietra serena dated to 1590 (Bonavoglia and Parrini, La Villa di Bellosguardo , 520).

1318 ASF, MGR 382, c. 6.

407 claims against the laws of patrilineage and a society that inevitably privileged men in dynastic distributions of property. 1319

Conclusion

This archival study of a prominent Florentine patrician family reveals that from the time of Puccio Pucci’s return from exile in the company of Cosimo de’ Medici in 1434 until 1612, when Puccio’s line died out, the Pucci emulated the learned antiquarianism practiced by the first family of Florence. Aimed at establishing a dynastic continuity between the summi viri of the Roman Republic and an enlightened

Mediean regime, these all’antica commissions met the celebratory demands of a family who courted papal favor and served as ambassadors to the princely rulers of the day. 1320

In commissioning works of art and architecture that mirrored Medici artistic tastes and cultural practices, Pucci patronage established a stylistic trajectory spanning the development of early Renaissance classicism into late mannerism. The family’s architectural commissions began with Michelozzo’s design of a chapel attached to the city’s most important pilgrimage church, an oratory chapel dedicated to Saint Sebastian that stands as an architectural response to the classicizing sanctuary designed by

Brunelleschi for Cosimo de’ Medici in San Lorenzo. Pollaiuolo’s masterful Martrydom of Saint Sebastian within a chapel surrounded in intarsiated woodwork fabricated by the da Maiano brothers was another step in the family’s cultural alignment with the

Medici, honored by special masses on the anniversary of Cosimo the Elder’s death. The

1319 The social and economic role of women, including the limitations in their legal rights, is analyzed in Sharon Strocchia, Nuns and Nunneries in Renaissance Florence (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2009). See also Tomas, The Medici Women , on gender and power in Renaissance Florence.

1320 See ff. 5 for the classicizing elements of Medicean iconography.

408 Pucci then engaged Giuliano da Sangallo to embellish Casignano, the family villa outside of Florence, and subsequently hired the heirs to his workshop to modernize their house in Florence, expand Casignano, and make improvements to the mine they managed in Bagnoregio. While the palace designed by Antonio da Sangallo the

Younger for the family in Orvieto was never built, the papal architect and two of his cousins renovated a house leased by the Pucci and excavated a cistern nearby between

1528 and 1530, a project that casts new light on Antonio the Younger’s workshop drawings for an enormous palace in the hillside town where the papal court took refuge following the Sack of Rome. A letter dated to 1538 establishes the timing of construction of Cardinal Roberto’s house in Florence to the plans in Antonio the

Younger’s hand now preserved in the Gabinetto dei Stampe e delle Disegni, a renovation buried in Falconieri’s seventeenth-century conversion of the casa grande into a palazzo. The catalogue of furnishings arrayed in the family’s great house in

Florence prior to its transformation into a full-scale palazzo is also appended to this dissertation.

Chief among the artisans enlisted to decorate and enhance these residences was

Baccio d’Agnolo, whose workshop constructed and modified beds, dining room furniture, and an entrance accessing the scrittorio designed for Casa Pucci between

1505 and 1512. Letters and other documents involve other Renaissance luminaries in the Pucci’s architectural and decorative endeavors, including Michelangelo Buonarroti;

Michelangelo’s colleagues Pietro and Domenico Rosselli; a younger disciple, Giovanni

409 Antonio Dosio; and the Allori, father and son. 1321 The Sangallo workshop and

Domenico Rosselli both reappear in documents related to Casignano, the Pucci villa outside of Florence, a project that also involved Baccio da Montelupo and his son

Raffaello.

Legal documents, letters, and payment records further affirm architecture as a primary focus of resident members of the papal court, especially those with benefices rich enough to aggrandize their patrimonial holdings of real estate with new city palaces and country villas. Despite Lorenzo Pucci’s privileges as a palatine cardinal residing in a Vatican apartment, the cardinal constructed a palace in the shadows of St.

Peter’s in the service of the apostolic tribunal charged with oversight over matters of heresy and conscience . Surviving giornali date these architectural commissions and identify the workers involved. On the basis of these archival discoveries, it is now possible to attribute general oversight over the construction of Cardinal Lorenzo

Pucci’s sprawling palazzo to Giuliano Leno, the powerful general contractor of the

Vatican during the papacy of Leo X, and identify Domenico Rosselli as the young up and coming sculptor who helped fabricate the rusticated portal.1322 In addition to dating the construction of the palace now known as Palazzo del Sant’Uffizio to the period between 1521 and 1526, family payment records reveal that Cardinal Antonio Pucci, who succeeded his uncle Lorenzo as papal penitentiary, acquired the medieval Palazzo

Orsini in the Campo dei Fiori in Rome and employed the same scarpellino , Domenico

Rosselli, to renovate the interior and install a Doric loggia on the façade. An

1321 The Allori fashioned the façade and frescoed the interiors of another unstudied Pucci commission, Sant’Agata in Florence, a project that will be treated more fully in a forthcoming chapter of a collection of essays edited by Henk van Veen.

1322 See ff. 661.

410 accomplished humanist best known for securing the services of Raphael of Urbino to paint the Ecstasy of St. Cecilia for the Augustinian chapel of San Giovanni in Monte in

Bologna, Antonio later penned a letter to Michelangelo requesting a design for a bridge and a church for Villa Igno during a period in which the newly elevated cardinal had undertaken a modernization project for the bishop’s palace outside Pistoia. Since

Domenico Rosselli was involved in the improvements to the bishop’s palace, these commissions posit the continuation of a working relationship between Michelangelo and the Rosselli family. Most likely the great Florentine master oversaw a design process executed by this Florentine workshop of sculptors, both of whom executed architectural projects for the Pucci distinguished by classicizing sculptural elements.

While virtually nothing has been written about Cardinal Roberto Pucci’s artistic patronage, two inventories of his household possessions document an opulent Roman lifestyle that flew in the face of the Reformation. Cardinal Roberto was a lifelong patron of the sculptor Raffaello da Montelupo from whom he commissioned the tomb in which he is buried and sepulchers for the two other Pucci cardinals buried under the high altar in Santa Maria sopra Minerva. Lorenzo Pucci’s younger stepbrother Roberto also rebuilt Palazzo Pucci in Rome, devastated by the sack of the city twenty years earlier. A cache of letters and a secret account book preserved in the Archivio di Stato in Florence help elucidate Roberto’s role in cultivating and maintaining the family patrimony, moving behind the scenes to build up the family holdings of property abutting his brother’s palazzo in the Campo Santo and keeping his wayward son

Pandolfo out of Duke Cosimo de’ Medici’s prisons. Pandolfo erected the architectural

Serliana on the façade of the family house in Florence between 1548 and 1550 as a

411 funeral memorial to his father, a project stylistically attributable to Bartolommeo

Ammannati.

The legacies of the three Pucci cardinals gave expression to the family’s most monumental architectural project more than half a century after the death of the last member of the family awarded the red galero of the apostolic curia. A papal bull reports on the ruling by Clement VIII and Duke Ferdinand de’ Medici on Cardinal

Lorenzo Pucci’s donation to Santissima Annunziata that deems the cardinal’s bequest satisfied by the replacement of the basilica’s medieval façade. A previously unknown letter ties this commission to Antonio da Sangallo the Elder’s loggia for the face of the houses built by Antonio di Puccio Pucci for the frati across the piazza, positioning the first Pucci cardinal as the primary patron of this commission. The classicizing cortile designed by Giovanni Battista Caccini likewise echoes Brunelleschi’s loggia for the façade of the Hospital of the Innocents on the same piazza. Caccini’s immensely costly commission involved an equally elaborate new interior for the Pucci family chapel dedicated to Saint Sebastian that replaced the fifteenth-century decorative program by the Maiano brothers with the exotic colored marbles fabricated at the Opificio delle

Pietre Dure for the revetment of the Cappella dei Principi.1323 In addition to a stylistic and material relationship to the Medici chapel, the sixteenth-century renovation of the

Pucci chapel has never been examined within the context of the full history of the

1323 See ff. 1254. The literature on SS. Annunziata includes Maria Cecelia Fabbri’s study of the seventeenth-century renovations to the chapel, “La Sistemazione Seicentesca Dell’Oratorio di San Sebastiano Nella Santissima Annunziata ,” Rivista d’Arte (1992), a study that relies on documents contained in the Carte Riccardi in the Archivio di Stato in Florence. In 1605, Roberto Bali outlined the form and materials used in the renovation of the oratory of Saint Sebastian; these instructions are contained in ASF, Carte Strozziane 341, Serie Prima, c. 48-49.

412 oratory, first added to the atrium of the Servite church in the mid-fifteenth century when Michelozzo was hard at work on the tribunal.

In addition to offering a more complete understanding of the genesis of these architectural commissions, previously unknown documents shed light on the role played by economics, political allegiances, religious turmoil, and war on the fate of these buildings and their precious contents. From the house fitted with an armory that

Puccio shared with his younger brother Giovanni on Via dei Servi to the larger townhouse around the corner acquired by Antonio di Puccio from Piero de’ Medici in

1461 -- the nucleus of the rambling casa grande decorated by Baccio d’Agnolo and renovated by Antonio da Sangallo the Younger -- architecture expressed the growing social confidence of an ambitious and particularly well-educated group of Florentine patricians. Inventories that anticipated the threatened and real confiscation of this same house in 1529, 1537 and 1560 testify to the constant threats to urban property holdings and the impetus for the accumulation of agricultural real estate holdings elsewhere in

Italy. 1324 Payments in grain, oil, and wine to the most illustrious craftsmen of the

Renaissance describe an agrarian economy in which compensation in kind was at least as common as that in minted currencies, especially during periods of famine and social unrest.

An inventory taken taken in 1529 when the Pucci house in Florence was confiscated during the siege affords insights into the en-suite furnishings created for the

1324 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 266, c. 392 includes an inventory of the contects of Casignano made in September 1537 that suggests that the family residence in Florence was likewise either confiscated or threatened with confiscation. The same account book (unpublished, ASF, VGL 266) c. 398 includes an inventory of the house at Orvieto where Raffaello Pucci was living by October 1537.

413 house by Baccio d’Agnolo between 1506 and 1512 and the role luxury goods played in asserting social rank. Moreover, a comparison of the Pucci inventories evinces an opulent standard of living only temporarily derailed by the Sack of Rome and the ecclesiastical reforms half-heartedly instituted by Paul III. 1325 If the relatively sparse tally of Cardinal Lorenzo’s possessions in his palazzo in the Campo Santo reflects how badly Palazzo Pucci was ransacked four years earlier, the catalogues of his younger step-brother Roberto’s possessions made over a decade later -- one in 1544 when he inherited Cardinal Antonio’s belongings and another made at the time of his own death in 1547 -- signal a full recovery from one of the most devastating episodes in

Renaissance warfare. 1326 By October 1544, Cardinal Roberto’s apartments, overflowing with silk and brocade vestments in every conceivable shade of crimson, were furnished with finely crafted examples of the decorative arts, including a red silk-covered chamber pot, a pearl-encrusted miter, saltcellars in the German style, and an extensive collection of chased silver. 1327 While the luxurious furnishings, devotional art, rare manuscripts, and enormous households maintained by Cardinals Lorenzo and Roberto were in keeping with the doctrine that princely sovereignty was augmented by a lavish scale of living, a considerably more modest inventory of Cardinal Antonio’s household goods reflects his membership in the Oratorio del Divin Amore , a clerical society

1325 David Chambers, Renaissance Cardinals, 291 from which I have borrowed these observations, provides an excellent analysis of the revival of literary sources as a justification for the extravagence of the papal court.

1326 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 609 includes a copy of Antonio Pucci’s inventory, appended to this dissertation. Unpublished, AP, filza 7, Lodo di Cardinale Lorenzo Pucci sets out the cardinal’s bequests at the time of his death in 1531.

1327 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 383, insert 8 is an inventory taken of Cardinal Roberto’s household in Rome made eight days after his nephew’s death in October, 1544. The inventory has been transcribed and included in the appendix to this study.

414 promoting a spiritual life devoted to charity. 1328 An itemized list of his cousin

Pandolfo’s household furnishings made at the time of his execution for treason by

Cosimo de’ Medici in January 1559 ( stile comune ), records the family’s successful transfer of the cardinals’ benefices to a layman with a dubious reputation residing outside the Eternal City. 1329

Notwithstanding the removal of precious objects during periods of strife, archival documents attest to aesthetic tastes and interior typologies among upper- class

Florentines that were remarkably unchanged between the last quarter of the fifteenth century and the second half of the sixteenth century. The most noticeable shift related to a more ubiquitous accumulation and display of treasured objects, many of which were passed on from one generation to the other. Wood-paneled rooms fitted with matching bed sets and daybeds that doubled as storage cabinets first appear in Antonio

Pucci’s townhome in Florence in the mid-fifteenth century; by the mid-sixteenth century virtually all the rooms in the house except those used for food preparation and storage were covered in decorative wood revetment. An inventory of the family’s so- called big house in Florence dated to its confiscation in 1529 describes en suite furnishings with matching cornices and pedestals, almost certainly the woodwork installed by Baccio d’Agnolo’s workshop between 1506 and 1512, and values them as the most expensive objects in the house. 1330 For decades after her husband’s death in

1612 Ottavia Capponi litigated ownership of the terracotta statues of Roman emperors

1328 Unpublished, ASF, Riccardi 617.

1329 Unpublished, ASF, MGR 355, c. 159.

1330 Unpublished, ASF, VGL 289, Inventari delle masserizie e dei beni sequestrate dagli Uffiziali dei Ribelli e messi in vendita 1529-1531 .

415 sculpted by Raffaello da Montelupo for the andito of the fortified villa in the Val d’Elsa that her husband’s great-great-grandfather built in the 1420s.

The decorative arts are another category of Pucci patronage paid for in account books, listed in inventories, and illustrated in family portraits. A conspicuous feature of the background of two of the four spalliere panels created by Sandro Botticelli and his workshop commemorating the marriage of Antonio Pucci’s son Giannozzo to Lucrezia

Bini in 1483/1484 are the place settings; an impressive display of silver and majolica supported by the inventory of Antonio’s townhome and his manor house in Scandicci taken at the time of his death later that year. 1331 This inventory positions the panels as painted accounts of the embroidered linen, incised silverware, and majolica stored in rooms abutting the sala grande on Via dei Calderai and the antechambers of

Casignano. Bolts of expensive cloth, tapestries, plate, and silverware make it apparent that this was a family whose patronage practices sought to emulate the courtly culture depicted in Botticelli’s illustration of Boccacio’s sad tale; costly finery on display at festivities staged for noble guests. These household inventories also privilege clothing accessorized with expensive adornments that reappear in portraits of the Pucci cardinals swathed in furs and costly silks, surrounded by velvet-covered chairs, rare carpets, coins, and small bronze statues. In Uliveto and other of the Pucci’s country estates, reception rooms adorned with dynastic portraiture were named after particularly illustrious visitors, including Lorenzo de’ Medici, both Medici pontiffs, and Pope Paul

III.

1331 ASF, Carte Strozziane 341, Serie Prima, c. 35-48. There are one hundred and twenty-seven forks listed in the salotto and a similar number of chuorbini (c. 37).

416 If anything, the splendor of the Pucci entertainments grew with time. Cardinal

Lorenzo was also an aficionado of the finely crafted earthenware crafted in Urbino, paying large sums for glazed jugs and other tinware. 1332 In 1521 Lorenzo paid

Francesco Canigiani the outsized sum of 1441 scudi for an array of silver objects, some of which were chased with gold. 1333 These silver pieces included more than one wine decanter ( bochaletto ), a set of nine tasse d’argento , several bichieri d’orati , candle holders, a salt cellar ( saliera ) and a silver portrait. While few, if any, of these precious objects d’art have been recovered and attributed to Pucci patronage, museums around the world hold pieces of glazed ceramics decorated with the Pucci’s distinctive heraldic device.

Although Pucci inventories document the ownership of custom-made dinnerware, objects d’art , carved wood furnishings, silk clothing, silver, jewelry, and books, these early sixteenth-century lists of household furnishings are remarkably reticent about the artists responsible for the paintings and sculpture adorning the walls and over-doors of the family estates. Fortunately, an unpublished nineteenth-century inventory of the family’s collection of paintings and prints has survived, a complement to the sixteenth-century inventories, that provides additional evidence for the implied additions to a priceless collection of fine art during a period in which the papal court functioned as a both a physical and theoretical site for the visual, material, and literary

1332 Unpublished, ASF, Carte Riccardi 608, c. 25a. He paid 17 scudi for a botte made in Urbino in April 1524 and another 95 scudi less than a year later for a rosso botte.

1333 Unpublished, ASF, Carte Riccardi 608, c. 9.

417 projects that defined the culture of the High Renaissance. 1334 By the time the specialist

Tommasso Gotti was called in to catalogue the collection inherited by Roberto Orazio

Pucci (1822-1891), five hundred and five paintings by one hundred and twenty-seven artists were arrayed on the block-long enfilade of walls and hallways running along Via dei Calderai, now Via dei Pucci. The young marquis, heir to a family collection amassed over four centuries, also owned close to one hundred and seventy-five prints and engravings and a bronze sculpture by Benvenuto Cellini. In addition to known portraits, frescoes, and altarpieces still adorning churches patronized by the Pucci or held by other branches of the family, these later inventories document more than thirty paintings by the school of Andrea del Sarto, his protégée Jacopo Pontormo, and the disciples of mannerism trained in their workshops (appendix 23). The sheer breadth of the Pucci collections makes it possible to posit the family’s patronage as instrumental in promoting the taste for maniera , a stylistic preference equally evident in Cardinal

Lorenzo Pucci’s choice of Parmigianino to paint his portrait in the somber vestments of the papal penitentiary. A focal point for the growing community of Florentines living in

Rome, the apostolic seat held by the Pucci also appears to have served as a touchstone for the transference of Florentine artistic practices to the Eternal City.

While there are certainly other noble Italian families with equally avid interests in classical art and ancient literature, the Pucci archives are fairly unique in the annals of

1334 Unpublished, AP, the Inventario della Quadreria of the artwork inherited by Roberto Orazio Pucci (1822-1891) compiled by Tommaso Gotti (1792-1853), named Cancelliere of the Commune of Florence in 1841, is dated to 1847 and there are drafts and other inventories by other specialists dated 1846, 1847, 1854, and 1859. Gotti’s inventory, currently in the Pucci archives, refers to paintings on display in the family house on the corner of Via dei Calderai (since renamed Via dei Pucci) and Via dei Servi. Other eighteenth-and nineteenth-century inventories still housed in the Archivio Pucci indicate that the family’s collecting practices in the seventeenth and eighteenth century were largely confined to contemporary artists rather than earlier Renaissance and mannerist masters.

418 Renaissance culture for the number of inventories tracing the fate of real estate, artworks, luxury furnishings, and expensive clothing over successive generations of the same family. 1335 Legal accounts documenting how carefully paintings, sculpture, and decorative woodwork were passed down from one generation of the Pucci family to the next highlight the role these objects played in asserting the family’s stature within a society in which Flemish paintings, woven tapestries, and intarsiated interiors were coveted status symbols. These catalogues also evince the Pucci’s loyalty to consecutive generations of particularly prestigious artisanal workshops, especially the Sangallo family of architects and the Montelupo family of sculptors. Previously unknown inventories and payment records provide fresh insights into workshop practices of the period, especially the often-convoluted processes by which artistic projects were financed or subcontracted out to other artisanal specialists. Inspired by ruins, images, and literary episodes from antiquity, the Pucci drew on artistic allegory to identify themselves with the virtues of a noble past, the political expediencies of humanism, and the material splendor of the courtly culture advanced by these ideologies. Their architectural projects functioned as semiotic responses to the cultural practices of the first family of Florence, classicizing buildings that both mirrored the grandeur of the

Medici commissions and drew on the same elite pool of highly skilled, erudite artisans.

1335 In addition to the Medici, studies have been published on aspects of the Gondi, Spinelli, Strozzi, and Tornabuoni families in Florence. The artistic patronage of the ruling families of Mantua, Naples, Ferrara, and Milan have also been published, as has the patronage of several Renaissance popes and cardinals, although many of these studies are confined to either the fifteenth or the sixteenth century.

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