WAVES OF GOLD AN ANALYSIS OF THE PRACTICE OF SURF TOURISM ON THE MENTAWAI ISLANDS, INDONESIA

ROBIN RANDOLPH DOMINIQUE SCHWIDDER

910508-756-040

XXV-VIII-MMXVI

MSC THESIS ENVIRONMENTAL POLICY GROUP

SUPERVISOR: DR. M.A.J. LAMERS

SECOND READER: PROF. DR. IR. G. SPAARGAREN

ABSTRACT

In recent decades, surf tourism has been booming with millions of surfers travelling abroad worldwide. However, as increasing numbers of surfers travel to the most remote places on earth, surfers too often generate a negative impact. This is also the case on The Mentawai Islands, Indonesia, until recently characterized as an unspoilt wonderland. Nowadays, things are starting to change as the surf tourism industry is increasingly expanding, reaching a tipping point, either for the good or the bad.

This tipping point and the current situation on the Mentawai Islands is researched through a three step approach with the social practice theory as an overarching lens. First, an analysis is made of the social practice of surfing; second, a historical analysis of the practice of surfing and how it has changed throughout time is made; third, an in-depth discussion of the practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism on the Mentawai Islands is made through ethnographic fieldwork.

The most important finding is that the practice of surfing is considered rather sustainable, however, as it evolved towards surf tourism unsustainable linkages are established with the tourism industry that is dominated by foreign owned resorts and charter boat vessels. These are often environmentally unfriendly and linkages with host destinations remain low. Moreover, due to the rise of amenities tourism numbers are increasing and overcrowding is becoming a serious issue.

Hence, good governance is needed that manages and controls the linkages that the practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism makes in order for the surf tourism industry to remain sustainable in the future.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

1. Introduction ...... 4 1.1 Research questions ...... 5 1.2 Structure & Relevance of the Thesis...... 5 2. Conceptual Framework ...... 6 2.1 Social Practice Theory ...... 7 2.2 History, Change & The Linkages of Practices ...... 9 2.3 Sustainable Tourism Practices & Co-Management ...... 11 2.4 A Recap ...... 13 3. Methodology ...... 15 3.1 Study Area ...... 15 3.2 Data Collection ...... 18 3.3 Data Analysis ...... 23 4. A Historical Analysis of The Practice of Surfing ...... 24 4.1 The Origin of Surfing ...... 24 4.2 Calvinism & Resistance ...... 25 4.3 California & The Popularisation of Surfing ...... 27 4.4 The Practice of Surf Tourism ...... 30 4.2.1 The Rise & Current Situation ...... 30 4.2.3 Sustainable Surf Tourism ...... 33 4.2.4 The Excesses ...... 34 5. The Practice of Surf Tourism in Indonesia ...... 37 5.1 The Mentawai Islands ...... 40 5.1.1 Surfing the Mentawais: The early days ...... 40 5.1.2 The Current Practice Arrangement Bundle of Surf Tourism ...... 43 5.1.3 An Orientation Towards The Future ...... 57 6. Discussion & Conclusion ...... 63 6.1 Discussion ...... 63 6.1.1 Theoretical & Social Implications ...... 63 6.1.2 Limitations & Recommendations For Future Research ...... 66 6.2 Conclusion ...... 67 7. Bibliography ...... 71 8. Appendix ...... 82

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1. INTRODUCTION

Since the 1960s, due to the rise of financial freedom, enhanced mobility, and globalization in general, there has been an exponential rise of the tourism industry (Harvey 1999; Urry 1990). In search for unspoilt, uncrowded surf breaks especially surfers “like waves, move across and along the ocean” fuelling the surf tourism industry and turning entire coastal areas into surf enclaves (Laderman 2014: 43; Mach 2009). Particularly in developing countries the surf tourism industry is becoming increasingly important as it can have far-reaching impact on undeveloped areas (Baker 2006). For example, the surf tourism industry can bring significant opportunities for economic growth that include economic diversification and employment opportunities for the local population, increasing the standard of living. Furthermore, surf tourism has the potential to create a major cultural and environmental impact by conserving endemic flora and fauna, and traditional cultures (Buckley 2002a). One of the developing countries that is highly influenced by the emerging surf tourism industry is Indonesia. Indonesia is the highest-volume, longest lived, best-known surf tourism destination in the developing world with numerous surf breaks and some of the best surfing opportunities (Buckley 2002a; Ponting et al. 2005). Hence, surfing has now become the single most popular water sport all over Indonesia (Ardianto 2013). Moreover, due to the current addition of surfing to the 2020 Olympic Games in Tokyo, surfing and surf tourism have the potential to popularize and grow even further, generating an even bigger impact. However, as increasing numbers of surfers continue to expand their horizon to the most remote places on earth in search for the perfect wave, these surfers too often generate a negative impact on the host environment and local communities. These host destinations, especially islands, can be vulnerable environments that have difficulty coping with issues of overcrowding that lead to the exploitation of resources. This can have huge environmental costs as it causes the destruction of reefs, endangers fish species, and pollutes the water. Concerning the latter, these islands often inhabit rich, endemic flora and fauna that can become endangered. Moreover, the local communities often lack involvement into the surf tourism industry as surf tourism operations and related businesses are quickly monopolized by outside entrepreneurs and in the past mismanagement of the surf tourism industry has led to deleterious impacts on host destinations (Hughes-Dit-Ciles 2009; O’Brien & Ponting 2013).

One of the areas that is described as a wonderland for surf tourism are the Mentawai Islands west of Sumatra, Indonesia (Ponting et al. 2005). The Mentawai Islands were, until recently, seen as unspoilt, characterized by dense forests with endemic species and covered with indigenous village communities using traditional social and religious practices. However, the Mentawai archipelago is becoming more and more attractive as a surf destination due to the abundance of high quality and consistent waves, and emerging amenities. Despite this, the local people gain little from the rapidly rising surf industry because the resorts and charter vessels hosting the surf tourists are often owned by outsiders (Towner 2014). In general, there is a lack of incorporation of local communities in the tourist industry, thus, poverty numbers remain high. In addition, until now the rise of surf tourism has been relatively uncontrolled due to a young local government that lacks experience and overcrowding of the surf breaks is becoming a serious problem ruining the natural resources that make the Mentawai Islands so attractive in the first place (Buckley 2002b). Hence, the

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future development of the surf tourism industry on the Mentawai archipelago is currently on a tipping point, either for the good or the bad.

To analyse the current situation of the surf tourism industry on the Mentawai Islands I will be using the relatively new, but emerging social practice theory posited by Shove et al. (2012). This approach functions as an overarching lens and structures the way to look at social reality and change in particular. I will combine this approach with the notion of sustainable tourism that focuses on development and takes into account conservation of the environment and the well-being of the locals (Dorsey et al. 2004). Hence, the social practice theory will be used to analyse the current situation of surf tourism on the Mentawai islands emphasizing were change is needed in order to implement more sustainable tourism. Consequently, I have come up with one broad main research question substantiated with three sub questions presented below.

1.1 RESEARCH QUESTIONS

MAIN RESEARCH QUESTION

To what extent is the current surf tourism industry on the Mentawai Islands sustainable?

SUB QUESTIONS

1. How has the practice of surfing historically evolved into the current practice of surf tourism on the Mentawai Islands?

2. What kind of linkages does the current practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism on the Mentawai Islands make?

3. What has to be changed in the linkages of the practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism on the Mentawai Islands to make it more sustainable?

1.2 STRUCTURE & RELEVANCE OF THE THESIS

This thesis will first start with a description of the theoretical framework, analysing and elaborating on the social practice theory in particular. Subsequently, the methodology that is used to answer the research questions will be discussed. To give a cohesive answer on the research questions posed a three-step approach is implemented loosely adapted from Dobernig et al. (2016). The first step will be done in the theoretical section and involves a description of the practice of surfing in its purest form by using Shove et al.’s (2012) understanding of practices as an amalgamation of three basic elements: meanings, materials, and competences. In the second step an extensive literature study and analysis of the history

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of the practice of surfing is executed focusing on the transformations of elements that the practice of surfing has been through. This because “[t]races of the past are inscribed in the patterns of the present” (Shove et al. 2012: 125). The third step consisted of two months of ethnographic, empirical fieldwork on the Mentawai Islands in which I functioned as a participant-observer in the surf tourism industry and several interviews with relevant stakeholders were conducted. Through this I got a grasp on the practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism that is in place on the Mentawai Islands, the specific linkages that are made with other practices, and how the practice of surfing is, through surf tourism, embedded in a wider nexus of networks of practices. The findings of this fieldwork experience are combined with the historical analysis and theoretical concepts posed to get a better grasp of the current surf tourism industry on the Mentawai Islands. Moreover, there are also several scenarios sketched by relevant stakeholders concerning the future of surf tourism development on the Mentawai Islands.

Surf tourism has become a booming industry, hence, the time has come for the academic world to get a better understanding of its implications. With this thesis I try to contribute to the relatively scarce field of academic literature concerning surf tourism. Moreover, this is the first academic work that applies the social practice approach to surfing and surf tourism in particular. Through this research I hope to give insight into the empirical relevance of the social practice theory when analysing a complex subject such as tourism. In addition, the existing academic literature concerning surf tourism focuses predominantly on the impact of surf tourism on the local communities or the environment, while the surf tourists have seldom been the unit of analysis. This thesis has a holistic approach that tries to analyse the entire practice of surfing that includes both the environment, the local communities, and the surf tourists, but also NGOs, surf tourism operators, and the government. This thesis can also have a social implication as it gives suggestions on how the rapid rise of surf tourism could be managed in developing countries and on which aspects the focus should be.

2. CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK

As presented, this thesis will use a three-step approach to analyse surf tourism. The first step involves a description of the practice of surf tourism in its purest form. The second step involves a discussion of the historical origin of the practice of surfing and how it has transformed and changed towards the present. As already has been mentioned, the Mentawai Islands are currently on a tipping point, therefore, the third step involves a discussion of the current practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism on the Mentawai Islands and how it is embedded in a wider nexus of practices, how the future of surf tourism will look like, and what kind of new linkages have to be, and can be made by focusing on agency.

To analyse these three steps I will use the social practice theory, posited by Shove et al. (2012), as an overarching lens to look at social reality. Furthermore, I will discuss the work of Castells and how his theory fits in a social practice approach by discussing how practices can change. In this part I will also discuss the relevance that social practice theory has for

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policymakers. Finally, I will discuss the notion of sustainable tourism presented by The United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) and The United Nations World Tourism Organization (UNWTO) and analyse to what extent social practice theory can contribute to its successful implementation.

Figure 1. The Three Step Approach

2.1 SOCIAL PRACTICE THEORY

Traditionally, in the academic literature behavioural change has been ascribed predominantly to individual characteristics. More recently, however, it has been recognized that individuals do not exist in a social vacuum, but are to a high degree influenced by their surrounding context (Hargreaves 2011). Therefore, it is argued that an individualistic approach fails to appreciate “the ways in which variously, social relations, material infrastructures and context are intrinsic to the performance of social practices (e.g. Bedford 1999; Hobson 2003; Nye & Hargreaves 2010; Shove 2003; Southerton et al. 2004; Spaargaren & Van Vliet 2000), and not merely variables among many other within individuals’ decision- making process” (Hargreaves 2011: 82). Hence, new approaches have arisen that take into account the whole context and one of the most promising is the social practice theory.

The social practice theory emerged in the 1970s and 1980s and is derived from the work of Foucault, Bourdieu, Garfinkel, Latour, and Giddens (Lamers & Pashkevich 2015; Ritzer 2012). Given this wide variety of influences and sources it is hard to pin down what exactly is meant by practice theory. For that reason, this thesis will predominantly focus on the work of Elizabeth Shove et al. (2012) who have made an effort to clarify the theory substantively, making the approach more accessible towards a wider audience. In general, social practice theory is focused on how societies change or why they stay so much the same (Shove et al. 2012). It gives insight into the reproduction and transformation of social practices that figure as the basic unit of social enquiry (Shove & Spurling 2013). According to Reckwitz (2002), practices are a routinized type of behaviour that exist as a block or a pattern

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which can be filled out of a multitude of single and often unique actions. It is a nexus of doings and sayings (Shove et al. 2012).

Building on the work of Giddens and others the social practice theory takes an intermediary position between agency and structure arguing that both are important. Activities are shaped and enabled by structures of rules and meanings, and these structures are, at the same time, reproduced in the flow of human action. Thus, agency and structure form a duality, not a dualism (Shove et al. 2012). However, although both are important the core unit of analysis are not the individuals who perform a practice, or the social structures that surround them, but the practice itself. As Giddens argues:

“[T]he basic domain of study of the social sciences…is neither the experience of the individual actor, nor the existence of any form of societal totality, but social practices ordered across space and time” (Giddens 1984: 2).

In this light, (un)sustainable behaviour of individuals is thus not seen as the result of “individuals’ attitudes, values, and beliefs constrained by various contextual ‘barriers’, but as embedded within and occurring as part of social practices” (Hargreaves 2011: 82; Warde 2005). Nevertheless, individuals do still have a role in social practice theory as they are the ‘carriers’ of social practices (Reckwitz 2002). In their lifetime, individuals come into contact, have ‘careers’ within, get recruited to, and defect from a wide variety of different practices. It is through these practices that individuals get a grasp of the world in which they live and develop a sense of the self (Warde 2005). This does not mean, however, that individuals are passive agents controlled and dictated by practices. On the contrary, individuals can be seen as capable, knowledgeable agents “who actively negotiate and perform a wide range of practices in the normal course of everyday life” (Hargreaves 2011: 83).

For instance, the practice of surfing has some particular doings and sayings. Surfing consists of a complex amalgam of surf boards and surfs spots along with the bodily competences required to ride the board and to use the affordances of waves to turn tricks. It involves a wetsuit, a surfboard, a boat, looking for the best waves, dealing with other surfers etc. As such, surfing exists as a recognizable conjunction of elements, including materials, tangible physical entities which can be spoken about and more importantly drawn upon as a set of resources when ‘doing’ surfing, such as the surfboard, wetsuit, the body and waves. Moreover, there are certain meanings in the practice of surfing involved. These are the shared understandings, norms, and ideas, such as the norms on the water and the idea of ‘being one with nature’. At last, the practice of surfing requires certain competences, certain skills, know- how, and technique, such as riding the board and doing tricks. Practices exist as performances that involve the active integration of all three elements. It is only through the performance of surfing, through 'doing', that the ‘pattern’ provided by the practice-as-an-entity is filled out and reproduced. “It is only through successive moments of performance that the interdependencies between elements which constitute the practice as entity are sustained over time” (Shove et al. 2012: 7).

Thus, for a practice to successfully endure over time the practice needs several requirements characterized by Shove et al. (2012) as the ‘circuits of reproduction’. Firstly, “the configuration of elements needs to be consistent and recurrent” (Lamers & Pashkevich

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2015: 3). Secondly, this configuration is shaped by and builds upon previous and co-existing practices. Thirdly, “sufficient feedback [has to be] generated between subsequent enactments and co-existing practices” (ibid. 3). According to Shove et al. (2012), it is through these three intersecting circuits that practices-as-performance become and transform practices-as- entities. Therefore, surfing “only exists and endures because of countless recurrent enactments, each reproducing the interdependencies of which the practice is comprised,” in which individuals feature as the carriers or host of the specific practice (Shove et al. 2012: 21).

2.2 HISTORY, CHANGE & THE LINKAGES OF PRACTICES

As already have been mentioned, this thesis will use the social practice theory in a three-step approach. First of all, in the previous section I have described the practice of surfing in its purest form. In this section I will focus on step two, the origin of the practice of surfing and how it has changed towards the present.

An important aspect of understanding a practice is by understanding its history or the life of a practice (Nicolini 2012; Shove et al. 2012). Social practice theory has a specific approach towards history in which it differs from conventional approaches (Shove et al. 2012). Everything that people do has a specific history and a setting and in the histories of a practice one has to take note of all the three elements, the meanings, materials, and competences, at once. A history of a specific practice should focus on how these elements have changed over time, how a practice has emerged, how it developed, how it matured, and sometimes even disappeared. Moreover, it is also important to investigate how a practice has travelled through time-space and how it got influenced by other practices at specific locations as practices-as-performances are culturally and historically situated, and elements are unlikely to be integrated in identical fashion in every setting (Shove & Pantzar 2005). Hence, “[t]races of the past are inscribed in the patterns of the present” (Shove et al. 2012: 125). Theories of practice thus draw attention to the “historically and culturally specific trajectories of what people do, the details of which reflect distinctive accumulations of meaning, materiality and competence and the relative positioning of one practice with respect to others” (ibid.: 146).

Change is thus an important aspect in the life of practices. Practices emerge, stabilize, and ultimately die out as the links between elements (meanings, materials, and competences) are made and broken (Hargreaves 2011; Pantzar & Shove 2006). The successful implementation of change is not depended upon persuading or educating individuals to make different decisions, but requires instead the transformation of existing practices (Southerton et al. 2004). As Warde (2005: 140) argues, “the principal implication of a theory of practice is that the sources of change behaviour lie in the development of practices themselves”. Hence, practice theory argues that one should not focus on individuals and their cognitions, attitudes, motives and emotions when implementing sustainable change, but one should focus on the greening of everyday life practices (Brand 2010; Warde 2014a; Spaargaren & Oosterveer 2010; Hargreaves 2011). Especially for the successful implementation of new policy this can be of great value. According to Shove et al. (2012), policy makers should influence and configure the elements of which practices are made of, how practices relate to each other, “the careers and trajectories of practices and those who carry them”, and the

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circuits of reproduction (Shove et al. 2012: 146). “By implication, generating more sustainable practices calls for the links and elements of existing, unsustainable practices to be challenged and broken before being replaced and re-made in more sustainable ways” (Hargreaves 2011: 83). Social change in a practice arrangement bundle can thus happen as different practices come into contact with each other, when new elements are introduced, or when already existing elements are combined in different ways, but also when an existing practice becomes more popular (Warde 2005; Shove et al. 2012; Dobernig et al. 2016).

However, according to Warde (2005), practices can also change from the inside as practitioners resist and contest conventions and routines. This resembles the notion of Spaargaren who argues that individuals can be seen as “knowledgeable and capable agents who make use of the possibilities offered to them in the context of specific systems of provision” (2003: 668). Thus, in a practice-based perspective individuals can have a political role as change agents who are capable of changing practices. However, this role is always “designed and analysed in close interaction with the roles and responsibilities of providers and experts in systems of provision” (Spaargaren & Mol 2008: 356). These providers, market actors and the government, can react to the demands of the ordinary consumers by providing and enabling more sustainable alternatives for the consumers (Spaargaren & Oosterveer 2010). A good collaboration between the government, NGOs, industry, and individuals is very important in order for this to be successful.

Central to this is the concept of power which is an important aspect when examining practices. The actor with power is able to define and mould existing practices and can make, maintain, and organise linkages between different practices (Rantala 2010). Castells (2013) notion of how power works in the network society proves to be useful to get a better understanding of how linkages between different practices through human agency can be made. Castells (2013: 45) defines power in the network society as “the ability to exercise control over others”. However, in the context of practice theory I would also define power as the ability to critically reflect on, challenge, resist, shape, and re-link dominant practices. According to Castells (2013), power can be defined in two basic power positions. The first power position are the programmers while the second power position are the so-called switchers. The programmers have “the ability to constitute network(s), and to program/reprogram the network(s) in terms of the goals assigned to the network” (Castells 2013: 45). The switchers have “the ability to connect and ensure the cooperation of different networks by sharing common goals and combining resources, while fending off competition from other networks by setting up strategic cooperation” (ibid.). The linkages that are made between practices resemble the networks that Castells presents us and his ideas are thus fairly applicable to the social practice approach. Both the programmers and the switchers can be seen as key actors in organizing and maintaining linkages between different practices. On the one hand, the programmers have the ability to manage, control, and guard the connectivity of the (bundle) of practices including the inclusion or exclusion of particular practices. These actors often occupy powerful positions and are predominantly market or government actors striving for stability. Switchers, on the other hand, have the ability to connect alternative existing practices to a bundle and to challenge the status quo and are often NGOs or social

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movements. Hence, there is a degree of human agency among the actors involved to reproduce or transform practices from the inside.

2.3 SUSTAINABLE TOURISM PRACTICES & CO-MANAGEMENT

In this section the third step will be discussed, the practice arrangement bundle that the practice of tourism is. Moreover, I will also discuss the notions of sustainable tourism and co- management.

Although the use of social practice theory is, until now, relatively rare in the field of tourism studies, its approach could have an added value. What makes patterns of contemporary travel special is that they are not only influenced by people, “but crucially by the practices in which they participate. In other words, destinations and journeys are not arbitrary, nor are they simply expressions of choice: they are better understood as outcomes of the specific ordering and organization of practices” (Hui 2013: 161). Hence, tourism can be seen, as described by Schatzki (2016), as a complex, integrated bundle of social practices, of doings and sayings, and material entities that hang together such as accommodation practices, transport practices, consumption practices, sight-seeing practices etc. These bundles of practices or practice arrangement bundles can be loosely bound together, or more tightly bound complexes that are co-located, co-existent, and co-dependent such as tourism destinations (Shove et al. 2012; Lamers & Pashkevich 2015). According to Schatzki (2016), the practice arrangement bundle of tourism can be seen as a complex nexus of practices and as such as a large social phenomenon. Characteristics of a large social phenomenon include that it is spatially extensive and consists in a “far-flung constellation of practices or arrangements” (Schatzki 2016). Often the larger (or denser) a phenomenon is, the more complex. The formation, persistence, and dissolution of the tourism industry, for instance, is dependent on a bundle, a chain of activities that consists of several doings and sayings, and material arrangements interacting and overlapping each other. However, what makes practice theory special is that social reality is considered as a flat ontology meaning that there exists no macro level in social practice theory (Welch & Warde 2015). The social practice is overarching. Hence, practice theory gives us the opportunity to “appreciate how the local activity is affected by other practices; how other practices are affected or constrained or enabled by the practice under consideration; and what the material consequences of such [a] relationship [are]” (Nicolini 2012: 229).

The rise of environmentalism in the 1970s has a big influence on the rise of sustainable practices (Potter 2004). Environmental awareness has become part of our daily lives and influences the decisions that we make. Hence, consumption practices, such as the food that we buy, the car that we drive, and the holiday that we take, have become influenced by more sustainable practices and the meanings that we had have changed in a more environmental direction. This has thus also led to a more sustainable tourism practice. Through the years tourism has become an important part of the economic sector in developing areas all over the world (Scheyvens 2007). What makes tourist practices special is that they have a role in the production of natural environments suitable for commercial use thereby revealing “the industrial nature of tourist action” (Rantala 2010: 251). However, the

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influx of large numbers of western tourists has sometimes led to a new form of neo- colonialism “in which wealthy nations, or centers, project their desires onto less developed nations or peripheries” through which the host communities are dominated and marginalized, and local resources often destructed (Watson & Kopachevsky 1994). As a reaction to these excesses, new, more sustainable forms of tourism have emerged such as ecotourism and pro-poor tourism (Scheyvens 2007). A third one is called sustainable tourism that combines the most important aspects of the former two by focusing on an equal distribution of revenue and pro-poor policies (pro-poor tourism) and the conservation of the (natural) environment (ecotourism). The implementation of sustainable surf tourism is in general a positive development, however, as described by Hunter (1997), sustainable tourism will also entail some negative impacts and in reality a trade-off has to be made (McCool & Moisey 2001; Mowforth & Munt 2008).

Sustainable tourism is "[t]ourism that takes full account of its current and future economic, social and environmental impacts, addressing the needs of visitors, the industry, the environment and host communities" (UNEP & UNWTO 2005: 11-12). Most characteristics of sustainable tourism are in direct contrast of conventional mass tourism (Cater 1993). Activities include locally owned, small scale amenities and a more equal distribution of profits. It is responsible travel focused both on development and conservation of the environment, and the well-being of the local people (Dorsey et al. 2004; Ross & Wall 1999).

The practice of sustainable tourism has thus three important aspects: First of all, linkages have to be made to the local environment, both build and natural in which optimal use is made of environmental resources, safeguarding “essential ecological processes and helping to conserve natural heritage and biodiversity" (Ponting 2001). Hence, actors should become environmentally aware, through the development of their competences and meanings, of the specific material environment involved a practice and linkages should be made with conservation practices. Second of all, linkages have to be made to the local communities ensuring long-term economic operations and benefits that are "fairly distributed, including stable employment and income-earning opportunities and social services to host communities, and contribute to poverty alleviation" (ibid.). This also involves the development of competences among the local population and a conscious attitude towards a material involved in tourism, namely the distribution of money. Third of all, sustainable tourism should focus on the impact of tourism on host cultures with respect for the social- cultural authenticity of host communities and conserving their cultural heritage and traditional values. This third aspect of sustainable tourism practices is related to both the meanings, competences, and materials involved in sustainable tourism practices. Tourists and the tourist industry should be educated, and thereby develop their competences, in the local values and traditions of the locals and the importance of cultural heritage, which can be seen as a material involved in the practice of tourism. This can also lead to a transformation of meanings involved in tourism practices as there can become a revalue of local traditions and cultural heritage (ibid.). Key in this is a long-term focus in which all the stakeholders, such as local community members, government officials, tourism operators, and NGOs are involved and share a common goal (Towner 2014). A proposed strategy to get all the relevant stakeholders involved is through the co-management approach that connects well with the

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social practice theory as it also focuses on embeddedness and involving all the relevant parties in the practice arrangement bundle. Co-management distributes the rights, responsibilities, and duties for management among the primary stakeholders, in particular, the government and individual or collective users (Persoon et al. 2003). Hence, it merges the interest of the state, to achieve sustainability and efficiency, with local community concerns for self-governance, control, and active involvement (Hauck & Dowman 2001).

To conclude, the social practice theory approach can function as an analytical tool to get a better grasp of the entire practice of tourism including all the relevant stakeholders. Through this it becomes possible to analyse where change is needed, what kind of opportunities exist, and what kind of tourism development could be embraced in order to have a successful implementation of sustainable tourism.

2.4 A RECAP

In this thesis, a three-step approach will be used to analyse the practice of surfing and how a part of it has evolved towards the practice of surf tourism. The first step involved an analysis of the practice of surfing in its purest form. The second step involves a historical analysis of the practice of surfing and how it has changed, while the third step involves an in-depth discussion of the practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism on the Mentawai Islands, Indonesia through ethnographic fieldwork. This three-step approach is based on the social practice theory posited by Shove et al. (2012) that functions as an overarching lens how to look at social reality, emphasizing how societies change or why they stay so much the same. According to the social practice theory, social practices should be the core unit of analysis. Practices are a routinized type of behaviour that exist as a block or a pattern which can be filled out of a multitude of single and often unique actions (Reckwitz 2002). Thus, when analysing change as a researcher one should not focus on individual behaviour, but on the entire social practice. Individuals only function as the carriers of the social practice. A social practice exists of several connected elements, namely; meanings, materials and competences. “Generating more sustainable practices calls for the links and elements of existing, unsustainable practise to be challenged and broken before being replaced and re-made in more sustainable ways” (Hargreaves 2011: 83). This can be from the outside, as different practices come into contact with each other, or, as proposed by Spaargaren (2005), from the inside when knowledgeable and capable agents resist or contest routines and conventions.

Regarding the latter, it is also important to understand how agency, and related to this power, is situated in practice theory. For this I use the concept of power used by Castells (2013) who states that power can be defined in two basic positions. The first position entails the programmers who have the ability to manage, control, and guard the connectivity between practices. The second position entails the switchers who have the ability to connect alternative practices and elements to the existing practice arrangement bundle and thereby constitute change in the bundle itself. The arguments made by Shove et al. (2012) and Spaargaren (2005) can be used to approach the notion of sustainable (surf) tourism. Sustainable (surf) tourism “takes full account of its current and future economic, social and environmental impacts, addressing the needs of visitors, the industry, the environment and

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host communities” (UNEP & UNWTO 2005: 11-12). According to Hunter (1997), sustainable tourism is an adaptive paradigm that should differ from destination to destination emphasizing what is needed in each individual case. The social practice approach can function as a way to map what is needed in a specific destination answering questions such as: Who is responsible? What are the challenges? Who prevents change? What are the opportunities? Where is change needed? By answering these questions it becomes possible to get a better grasp of what kind of opportunities exist and what has to be changed in the practice of surf tourism in order to implement more sustainable surf tourism in the Mentawais.

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3. METHODOLOGY

3.1 STUDY AREA

“RESEARCH [ON THE MENTAWAI ISLANDS] IS NOT FOR THE FAINT HEARTED” (TOWNER 2014: 125).

Approximately 150 kilometres off the west coast of Sumatra, Indonesia lies the Mentawai Archipelago (Figure 2) consisting of four main islands: Siberut, Sipora, North and South Pagai which have combined over 7000 square kilometres of land area (Whittaker 2006), and many smaller islands.

Figure 2. The geographic location of the Mentawai Islands (Wikipedia 2016a).

The archipelago was traditionally inhabited by the indigenous Mentawaian who lived in small autonomous settlements along the river banks (Persoon 2003). This system came to an end at the beginning of the 20th century when the Dutch empire established a military post on the islands and introduced a system of village heads. However, during World War II, the Dutch colonials fled from the archipelago and from Indonesia in general, and after a brief period of Japanese occupation the Indonesian military and civil servants took control over the Mentawai Islands formally freeing it from colonial rule (Bakker 1999). From the end of the 1970s onwards a system of administrative villages got implemented that fell under two sub-districts and under the jurisdiction of one main district situated on the mainland of Sumatra. This changed in 1999 when the Mentawai Islands became a regency with its own administrative centre situated in Tua Pejat on the island of Sipora, which is the smallest but most developed island of the archipelago (Persoon 2003). Moreover, industry is also predominantly situated on Sipora. The northernmost and largest island is Siberut which contains a huge (protected) rainforest supporting diverse wildlife and indigenous people. The southernmost islands, North and South Pagai were severely damaged by the Sumatra

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earthquake of 2010 and are the least developed islands attracting low numbers of tourists (Satake et al. 2013). Currently, the population of the Mentawai Islands consists of approximately 70,000 people of which 90% are the indigenous Mentawai (SurfAid International 2008). The other 10% exists of predominantly Minangkabau (from West- Sumatra), Javanese, Batak (from North-Sumatra), and foreigners (Persoon 2003).

Due to a complex combination of local wind conditions, favourable shaped reefs, and swell, which manufacture some of the best, consistent, quality waves on earth, the Mentawai archipelago is known throughout the surf world for being one of the most wave rich surf destinations being called ‘the best of the best’ and a ‘surfing wonderland’ (Warshaw 2004; Ponting 2008; Ponting et al. 2005; Lueras & Lueras 2014). According to Buckley (2002b), there are at least 30 surfable breaks in the Mentawais available of which most are potentially surfable every day of the year. Currently, the surfing high season lasts from May to September (the dry season) with waves up to 12 meters attracting experienced surfers from mainly Australia and America. In the low season, when waves are around 5 meters tall, increasing numbers of European and Japanese tourists are present (Towner 2014).

The major towns on the four islands, especially the capital Tua Pejat on Sipora, service the outlying villages. On Sunday, the boat with supplies from the mainland of Sumatra attracts people from all over the islands. These main towns are very similar to towns elsewhere in Indonesia with (badly) paved roads, hundreds of scooters, stone houses, schools, mosques and churches, small shops, and different food eateries. Telephone connection is also (to some extent) available and in the government buildings there is even WIFI. However, the majority of the inland villages are very different from their coastal counterparts. The villagers live in wooden houses with a roof from sago leaves (Figure 3), and in isolated areas people are still largely self-sufficient living of cultivated perennial crops, with sago, banana, and coconut as staple foods, and internet and telephone connection are rarely present. It must be noted that I experienced a large difference between Siberut, where people still live very traditional, embracing their cultural heritage and traditional values and where the rainforest has remained largely intact, and Sipora, where paved roads are dominating the island (Figure 4).

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Figure 3. A traditional house in the inland of Siberut with sago leaves drying in front of it

Figure 4. A newly paved road on Sipora

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For research purposes I have situated my research near important surf breaks where surf tourists, resorts, and surf guides were present so that I could really experience and be part of the practice of surf tourism (presented in Figure 5). I also situated myself in the capital Tua Pejat because of the presence of the local government and NGOs. Moreover, I have done research on the mainland of Sumatra, near the harbour where the ferry and all the surf charter boats leave, and Air Manis beach where all the locals of the city of Padang go to surf. Due to their remoteness and lower number of surf tourists (Towner 2014) I have not visited North and South Pagai. Because of research and budget purposes during my presence on the Mentawai Islands I only stayed at local homestays. This, amongst others, proved to be a harsh environment with poor facilities such as the lack of proper sanitation, internet, telephone connection, a high number of power shortages, a high number of storms due to the rain season, not so friendly locals, and the risk to obtain malaria and other diseases always lurking. As Towner (2014) mentions in his dissertation on the islands: Doing research in remote areas such as the Mentawai Islands is not for the faint hearted.

Figure 5. Research Areas on Mentawai and in Padang (Wikipedia 2016b)

3.2 DATA COLLECTION

The research consisted of two stages in which different kind of methods were used in order to reach triangulation. Through triangulation it becomes possible to give a more comprehensive and complete answer on the research questions posed (Bryman 2008). The first stage of the thesis involved an intensive literature study and analysis of the history of the practice of surfing and how a part of it has transformed towards surf tourism. The second stage consisted of two months of ethnographic fieldwork in Indonesia, specifically

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Mentawai. According to Lienhardt (1985), who borrowed the analogy from Geertz, the relationship between theory and ethnography can be seen as an elephant-and-rabbit stew. What is required for successful research is one elephant of ethnography and one rabbit of theory. Subsequently, he argues, the art consists of bringing out the flavour of the rabbit (Eriksen 2002).

As already has been mentioned, this thesis starts with an extensive historical overview of the practice of surfing and how it has developed and transformed to its current state. According to Nicolini (2012), in research zooming out is key in order to describe the casual nexus of a practice. Through this it becomes possible to understand how the specific practice contributes to the ‘wider picture’. “To understand what happens here and now, we also need to understand what happens somewhere else – next door, or much further afield” (Nicolini 2012: 229). Therefore, understanding the history of a practice, its emergence and evolution, is of vital importance. A historical analysis also sheds light on the power relations that determine the current state of affairs of a practice. “This information is critical for those who are interested in changing (or perpetuating) the status quo” (ibid. 236). Hence, Nicolini argues that “[b]y zooming out and historical reconstruction we can start to build an appreciation of how local practices participate in larger configurations and how they enter as elements, ingredients, or resources in other activities” (ibid.).

Thus, in the historical analysis I have made an in-depth analysis of the origin and development of the practice of surfing, and explicitly the practice of surf tourism in developing countries, specifically Indonesia, using the databases of Wageningen and Leiden University, The Royal Library of The Netherlands, and a range of academic information databases such as the OPAC system, Web of Science, bibliographic databases, and Internet search engines. During this extensive historical analysis I have used the social practice theory as posited by Shove et al. (2012) to get a better grasp of the transformations that the practice of surfing has been through. Moreover, I have had meetings with various academic professionals knowledgeable in these fields of study. Hence, this literature review contributed to an in-depth analysis of the history of the practice of surfing and how this has evolved throughout the years. I have analysed the origin of surfing, its commercialization, and its current state through the literature study. Through this I could get a comprehensive and cohesive image of the practice of surfing. As already argued by Shove et al. (2012), every practice has a certain history and it is important to get a grasp of this history to understand its current situation.

In the second stage of my research I have conducted two full months of ethnographic fieldwork in Indonesia of which one month on the Mentawai Islands. According to Nicolini (2012), next to zooming out it is also essential that we appreciate local activity and that we zoom in on the details of a specific practice in a specific place to make sense of it. Hence, zooming in involves literally taking a closer look and getting engaged or experiencing first- hand what it is to be part of a specific practice. Therefore, Nicolini (2012: 221) proposes an ethno-methodology that can truly “capture and convey the actual work that goes into a practice”. An ethnographic research method gives the researcher the opportunity to be flexible and opportunistic in its data-collection methods through which it becomes possible

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to respond to emerging themes and a changing environment during the fieldwork (Mehmetoglu & Altinay 2006). Moreover, ethnography offers the opportunity for the researcher to become a “partial insider” and an interpreter of local customs (Sherif 2001). This can also contribute to gaining some insight knowledge of cultural customs which can build trust and respect and lead to ‘rapport’ between the locals and the researcher (Tchacos & Vallance 2004). In ethnographic research the researcher is physically present and immersed in the day-to-day lives of the people, concentrating on a particular socio-cultural setting, observing the participants, but also participating in the relevant practice (Atkinson et al. 2001; Creswell 2012). Social practice theory directs research attention towards the practical accomplishment or ‘doing’ of everyday practices. Hence, it implies the use of methods that are capable of observing what actually happens in the performance of practice such as ethnography (Hargreaves 2011; Riedy 2013). The ethnographic approach and really participating in the practices of study are the only ways for a researcher “to gain embodied, situational, and practice-related knowledge” (Rantala 2010: 251; Nicolini 2012). Therefore, the first phase of my ethnographic fieldwork consisted of a participant observation in the different research areas that I visited. By conducting participant observation I could observe, experience, and engage in the practice of surfing in the area. Through this I was able to observe and experience the meanings, competences, and materials that are part of the practice of surf tourism. During my observations I especially focused on the surf tourists and their interaction with the specific environment. This includes the natural environment, but also the local population, local government, and the tourist industry. The research also entailed site visits to surf spots, NGOs, resorts, government agencies, and the beach. The data gathered through the participant observation functioned as a basis for the second phase of my ethnographic fieldwork.

The second phase of my ethnographic fieldwork was focused on reflexive in-depth semi-structured interviewing. Through these interviews I was able to critically reflect on the experiences gathered through the participant observation and confront the interviewees with my previous findings (Denzin 2001). I conducted in-depth semi-structured interviews (by using Appendix A) with the surf tourists, local community, resort staff, a NGO owner, NGO employees, government officials, academic researchers, a surf guide, local guides, and local surfers in order to get a better understanding of the entire practice of surfing (see Table 1). The interviews that were held lasted approximately between 60 and 90 minutes and sometimes a follow up interview was held when I as a researcher or the respondent felt necessary. Unfortunately, I was only able to interview two government officials due to a radical change of events which caused me to leave the islands. The in-depth interviews were predominantly focused on the meanings held by practitioners concerning the practice of surf tourism. Nevertheless, the interviews were also used to reflect on the competences and materials involved in the practice (Kuijer 2014). Through interviewing I was able to get a better grasp of notions of responsibility and ones role in the practice of surfing. I have asked the interviewees to critically reflect on the practice of surf tourism, how they think change can happen and what prevents it, and I asked them to describe their visions for the future (Riedy 2013). According to Seidman (2005), in-depth interviewing gives you the opportunity to understand the meaning of specific behaviour of a person and it becomes possible to put it into context. During my research I made daily field notes specifying key dimensions of

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whatever I heard or observed. I also made these during my semi-structured interviews instead of recordings due to the harsh environment, such as the lack of electricity, and cautiousness among the respondents towards a foreign researcher (Towner 2014).

Table 1. Interviewees

Numbers Details Where

Eight foreign tourists French, German, Australian, On the boat, at a resort on Italian, males, aged 19-50 Sipora, at the English School on Sipora

One NGO owner Australian, female, aged 40- At the English School on 49 Sipora

Two NGO employees English, male & female, At the English School on aged 30-39 Sipora

Numerous Minangkabau Local, males & females, all Padang on Air Manis Beach ages

One surf guide Australian, male, aged 30-39 At a resort on Sipora

One resort owner Australian, male, aged 40-49 At a resort on Siberut

Two government officials Local, male & female, aged At a government office on 30-49 Sipora

Seven local surfers Mentawaian and Padang, Siberut and Sipora, Minangkabau, males, aged in the water, in the local 20-29 villages, on the beach

Five local guides of which Mentawaian, males, aged Siberut and Sipora in the one former resort employee 19-39 local villages

One resort employee Mentawaian, male, aged 19- Sipora, in a local village 25

Two academic researchers Dutch, male & female, aged University of Amsterdam 19-40

One of the key difficulties in ethnographic research is to get access to the social setting (Bryman 2008; Marshall & Rossman 2006). Fortunately, my setting was relatively open which made my research reasonably enforceable. Engaging with the local communities was crucial for my research as their cooperation and input was essential. “Getting-in” and “gaining acceptance of the people being studied” was an important first move in the research (Lofland

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& Lofland 1984: 20). This motivated me to, first of all, stay a week with a local tribe on Siberut (Figure 6) where I learned a little of the local Mentawai language and got a grasp of the local Mentawai conditions, traditions, and culture, which is vital when doing ethnographic research (Clark et al. 1998). By respecting the culture I was able to build trust between myself and the participants, which helped to build rapport and led to richer insights and deeper understandings (LeCompte & Schensul 2010). Furthermore, all the respondents were very talkative and emotionally involved in the topic of research. From the beginning I presented myself as researcher, not as a tourist because people can have different expectations of you. By choosing this role I became aware that locals were very enthusiastic to tell their story because they saw me as a person who could mean something for them. I situated myself in the research sites as participant-as-observer (Bryman 2008). I was a functioning member of society and had predominantly interaction with the locals and participated in their daily lives, but my role as researcher was well-known. This gave me the opportunity to meet and select relevant gatekeepers and to come into contact with key informants who proved to be of particular importance for my research. In Siberut the key informants were of vital importance for me as they brought me into contact with other suitable respondents and spurred my convenience and snowball sampling. Convenience sampling is based on the people that are simply available to the researcher and in my case spoke the English language (ibid.). For instance, due to the off season there were almost no charter boat owners present or resorts open which made it difficult for me to interview both actors. The language barrier was less a problem than that I had expected due to the fact that the Indonesian people that I wanted to interview were all part of the tourist industry and dealt with tourists on a semi-regular basis. Snowball sampling is based on the fact that the researcher meets a small group of people who are relevant for his research and then uses these contacts to establish new ones with others (ibid.). I used the latter strategy in numerous occasions due to my unfamiliarity with the Mentawai Islands.

Figure 6. The uma (traditional, common house) where I stayed for a week

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3.3 DATA ANALYSIS

The first step of my data analysis was already conducted during my ethnographic fieldwork where I structured my field notes into several categories. By doing this I could use these categories also as input during my interviews and focus on specific findings. The next phase of the data analysis was conducted back in The Netherlands. Here I cleaned the data for analysis by tidying up and structuring my field notes. I did this all with the social practice theory and the three guiding elements (meanings, materials, and competences) in mind. Moreover, because of the three-step approach of this thesis, I also grouped in categories related to the past, the present, and the future. When going through my data the data revealed the three-step approach to me and, in the end, thus structured my thesis. On the one hand, the past and the meanings involved in the history and development of the practice of surfing proved to be relevant. On the other hand, the current situation on the Mentawai Islands was consistently described as a tipping point, hence, several proposed alternatives for the future development of surf tourism on the Mentawai Islands proved to be relevant as well.

Throughout this process I coded my data examining my field notes and observations line by line. Specific codes were assigned to important statements central to the research topic. In addition, I compared my own data and field notes with relevant existing academic literature in order to get a better understanding of the relevance of the data that I had collected in relation to the broader field of surf tourism literature. The core categories in the academic literature and my own data were identified and through this it became possible to recognize patterns in the practice of surf tourism development.

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4. A HISTORICAL ANALYSIS OF THE PRACTICE OF SURFING

In this part of the thesis I will focus on the second step of the three step approach and discuss the history of the practice of surfing and how it has transformed into a global sport and tourism attraction. I will do this by using secondary literature and analyse this through the theoretical approaches posed.

4.1 THE ORIGIN OF SURFING

Ford & Brown (2006) argue that the best way to understand the current surf subculture and the development of surf tourism is through its history. Surfing finds its origin deep in the roots of a number of Pacific cultures. These include Hawaii, Polynesia, and Peru (Kampion 2003). What made Hawaiian surfing stood out was that it resembles most the idea of modern surfing with people standing erect on their surf boards (Finney & Houston 1996). In Hawaii surfing dates back to 1500 years ago (Walker 2015). Traditionally, surfing was an important cornerstone of Hawaiian culture and kings and chiefs were known for their surfing ability (Marcus 2009). As such, surfing had an important religious meaning in society and included numerous rites and rituals. One of them was placing a fish offering, prayers, and rites by the tree felled to construct the surf board as a compensation for the spirits (Kampion 2003; Houston & Finney 1996). In general, board making was a very serious matter, especially for royals who wanted the biggest and best boards and construction could take months (Westwick & Neushul 2013). The importance of the surf board for Hawaiians is depicted in the quote below:

“Visiting British ship commander George Anson Byron dropped anchor in Hawaii in the early nineteenth century and, recognizing a status marker when he saw one, wrote that “to have a neat floatboard, well-kept, and dried, is to a Sandwich Islander [Hawaiian] what a tilbury or cabriolet, or whatever light carriage may be in fashion, is to a young English man” (Mackert 2005: 8).

Surfing was woven into the entire Hawaiian culture “with religious festivals, political power, and gender relationships expressed through surfing” (Westwick & Neushul 2013: 8). For instance, royalty were expert surfers because they enjoyed the most leisure time to perfect their ability and the competence of surfing “demonstrated the strength and skill that qualified one for leadership” (ibid.). Although the royals were often most capable to surf, it was not just a sport for royalties. Everyone surfed in ancient Hawaii. Moreover, in the ancient Hawaiian society surfing was not only practiced by men as women were keen on surfing too and often men and women surfed together (Warshaw 2010). Due to this, surfing was also a form of courtship through which near-naked men and women demonstrated their physical prowess and grave mingling together in the water. “Custom encouraged a man and woman who shared a wave to follow it with an amorous encounter on the beach” (Westwick & Neushul 2013: 9). Hence, surfing has always been more than a sport or just for fun or individual pleasure in ancient Hawaii, because of its big social function (ibid.). It was a way to win prizes, impress the opposite sex and gain social and political status. “[I]t was a way of life, a philosophy” (ibid. 13).

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Several co-existing and co-integrated elements contributed to Hawaii becoming a surf society, including geography, ocean knowledge, physical fitness, and nutrition. For instance, due to its specific material environment, Hawaii is a natural paradise for surfing. Moreover, Hawaiians were traditionally oceanographers, navigators, and expert sailors who could read tides, waves, wind, and reed. Hence, they had the right meanings and competences enabling them to right the big waves (Westwick & Neushul 2013). Also their ability to swim was a critical competence to their survival on the islands and Hawaiians usually learned to swim as infants. “Before they could walk, they crawled” (ibid. 11). This served as a fundamental part of their sport competitions. Another important characteristic of Hawaiian culture was their remarkable physique enabled by their diet, “which was tied to their leisure time by a highly developed food system” (ibid. 12). As depicted below, due to the availability of leisure time the Hawaiians had the chance to develop their surf skills:

“You can’t surf if you’re out finding food or shelter, or otherwise making a living. Surfing requires leisure time. Every society where surfing flourished has enjoyed enough resources to give people leisure time to surf. Hawaii became the cradle of surfing because food and shelter were easily had” (ibid.).

Hence, what we see here is that in Hawaiian society the elements of the practice of surfing had strong linkages with the entire society. For instance, the meanings involved in the practice of surfing made it such an important part of society. Surfing was not just seen as a sport, but had a strong social function enabling marriages and settling power conflicts. Moreover, the materials and competences involved in the practice of surfing were also important. The production of the surf board involved numerous rituals and traditions and the competences to ride a board had an important function and meaning for social and political status, and to impress the opposite sex. For example, as royalty it was required to skilfully ride a surf board. Furthermore, it was no coincidence that Hawaii developed itself as a surf society, especially as it comes to the materials and competences involved. The Hawaiian people were extremely knowledgeable about the sea, and swimming and physical strength were an important part of society. Likewise, the available material environment, such as the specific geographic location of Hawaii, provided good waves, but also the abundance of good food contributed to the surf society as it created more leisure time to practice surfing.

4.2 CALVINISM & RESISTANCE

At the beginning of the 19th century things started to change dramatically in the Hawaiian society due to the arrival of Calvinist missionaries (Lazarow et al. 2008). These missionaries considered many Hawaiian practices as barbaric, savage, and sinful (Walker 2015). One of these was surfing that was deemed as licentious, non-productive, and dangerous (Warshaw & Finnegan 2005; Bingham 1848). Especially Bingham, a stern Calvinist from New England played an important role in the marginalization of surfing. On arrival, Bingham was greatly appalled by sexual license and native nudity:

“The appearance of destitution, degradation, and barbarism, among the chattering, and almost naked savages, who’s heads and feet, and much of their sunburnt swarthy skins, were bare, was appalling. Some of our number, with gushing tears, turned away from the spectacle. Others, with firmer nerve, continued their gaze, but were ready to exclaim, ‘Can these be human beings?’“ (Bingham 1848).

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These views put severe pressure on the activity of surfing and from the 1830s onwards it became a rare sight suppressed by the strict tenets of Calvinism under the banner of bringing ‘new civilization’. Consequently, the Hawaiians faced a stark choice: “immediate gratification – though with eternal damnation – or the immeasurable bounties of a heavenly future” (Laderman 2014: 10). It thus appeared that surfing did not stand a chance. In 1882 the views of anthropologist Nathaniel B. Emerson resemble this notion: “There are those living […] who remember the time when almost the entire population of a village would at certain hours resort to the sea side to indulge in, or to witness, this magnificent accomplishment […]. Today it is hard to find a surfboard outside our museums and private collections” (Westwick & Neushul 2013: 19). In addition, a new economic system got implemented in which wage work diminished the leisure time which is so fundamental to the competences in the practice of surfing (ibid.).

What appears is that the traditional practice of surfing that contained a large number of religious elements got contested by a new religion, Calvinism. The linkages that surfing traditionally had with the entire social and cultural life of the Hawaiians were broken and replaced by Calvinist practices implementing a wage work society. Thus, leisure time to practice surfing got diminished and surfing lost its importance in the Hawaiian society under the stern hand of Bingham. It thus seems that the circuit-of-reproduction of the practice of surfing got endangered as less and less people functioned as the carriers of the practice and the elements, especially the meanings involved in the practice of surfing were broken down or replaced by Calvinism. In this instance, Bingham can be seen as a switcher who terminated the linkages that the practice of surfing once had.

However, despite the efforts to vilify the traditional Hawaiian cultural practice, surfing, although on a smaller scale, still continued (Walker 2015; Westwick & Neushul 2013). Surfing remained a source of pride for the Hawaiians. As one surfer explained:

“Surfing has been a part of our history for thousands of years, and when you surf you have that connection, you connect spiritually and physically to all the elements around you; this is a part of you, it’s a Hawaiian thing” (Walker 2015: 4).

As the Hawaiians were increasingly marginalized from political, social, and economic spheres the Hawaiians found strength in doing the traditional Hawaiian art that was celebrated by Hawaiians in ancient time. Hence, numerous Hawaiians fled to the waves (Walker 2008). “For many Hawaiians [surfing] provided solace and escape from injustice and political conquest on land” (Walker 2015: 6). The waves offered the Hawaiians autonomy, freedom, and empowerment. Hence, surfing functioned as a way to resist imperialism (ibid.). As Walker (2015: 11) states: “The ocean has been a place of autonomy, resistance, and survival for many […]”. Hence, due to the arrival of Calvinist missionaries and other Westerners the meanings involved in the practice of surfing changed for the native Hawaiians. Initially the practice of surfing had linkages with the entire society, however, due to the arrival of the Calvinist these linkages became under pressure. As a result, the practice of surfing became a way for the Hawaiians to escape and to resist imperialism, to celebrate their own traditions, to develop a native identity, to find solace, and to regain autonomy and

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freedom defeating and defying the colonial notions (Walker 2008). Hence, surfing became a form of bodily resistance.

4.3 CALIFORNIA & THE POPULARISATION OF SURFING

Although surfing remained part of the Hawaiian culture and got ‘rediscovered’ in the beginning of the twentieth century, it was not until the late 1950s that surfing globally popularized (Booth 2004). From the middle of the twentieth century, following the Second World War, people in the West got more leisure time and post war prosperity resulted in a significant increase and popularisation of the surf industry (Martin & Assenov 2008). Consequently, it did not take long before the world went into a surf craze fuelled by American popular media such as the music from the Beach Boys, Dick Dale, and surf films such as Beach Blanket Bingo, Gidget, and Beach Party (Warshaw & Finnegan 2005; Walker 2015). Especially Gidget in 1959 altered the surf image dramatically, highly romanticizing the beach atmosphere of a bright sun, yellow sand, blue waters, the rolling breaks, and healthy tanned bodies. The American popular media depicted surfing as a somewhat utopian subculture spreading the surfing ‘lifestyle’ across America and luring inland Americans to the beach (Young 1983; Crawford 1993; Letchman 1977; Booth 2004). The surfers in the movies were depicted as masculine tough guys while women were predominantly excluded or sexualized (Laderman 2014; Booth 2004). Hence, during this time surfing became an integral part of popular culture especially aimed at men. The practice of surfing became commodified and made into a moneymaking artifice (Laderman 2014; Mach 2014). The Hollywood spectacle designated Southern California as the presumptive centre of the surf universe and spurred crowding at popular surf breaks along the California shore (Laderman 2014). As Reed (1999: 16) explains: prior to the movies a surfer got to ride as many waves as he wanted. Crowding did not exist and everyone knew each other at the breaks. The Hollywood movies changed this completely over just one season. As surfing was made sexy and adventurous on the big screen to millions of movie goers, the surf crowd at Malibu changed from approximately twenty surfers to over a hundred the following year (Laderman 2014). As Irwin (1973) estimated: prior to the movies in 1959 there were approximately 1,000 surfers in America, the next year, in 1960, after the release, 20,000, and in 1964 the surfing population consisted already over 150,000 surfers.

According to Booth (2004), the main obstacle that had previously restricted surfing from developing had largely to do with technology, that is, the material of the surfboard. In Hawaiian times the surfboard was made of solid wood, heavy and cumbersome. Due to this, early surfboards were only suitable for the experienced riders and also difficult to transport (Mach 2014). In the middle of the twentieth century Californian-based surfers invented lighter, shorter, and highly manoeuvrable hollow boards initially made of balsa wood and later foam combined with fiberglass. The development of both lighter boards and wetsuits, that made surfing in chilly waters more comfortable, made travelling easier and surfing more accessible to a grand audience (Lazarow et al. 2008).

Inspired by the surf movies and spurred by these innovations low budget documentaries were made in California, so-called surf flicks, establishing and contributing to

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one of the most vital elements of contemporary surf culture: the importance of travelling and freedom. Hence, “[s]urfers like waves, [started to] move across and along the oceans” (Laderman 2014: 43).

One of the first highly publicised forms of international surf tourism was in 1963, when the American Peter Troy took a four-year surf trip visiting Morocco, The Canary Islands, The Virgin Islands, Hawaii, Mexico, El Salvador, Brazil, Peru, Argentina, Great Britain, Spain, France, Syria, Angola, and South Africa (Warshaw & Finnegan 2005). However, Troy’s exploits were soon overshadowed by the landmark movie by Bruce Brown (1966) called The Endless Summer: In Search of the Perfect Wave. In this movie the director and avid surfer Bruce Brown decided to take two famous surfers on a worldwide quest to find the perfect wave in previously un-surfed areas. The documentary depicts their travels to ‘empty’ waves in New Zealand, South Africa, Tahiti, and Ghana and “showed images of indigenous tribal people’s enthusiasm and warm response to the activity” (Mach 2009: 27). Its reception in theatres was overwhelming with numerous sold out venues throughout America. Moreover, the documentary popularized surf travel tremendously inspiring surfers to experience uncharted, exotic, remote territories. “The documentary disseminated the idea that the world is a big place with seemingly endless coastlines and there are rewards for being adventurous and traveling to surf” (ibid.) Hence, the documentary popularized and ignited the desire to travel to remote, unspoilt areas in order to experience a ‘pure’ surf experience. Thereby the documentary shaped the notion of surfing for the rest of the millennium (Kampion 2003). As Ormrod (2005: 42) states:

“What everyone picked up was the beauty of surfing, the harmonious union of man and nature, the adventure implicit in riding waves no one surfed before, and the sense of freedom to be found away from civilization’s complexity”. Surfing became increasingly about “the search, the journey, the discovery” (Laderman 2014: 44).

Especially the soul surf movement embraced the latter. The ‘soul surfers’ surf purely for surfing itself, as is illustrated in this quote depicted by Bill Hamilton:

“[T]he surfing lifestyle really lends itself to the very fringe of society – it’s such a free-and-easy lifestyle, and it has so much to do with individual freedom - an almost irresponsible kind of freedom. [S]urfers are edge-riders. We’ve made a decision […] to live on the fringe of society and not be active citizens and participants in society, unless we want to. The act of going surfing is a very selfish endeavour. It’s an experience that has nothing to do with anything except you and the ocean, period” (Kampion 2000: 79-81).

Hence, surfing is all about individual freedom and the resentment of being active citizens in society, unless the surfers want to. Surfing is just about the surfer and the ocean (Kampion 2003). What appears is that surfing was used as a form of escapism resembling that of the Hawaiians in imperial times (Reed 1999). As Mach (2014: 87) describes:

“While many Americans had their course set for […] the American Dream of having a wife, a house with a yard, 2.5 kids and a dog, surfers sought something outside of that, or at least a site of refuge from the pressures associated with amassing buying power and taking place in the building consumerist complex” (Lawler 2011).

This particular image comes prominently to the fore in the words of Mickey Dora, a protester against commercialism, in Surfers, The Movie:

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“My whole life is this escape, my whole life is this wave I drop into...and shoot for my life, going for broke, man, and behind me, all the shit goes over my back...the screaming parents...screaming teachers, police, priests, politicians...they’re all going over the falls head first...into the fucking reef...Buow! And I’m shooting for my life and when it starts to close out I pull off the bottom out to the back and I pick off another one and do the same goddamn thing” (quoted in Duane 1996).

Ironically, the image of a lone surfer escaped to unknown, uncrowded territories became a key symbol in marketing campaigns of corporate surf brands. As a result, these companies started collecting and paying the surfers for the photos taken in these unspoilt destinations and captured and commodified this image (Lawler 2011; Mach 2014). Hence, popularized through Hollywood beach films, surf music, and specialised surfing magazines the surf industry quickly spread around the world and is now practiced along coasts on the entire planet (Booth 2004; Steinman 2003).

By using the social practice theory approach some interesting observations can be made. First of all, what is important to notice is that the post war prosperity in the west enabled more leisure time and thus more leisure activities such as surfing. Hence, the practice of surfing became linked with meanings of fun and adventure. The American popular media embraced this development and had a “vital role in disseminating ideas” (Shove et al. 2012) through materials such as movies and films romanticizing the practice of surfing. As a result, the practice of surfing got new linkages with popular culture and became a lifestyle in itself through documentary film-makers, authors of newspaper articles, musicians, but most importantly through a vast number of people that began surfing themselves, effectively and constantly renewing the practice of surfing. Hence, once an old and mundane practice in which only a small island group participated, surfing has become re-positioned and popularized through novel combinations of materials, competences, and meanings. From a practice approach there are a two aspects that can explain the success of the surf craze. First of all, surfing has high ‘internal rewards’ like conquering a wave, landing a trick, being one with the waves, and feeling physically satisfied. Hence, surfing has high and long-term circuits of satisfaction (Shove et al. 2012). A second reason that can explain the success of surfing is that it has symbolic and normative anchoring. It is strongly associated with certain meanings of escapism, freedom, activism, but also masculinity reinforced through the media attracting numerous young men. Hence, the meanings involved in the practice of surfing changed drastically as surfing became sexy and adventurous. This led to a masculinization of the practice of surfing while women became excluded or sexualized in the surf sport. Moreover, the practice of surfing became commodified and transformed into a moneymaking artifice. Other material elements that played an important role in the development of the practice of surfing were inventions that made surfboards lighter, and the invention of the wetsuit. This made it easier for surfers to travel with their surfboard to distant locations and surfing in general more accessible to inexperienced riders causing an increase of the circulation of the practice of surfing. Consequently, the competences one was required to have to become part of the practice of surfing became easier to attain. These innovations and the existing surf media established new linkages with the practice of surfing influencing the existing elements. One of them was travelling which has become an important characteristic of the meanings involved in contemporary surf culture. Due to the fact that the specific material of the surfboard has changed it became possible to relocate the 29

practice of surfing in other, more remote areas, spreading surfing on a global scale. This need to go on a journey and to discover was influenced by the existing wanderlust of that time. Furthermore, this need to travel was also influenced by the need to escape the daily grind of life. It thus appears that the meanings involved in the practice of surfing in Hawaii during the time of imperialism resemble the notion of escapism involved in contemporary surfing. Hence, the practice of surfing has transformed and changed a lot through history, but also rediscovered and rebuild previous meanings.

4.4 THE PRACTICE OF SURF TOURISM

In this part I will discuss the global rise of the practice of surf tourism emphasizing the situation in Indonesia, and eventually focus on the Mentawai Islands and my own experiences. As already have been mentioned in the previous section, spurred and promoted through movies, magazines and advertisements, traveling became an important part of the practice of surfing and thus the practice of surf tourism started to emerge. The expansion of the white middle class filled with wanderlust in the middle of the twentieth century started to open new horizons. Places that were previously only visited through long transoceanic voyages became more and more accessible through an increase of affordable commercial air travel (Laderman 2014).

4.2.1 THE RISE & CURRENT SITUATION

In the early days, especially Hawaii got promoted as a (surf) paradise on earth causing its tourism industry to explode in the post war period (Walker 2015; Laderman 2014). As Trask (1993: 56) stated: “Hawaii is the image of escape from rawness and violence of daily American life”. Surf marketing had an important role in this as marketing companies connected with the feelings of escapism and anti-establishment, but also of romance, beautiful surroundings, adventure and danger, and physical prowess among the American youth through their advertisements (George 2000). This is in detail depicted in the following quote:

“The narrative history of surfing’s beginnings in the island of the Pacific, is imbued with notions of pantheistic spirituality, courage and harmony with nature, which resonated with Western romantic sensibilities. The demise of surfing during the nineteenth century missionary period may well have contributed to surfing culture’s anti- establishment ethos and suspicion of repressive social tendencies. Surfing’s rebirth in the early twentieth century allowed the expression of such sentiments more positively, in terms of an association with surfing with fun, hedonism and freedom, beyond societal conventions” (Ford & Brown 2006: 26).

Hence, soon Hawaii became depicted and known as a surfer’s mecca (Laderman 2014). In the surf documentaries and movies of that time surfers became portrayed as heroes surfing bigger and bigger waves and the experience of surfing alone in uncharted territories was increasingly glorified (Mach 2009). Hence, for some young men surfing Hawaii was not enough anymore as their urge for discovery and adventure kept growing. These feelings, spurred by the American popular media, lay the foundation of a surf tourism bubble and surfers started to visit areas of the world previously untouched by tourists (ibid.). Some of these surfers started to recognize the profit that could made through these areas and found

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ways to package and sell these surf adventures, making them available to a larger, less adventurous audience (ibid.).

Although surf tourism emerged exponentially in the middle of the twentieth century, it is only in 2003 that Martin Fluker comes with a clear definition of what surf tourism entails. According to Fluker (2003: 6):

“Surf tourism involves people travelling to either domestic locations for a period of time not exceeding 6 months, or international locations for a period of time not exceeding 12 months, who stay at least one night, and where the active participation in the sport of surfing, where the surfer relies on the power of the wave for forward momentum, is the primary motivation for destination selection.”

What makes surf tourism unique is that it can be seen as a hybrid form of tourism having both nature and adventure motivations (Buckley 2002a; Mach 2009). The importance of this combination is depicted in the research of Dolnicar and Fluker (2003) that reveals the motives of a wide sample of surf tourists illuminating the importance of both quality and variety of waves for riding, as well as a healthy, natural environment. Important to mention here is that surfing for surfers is “a competitive sport, a career, a leisure activity, a lifestyle, and/or an obsession” (Reis & Jorge 2012). Hence, surf tourists have to defined first as surfers and then as tourists (Buckley 2002a). The life around the ocean, the beach culture, and the local culture are thus of secondary importance to the surf tourists (Reis & Jorge 2012). According to Buckley (2002a), the practice of surf tourism can be divided into two components. On the one hand, there is recreational surf travel in which individuals or small groups of surfers plan their own trips, arrange or use their own transport and equipment, and stay in local accommodations or their own tents. These trips can be long or short, domestic or international, but expenditure per person per day remains usually low. This recreational form of surf travel has been practiced throughout time, but grew exponentially in the post war era (ibid.). On the other hand, there is commercial surf tourism that grew exceptionally from the 1990s onwards when surf tourism operators started to plan and organise full package deals (Reis & Jorge 2012). This commercial, all-inclusive kind of surf tourism generally includes all the transport, accommodation, food, surf gear, and surf tours (boat tours, bus tours, visits to surf camps, lodges, and resorts). As for any other kind of tour the clients have to pay a predetermined package price beforehand (Buckley 2002a).

Through the years, surfing has obtained a global and mainstream appeal with continuous attention attracting large amounts of people (Martin & Assenov 2008). Over the past decade, numerous academic authors have tried to estimate the total number of surfers globally. Estimates range from around 10 million (Buckley 2002a), to 17 million (Atkins 1997), and even 23 million (Towner 2014). Other estimations suggest that the global surfing population is somewhere between 18 and 50 million (Lazarow et al. 2008). Nevertheless, as the circulation of the practice of surfing has expanded, surfing can nowadays be seen as a truly global practice as it currently occurs in at least 162 countries (Martin & Assenov 2012). Hence, at the moment, surfing is a multi-billion dollar global industry with surf tourism as its fastest growing sector supporting over 250 specialized travel agencies worldwide (Fluker 2003; Borden 2005; Warshaw 2004). The current addition of surfing to the 2020 Olympic Games in Tokyo can spur interest in, and popularize surfing among an even wider audience

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(BBC 2015). This enormous popularity and the millions of surfers worldwide has led to considerable crowding at local surf breaks in especially America and Australia, but also Europe (Buckley 2002a). Consequently, crowding at surf breaks throughout the world has led to ‘surf rage’ and ‘localism’ (Ford & Brown 2006; De Alessi 2009). Localism is the phenomenon when local surfers claim a particular break where they have surfed a considerable amount of time before, dictating control over how the waves should be used. Surf rage is the phenomenon when surfers start to fist fight with each other or when there is leash cutting. This is mostly aimed at inexperienced surfers (Mach 2009). Hence, because many surfers want to avoid the stress involved in surfing these local breaks, crowding contributes to a large extent to the tendency of surfers to travel to more remote areas (Buckley 2002a). Those surfers that can afford to do so travel to high-quality, uncrowded surf breaks and stir the rise of luxurious amenities such as surf lodges and surf charters all around the world.

Surfing has thus made considerable changes and transformations since the middle of the twentieth century, growing to a multi-billion industry with surf tourism as one of its biggest and fastest growing sectors. The material money and profit has thus become an important aspect of surf culture. Especially the meanings of escapism, adventure and discovery involved in the practice of surfing have led to the emergence of the surf tourism industry. These meanings have strong linkages with the meanings of the specific time period of the 1960s and 1970s of romance, freedom and anti-establishment thinking. Although surf tourism is becoming an important industry, the surf tourists remain at first surfers. Hence, in this they differ from conventional tourists. The materials involved in surf tourism have also become more and more important, especially the increase of affordable commercial air travel that spurred the surf tourism industry, particularly commercial surf tourism. In this kind of all-inclusive surf tourism, surf tour operators arrange a whole package of goods and services for the surf tourists and this is often only available for the wealthy. All-inclusive surf tourism has also led to the rise of charter boats and surf resorts. Hence, there appears a segmentation in the surf tourism industry with, on the one hand, the wealthy and, on the other hand, the low budget and often more adventurous tourists. The rise in popularity of surfing has also led to negative side effects such as the problem of crowding, localism, and surf rage at local surf breaks that endanger the original, pure surf experience. Also the notions of localism and surf rage seem to stand in sharp contrast with the original meanings involved in surfing of freedom and autonomy. Localism has led to claims over who owns the waves and the previously free, open waters have become materialized becoming something that can be owned. Moreover, surf rage and a hostile attitude is predominantly aimed at inexperienced riders who do not have the competences to be part of the surf experience of the more experienced riders. These developments, together with the urge to travel and to surf ‘the perfect wave’ in uncrowded waters, has further spurred interest in surf tourism to remote areas all over the world.

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4.2.3 SUSTAINABLE SURF TOURISM

As already have been mentioned, in recent decades surfing has become a multi-billion dollar global industry with surf tourism as one of its most important sectors (Borden 2005). Hence, surf tourism is bringing tourism development to surf destinations in developing countries all over the world and has, according to Dolnicar & Fluker (2003), great potential for sustainable economic growth. Surf tourism is associated with economic, social, and environmental benefits for host destinations and can contribute to a healthy society (Lazarow et al. 2008). For instance, surf tourism can contribute to, and enhance sustainable development by providing an economic and employment alternative to large-scale plantation agriculture and logging. These employment opportunities can eventually provide chances and funds for education, and health and disease control for the host community (Buckley 2002a). Consequently, now that the economic and environmental benefits that are associated with a growing surf market are recognized, coastal regions all over the world are trying to attract surf tourism by marketing their surf culture. Especially in developing countries where “access to basic services, resources, and infrastructure is limited, surf tourism can have a large positive impact” (O’Brien & Ponting 2013). Hence, Ponting & O’Brien (2015) have developed the notion of sustainable surf tourism that, on the one hand, fulfils the needs of the surf tourists while, on the other hand, also respects the current and future, social, economic, cultural, and ecological welfare of the local people. Throughout the literature the practice of surfing itself is predominantly seen as environmentally sustainable, especially because the sport inherently depends on natural resources (Reis & Jorge 2012). Through this strong dependence on, and interaction and connection with nature, surfers seem to care more about and to protect this natural world (Brymer et al. 2009). As already have been mentioned, the feeling of being one with nature, connecting spiritually and physically with all the natural elements around you, are considered to be prominent and important features of the experience of the surfer (Walker

2015). The Hawaiians even have a word for this state: ‘HoBpuBpu’, or the experience of becoming one with a wave when surfing (Poirier 2003). As voiced by Bartlett (2008), the practice of surfing can facilitate a deeper engagement with the natural world and through this lead to more environmental awareness (Brymer et al. 2009).

“You’re not going to protect something that you don’t appreciate and that you don’t care about. So you have to make people care and there is […] no better way to make somebody care about it than to participate in it, with it. And they get a feeling – ‘Hey, I care about it! What’s going on […] how can we help it?”(Bartlett 2008).

Moreover, what can drive surfers as protectors of the ocean and to be proactive and on the forefront of environmental issues, is that surfers are among the first to get ill from contaminated waters (Martin & Assenov 2008). Surfers are the first to notice reefs dying and are the first to get sick from sewage in the water and water pollution in general caused by oil spills, industrial pollutants, or agricultural run-off (ibid.). Hence, “[i]t’s fair to say that […] surfers should be natural environmentalists” (Dick-Read 2007). This resonates with Dolnicar & Fluker’s (2003) study on the demographics of surf tourists. In this study surfers consider local culture, environmental quality, the natural surroundings, and remoteness as most important. These feelings of protecting the environment, but also of doing something back for the locals in remote, often undeveloped destinations has led to the emergent of a great number of influential surf related NGOs such as Surf Aid International, The Surfrider

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Foundation, Save the Waves Coalition, The Groundswell Society, Waves for Development, Greensurf, A Liquid Future, and Surfer Against Sewage Ltd (Martin & Assenov 2008). Hence, it seems that surf tourists are the ideal candidates for a sustainable form of tourism that conserves and protects the natural host environment and spurs the local economy (Mach 2009). It thus seems that the practice of surfing and surf tourism has strong linkages with practices of environmental protection and natural consciousness. The material environment involved in the practice of surfing, such as the waves and the ocean, influence the particular meanings involved in surfing such as being one with nature. Moreover, these linkages have contributed to the rise of a great number of surf related NGOs that try to intervene public policy. Furthermore, the rise of surf tourism has also made linkages with local economies and cultures changing the meanings involved in surf tourism as the actors involved became to realize that surf tourism can have a big, positive influence on host destinations. Consequently, the practice of surf tourism has become linked with notions of sustainable development, and by creating employment opportunities it has become an alternative to logging practices and agricultural plantations, providing new means of income.

4.2.4 THE EXCESSES

According to Laderman (2014), surf history, just like surfing itself, has too often existed in an ideological bubble. However, the practice of surfing and specifically surf tourism also entail some negative excesses. An inherent part of surfing is the natural environment and predominantly the coastal resources. These coastal resources, the ocean waves and the coastlines that need to make the waves break, are however limited and good surf breaks are therefore scarce (Martin & Assenov 2008). As already mentioned, this has led, together with a rising surf population, to the phenomenon of crowding. What makes crowding a real challenge is that it is not only harming humans or the surf experience, as previously mentioned, but that it is also a severe threat to the sustainability of surf tourism (ibid.). As Hinch & Higham (2011: 129) note, crowding and environmental damage are two interrelated processes that “compromise the quality of the [surf] tourist experience (particularly) where naturalness forms an important, perhaps central, element”, as is the case with surfing. Furthermore, crowding can lead to problems linked with waste and can also contribute to an increase of crime and prostitution (Buckley 2002b). These problems all get exacerbated as surf tourism and the surf tourism industry grows (Mach 2014). Moreover, although surfing is in general seen as a sustainable activity in which surfers act as ‘natural environmentalist’, the practice of surf tourism has been largely disjunct from host communities. Thereby it fails to bring meaningful benefits to popular surf destinations in undeveloped areas, but nevertheless exploits the natural local resources (Buckley 2002a; Mach 2009). As is already mentioned by Kampion (2002), surfing is often characterized as a very selfish endeavour in which only the surfer and the ocean matters. This resonates with Barilotti’s (2002: 37) statement that “most surfers travel not to experience another culture [...]. [T]he indigenous people are an obstacle or a friendly nuisance to sidestep on the way to water”. Moreover, Lueras (1984: 197) wrote that traditionally “surfing has managed to remain relatively pure and blind to the world’s greatest social problems”. By taking into account the social and political realities of the destinations that they visit, the surfers risk polluting the pure surf experience (Laderman 2014). Consequently, it is even argued that, especially in developing countries and remote areas, a high influx of surf tourists creates a new kind of colonisation

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causing disturbance and contaminant among the local communities (Anderson 2014). Ponting et al. (2005: 20) further elaborate on this notion:

“[S]urfing tourism has a history as a colonizing activity. Surfers tend to venture into areas previously unvisited by mainstream tourists, opening up new routes and new systems of development – surfing tourism has nudged unprepared destinations down the slippery slope to large scale industrialized tourism and its related issues.”

One of the main reasons why surfing is a colonizing activity is that the surf tourism industry in developing countries is often dominated and marketed by foreign businesses because local communities often lack the knowledge and/or resources to compete with foreign entrepreneurs (Mann 2000; Ponting 2007; Mach 2014). Especially the previously mentioned all-inclusive package deals can be seen as a real threat (O’Brien & Ponting 2003). This kind of surf tourism is traditionally charter-based and surf tourists predominantly stay on the charter vessels, rarely setting a foot ashore. Moreover, currently there is a rise of luxurious land-based surf resorts that are operated as enclaves and thereby have little meaningful interaction with local host communities (Buckley 2002a; Buckley 2002b). Mann (2000) describes how the World Bank has made an estimation that 55 cent of every euro spent by tourists in developing countries returns to the West. A big part of the remaining 45 cent ends in the pockets of the foreign tourism operators. Hence, the tourism sector has to deal with a considerable amount of leakage, which means that the greatest part of profits generated through tourism end up in the sending countries in the West (Hall & Lew 2006). Furthermore, both resorts and charter boats can have a deleterious impact on the natural environment. The charter boats, on the one hand, often damage reefs when they anchor, and boats pump sewage out at sea enhancing algal growth (Buckley et al. 2014; Shakeela et al. 2014; Warnken & Byrnes 2004). Luxurious resorts, on the other hand, can cause major modifications to reefs through engineering constructions, such as overwater accommodations, and modify island flora and fauna considerably (Buckley 2006). This has much to do with the fact that tourism enterprises and governments, attracted by the rising popularity of surf tourism and the great potential for economic profit, prioritize speed of development above environmental and social sensitivities (Ardahaey 2011). “In many cases, hotel effluent was piped directly into the sea and sensitive materials were often used in the construction of many hotels and restaurants” (Mach 2014; Mach 2013). Hence, when the practice of surf tourism is only aimed at making profit, this can lead to deleterious social and environmental impacts and become a severe threat for host destinations (O’Brien & Ponting 2013). What comes to the fore using a social practice approach, is that, although the meanings involved in the practice of surfing are relatively environmentally friendly, the practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism and the linkages that are made with accommodation and transport practices, that are part of the materials involved in the practice of surf tourism, can be very environmentally unfriendly, especially in the segment of luxurious, commercial surf tourism. Moreover, through commercial surf tourism linkages with the local communities are often limited. Hence, local revenue of the surf tourism industry is negligible as a large part of the profits flow back to the West. In the practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism linkages with the sending countries thus remain strongly present through money flows. Another important characteristic of the practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism is that the natural materials involved in the practice are scarce. This has led to the problem of crowding putting severe pressure on the material environment and the surf experience itself.

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Hence, the practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism seems to be a rather unsustainable one.

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5. THE PRACTICE OF SURF TOURISM IN INDONESIA

“THE WAVES IN THE OCEAN WERE LIKE HILLS, WHICH, WITHOUT INTERRUPTION, FOLLOWING [EACH OTHER] FROM BEHIND ROLLED ALONG TO THE SHORE. THE SOUND OF THE BREAKERS THUNDERED AS THOUGH DESIROUS TO COMPLETELY DESTROY THE EARTH AT THE TIME OF THE END OF THE WORLD IN THE AGE OF DESTRUCTION”

(A 500-year old description of the waves at the west coast of Bali by high priest-poet Dang Hyang Nirartha quoted in Lueras & Lueras 2014: 30).

In this part I will discuss the rise of surf tourism in Indonesia and specifically emphasize the development of the practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism on the Mentawai Islands through secondary literature. In the next section, I will discuss the current situation of the practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism on the Mentawai Islands through my own fieldwork experiences and how current developments influence the future of the surf tourism industry.

Geographically, Indonesia is by far the biggest archipelago of the world with 80,000 kilometres of spectacular coastline from more than 13,600 islands of which many are exposed to powerful sea swells, providing ideal conditions and numerous surfing opportunities (Lueras & Lueras 2014). Hence, Indonesia has become the best-known, longest lived, and highest-volume destination for surf tourism in the developing world, containing the world’s richest, consistent surf fields offering some of the world’s best surfing opportunities with approximately 290-320 good surfing days per year (Buckley 2002a; Ponting et al. 2005; Espejo et al. 2014). However, as already came to the fore in the quote by high priest-poet Dang Hyang Nirartha of some 500 years ago, in Indonesia the people have never been particularly fond of the ocean and its coastlines (Lueras & Lueras 2014; Mach 2015). On the contrary, due to long standing cultural beliefs that instilled a deep rooted fear for the ocean, the Indonesians have traditionally tended to stay away from the coastline (Mach 2015; Lueras & Lueras 2014). A possible explanation for these believes is found in the high degree of natural violence, as is shown in the multiple tsunamis hitting Indonesia in the 21th century (Mach 2015). Hence, in contrast with their Hawaiian counterparts, activities close to surfing were never developed among the Indonesians (ibid.).

However, in the last three decades the rise of surf tourism has heavily influenced how the once water-shy and fearing Indonesians now view their spectacular beaches and surging sea (Lueras & Lueras 2014). In the Indonesian archipelago the most well-known destination to surf is, without any doubt, the island of Bali. Although the waves of Bali were already surfed in the 1930s, surfing really took root in the late 1960s (Laderman 2014). Spurred by the popularisation of surfing in American pop culture a group of Australian and American surfers undertook a pilgrimage to the Indonesian archipelago, heading specifically to the island of Bali (Lueras & Lueras 2014). Due to its relatively close geographic distance to Australia, Indonesia proved to be rather accessible to the Australian surfers. Bali provided a

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chance for the Australian surfers to gain temporary freedom and relieve from their crowded home breaks plus to surf unknown territories. What the surfers found here was, as Warshaw (2004: 289) wrote, “the surf world’s new dream destination” and paradise seemed to be found (Laderman 2014). As Gerry Lopez, a famous Hawaiian surfer explained: “We discovered the biggest candy store for surf that could ever be [...] and we were completely and utterly just blown away by not only the quality but the consistency of surf and the lack of people” (Weaver & Wills 2006). Consequently, Bali became the hottest new place for global surf travellers. These views were highly boosted by surf media that documented a high-quality surf break in Uluwatu, in the south of Bali, declaring it the finest wave in the world (Stebbins 1975). Indonesia became thus depicted in surf media as a fantasy, an untouched, mysterious tropical paradise with the freedom to live the adventurous, close-to- nature surf lifestyle (Ponting 2008).

Hence, these images soon spurred the mass colonisation of Indonesia’s best surf breaks by predominantly Australian surfers (Ponting et al. 2005; King 1996; Abraham 1996). Due to continuing media exposure surf tourism in Indonesian began to flourish and was first targeted by the wider tourism industry in the 1970s (Ponting et al. 2005; Bartholomew & Baker 1996). The surf tourists and their pocket spending were initially seen as godsend by the Suharto regime ruling Indonesia, as the rock and reef islands often have poor soil quality making agriculture difficult (Lueras & Lueras 2014, Buckley 2002a). However, through the years Bali’s attractiveness diminished as the island became more crowded and decidedly touristic. Its popularity and the growing number of surfers thus became Bali’s greatest weakness. Especially Kuta, in the southwest of Bali, had evolved into an international travel industry phenomenon where surfers were the catalysts of mass tourism and hedonistic excesses (Ponting et al. 2005). Furthermore, mass development began to take its toll on the island’s beauty with beaches polluted and sewage dumped in the ocean. Also the surf breaks, as Farrant, a filmmaker, explained have become increasingly crowded: “It’s crowded. Kuta Beach is almost unbearably crowded with surfers, and at Uluwatu it’s not uncommon to have 20 riders out and 20 more on the beach” (Stebbins 1975: 41).

Consequently, in a short period of time Bali lost its status as an uncrowded surf paradise and groups of adventurous surfers started to explore the rest of Indonesia, hoping to find new paradises (Laderman 2014). This development was also evoked by surf media that imparted a dreamlike sense of exploration on its audience characterizing Indonesia as a “storybook land of waves” with the perfect unspoiled waves out there ready to discover (Laderman 2014; Mach 2014). One group of Australians headed northwest of Bali and discovered the high quality breaks of Pasangan Island (Mach 2009; Warshaw 2004). Other, more adventurous surfers, headed to the westernmost islands of Indonesia and discovered the high-volume waves of Nias and the Mentawai Islands (Mach 2009). Ironically, each of these discoveries were soon after represented in surf media and eventually led to the arrival of new tourists and new tourism industries such as surf resorts and surf charter boats (Mach 2014; Towner 2014; Warshaw & Finnegan 2005). Hence, as surfers spread all over Indonesia, commercial surf tourism followed soon after establishing surf camps and charter boats from the 1980s onwards. At the end of last decade, the luxurious, all-inclusive surf tours emerged including charter boats full of professional surfers heading to the surf breaks of the

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Mentawai Islands, spurred by advertising campaigns of giant surf companies such as Rip Curl, Billabong, and Quiksilver (Ponting et al. 2005; Ponting 2008; Towner 2014). Nowadays, surfing has become a well-established part of Indonesia in which Bali functioned as the first stepping stone to the rest of the Indonesian Archipelago (Ahrens 1995: 179). Hence, Indonesia has established itself as the premier surf destination on the planet with the world’s richest surf fields offering some of the world’s best surf opportunities (Laderman 2014; Buckley 2002a). Consequently, surfing is nowadays the single most popular water sport in Indonesia with an increasing number of, once water-shy, local surfers (Ardianto 2013; Towner 2014).

Through a social practice approach interesting observations can be made of the rise of surf tourism in Indonesia. First of all, geographically Indonesia is a perfect surf destination, a wonderland for surfers. It has the right material environment that is needed for a real, pure surf experience. Despite these conditions, the Indonesians themselves have never embraced the water as the Hawaiians did. One of the causes of this attitude has to do with the specific meanings involved in how the Indonesians view the ocean. The Indonesians have long standing cultural beliefs that instilled a deep rooted fear for the ocean, possibly caused by high degrees of natural violence. Compared to the Hawaiians, the Indonesians lacked the right meanings towards the sea and the right competences and knowledge to read the wind, waves, and ocean. Therefore, they failed to make meaningful linkages leading to the practice of surfing. However, due to the rise of surf tourism, the attitude, the meanings of the Indonesians towards the ocean is slowly changing. Shove et al. (2012) argue that for a practice to be successful all three elements have to co-exist and be linked. In the case of the practice of surfing the right material environment is present in Indonesia, however, the right meanings and thereby the right competences were absent. The bodily presence of tourists carrying the practice of surfing changed both the meanings and competences of the Indonesians as the foreign tourists distributed the practice of surfing throughout Indonesia. The tourists figured as an example for the Indonesians and through learning by doing, but also the material availability of surfboards, the meanings of the Indonesians towards the ocean slowly started to change. And, eventually, through recurring doings of surfing the Indonesians started to become competent carriers of the practice of surfing themselves.

The practice of surf tourism in Indonesia started with the discovery of Bali as a surf destination. Spurred by the popularisation of surfing Australians headed to Bali that provided the freedom and uncrowded waves that are such important parts of the surf experience. In Bali the surfers found a true, although temporal paradise that got highly materialized and advertised through popular media. However, through the years Bali’s attractiveness diminished as its popularity and a growing number of surfers became Bali’s greatest weakness, causing pollution and the hedonistic excesses that are part of mass tourism. Hence, surf tourism functioned as the catalyst of mass tourism and the ‘real’ surf experience, the true meanings involved in surfing, got destroyed. This started the search for new uncrowded waves evoked by the surf media that characterized Indonesia as a “storybook land of waves”, ready to be discovered. As surfers spread over Indonesia commercial surf tourism followed soon after, establishing surf camps and charter boats, materializing and advertising the ultimate surf experience. Materials involved in surf tourism

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were no longer limited to just a board, the waves, and the rider, but also included all- inclusive tours and a rising tourist industry. Hence, nowadays surfing is a big part of Indonesia and has transformed from a niche market to the single most important water sport changing the meanings of how Indonesians once saw the ocean to a great extent.

5.1 THE MENTAWAI ISLANDS

5.1.1 SURFING THE MENTAWAIS: THE EARLY DAYS

As adventurous surfers headed to the westernmost islands of Indonesia, one of the island groups that they discovered were the Mentawai Islands approximately 150 kilometres off the west coast of Padang, Sumatra (Mach 2009). The archipelago consists of four main islands: Siberut, Sipora, North- and South Pagai with over 7000 square kilometre of land area (Whittaker 2006), and many smaller islands. For some time, Siberut, Mentawai’s biggest island, had been a destination for tourists attracted by the indigenous culture of the Mentawaian that includes colourful tattoos and an elaborated religious system with extensive rituals (Persoon 2003). Moreover, the island has a considerable number of endemic flora and fauna attracting several nature enthusiasts (Buckley 2002b; Persoon 2003). However, due to the intensive logging industry the endemic flora and fauna had become severely under pressure. Hence, the master plan “Saving Siberut” came into action that, amongst others, explored the possibilities of further tourism development (McNeely et al. 1980). Nevertheless, tourism numbers remained low, particularly due to strict restrictions for tourists to move around on the island (Persoon 2003). However, from the 1980s onwards the conditions for tourists started to change boosted by the worldwide ecotourism boom (Mach 2009). Numerous small adventurous groups of backpackers visited the island and participated in jungle trekking activities. For many of these tourists the trip to Siberut turned out to be a success as they encountered the traditional ‘Stone Age’ culture and the wide diversity of endemic species (Buckley 2002b; Persoon 2003; Ponting 2001). Due to these positive experiences Siberut was successfully branded by the Provincial Government of Sumatra Barat (West Sumatra) as an uncrowded, unspoilt, and authentic tourist destination, making it into numerous Indonesian tourist guides as a must visit destination (Persoon 2003; Mach 2009, Buckley 2002b). The tourist industry, however, involved low numbers of locals as the industry was predominantly dominated by mainlanders from West Sumatra with the locals receiving only a small bit of revenue (Persoon 2003; Mach 2009). This has much to do with the fact that the Mentawaians were not educated on how to conduct their own tourism operations and lacked any hospitality training. Tourism thus failed to deliver meaningful development in the area and poverty numbers among the locals remained high (Mach 2009). In 1980, when the tourist sector in the Mentawai Archipelago was still largely aimed at jungle trekking and predominantly focused on Siberut, a group of Australian surfers headed northwest of Bali and south of Nias in search for unknown, unspoilt surf breaks. The group ended up staying on the Mentawai Islands for five weeks and surfed a multitude of different, high quality waves (Warshaw 2004). These adventures soon motivated other surfers to also visit the islands and the following ten years predominantly word of mouth led to scattered groups of surf tourists to stay on the Mentawai Islands. These groups stayed on the islands during the night and explored the numerous waves by day. Things started to

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change from 1993 onwards as salvage diver Martin Daley recognized the commercial potential of the islands for surf tourism. Hence, his salvage boat functioned as a charter boat and numerous professional surfers made the journey to the islands with his boat (Ponting 2008). The photographs made during these journeys were sold to surf magazines and also movies came out showcasing the high quality and diversity of the waves in the area, spurring the development of a solid surf tourism industry. Consequently, in 1995, inspired by the success that Martin Daley made with his salvage boat and benefiting from the increasing exposure by surf films, numerous advertisements, and a dozen of travel articles, two Australian-owned companies, Surf Travel Company (STC) and Great Breaks International (GBI) entered the Mentawaian surf market offering similar live-aboard boat excursions as Martin Daley (Mach 2009; Ponting et al. 2005). Hence, the Mentawais steadily emerged as the most popular new surf destination with the world’s richest wave zone (Laderman 2014; Warshaw 2005). Only one year later, in 1995, the increased demand for surfing in the Mentawai Islands drove operator numbers rapidly to a point of saturation (Ponting 2008). Nevertheless, in the period till 2000 the surf tourism industry grew exponentially from 3 to 27 official charter boats, a few land based resorts, several home stay facilities, and a handful local boats (ibid.). Of the charter boats 19 (70%) were foreign owned by STC, Daley, GBI, and Good Sumatran Surf Charter (Mach 2009). These four influential and powerful surf tour operators began to collaborate, integrating their services and marketing efforts, thereby creating an oligopolistic competition to maximize their profits. This made it for small local entrepreneurs very hard to enter the surf market. As a result, revenues stayed in the hands of the foreign owned surf tour operators (Mach 2014). Moreover, surf tourism involved predominantly eating, sleeping, and traveling on the charter boats insulating them from important parts of their destination and engagement with the local population thus remained low. Nevertheless, the environmental and cultural cost were shouldered by the local people that lived in close proximity of the surf breaks. According to Ponting et al. (2005: 150), the surf industry in Mentawai lacked formal planning and was too much build on neo-liberal principles, arguing that in the “rush to establish a foothold, foreign tour operators have colonized the Mentawai’s resources with […] unregulated free-market approaches development [that] place local people as just one relatively powerless stakeholder group amongst many others”. In 2000, overcrowding at the best surf breaks had become a serious issue and the market saturation began influencing the visitor numbers as the authentic surf experience got endangered (Dolnicar & Fluker 2003). The industry operators had much to lose and began pushing the local government for regulation that limited the number of operators bringing surfers to the waves. As a result, a zone agreement permit policy got implemented that monitored and controlled the crowds encompassing all the important, high quality surf breaks (Mach 2009; Persoon 2003). This created exclusive reef-use and waves rights for the charter boat owners and thereby established a form of surf imperialism (Laderman 2014). In the beginning of the twentieth century, this tendency led to the emergent of private surf resorts offering exclusive wave-use rights as a popular form of surf travel (Warshaw 2005). This changed the core of surfing entirely and for many surfers the rise of resorts was appalling. Only a few decades’ earlier surfers saw themselves as adventurous explorers in search for the best, unridden waves. However, that has come to an end as all the discoveries had been made or were no longer worth the hassle. A new battle started to arise, a battle for exclusivity (Laderman 2014). Nevertheless, although the elements of the practice of surfing have gone to tremendous

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transformations, the doing of surfing has almost completely stayed the same and endured over time as a recognizable entity. Another remarkable change caused by the influx of surf tourists is the attitude of the Mentawaians towards the ocean. Traditionally the Mentawaians perceived the waves of the ocean as something that was inhabited with an own soul. Due to this, they never considered waves as something that could be owned and become a human possession. Hence, the ocean and waves were never conceptualised as material resources of which the access had to be mentioned (Persoon 2003). However, due to rising surf tourism numbers and surf operators the waves attained commercial value changing the attitude of the locals completely (Dutch, female, aged 19-25, academic researcher). Consequently, nowadays, there are huge disputes between locals and foreigners concerning claims of ownerships and compensation for the use of the waves is demanded by the locals. There are a few remarkable things that have to be pointed out in the previous. First of all, until now the Mentawaians lacked the competences, the hospitality skills, but also entrepreneurship to become fully linked with the practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism on the Mentawai Islands. Hence, tourism failed to have meaningful links and benefits for the local population. From the 1980s onwards the Mentawai Islands became known has a surf tourism destination spurred by linkages with popular media that promoted the islands. This was done through photos and movies making a large audience aware of the quality of the waves. Consequently, these waves became materialized and commercialized. This led to numerous foreign entrepreneurs, starting with Martin Daley, to exploit these waves for financial purposes. These foreign entrepreneurs had the agency, the competences, the knowledge, and the material resources to recognize and exploit the commercial potential of these waves. The locals, however, did not have these competences or material resources, nor the right network to also enter the surf market. Hence, the power was with the foreigners who had a broad international network and could manage and control the surf tourism industry on the Mentawai Islands from the start. They are the so-called programmers Castells (2013) describes. The marketing of the Mentawai Islands spurred entrepreneurs and tourism numbers and in 2000 the danger of overcrowding became a serious issues. Thus, regulations (in favour of the pioneering, foreign entrepreneurs) had to be implemented. This created exclusive wave rights for the foreign charter boat owners. The materialization of the waves was thus complete. In the beginning of the twentieth century, due to the saturation of the charter boat market, the resort industry started to emerge creating a new battle for exclusivity over reefs, waves, and waters. This all has had serious consequences for the meanings that the Mentawaians traditionally had of waves and the oceans. Historically the Mentawaians perceived the waves as something that inhabited an own soul. Therefore, they could not be owned or become human possession. However, due to the rise of the surf industry the waves became materialized and something to make profit of. The attitude and meanings of the locals towards the waves, the material environment, thus changed completely and disputes over ownership and compensation for the use of the waves started to emerge. A good example of this degree of foreign ownership over, and colonization of the waves is how many of the surf breaks have western names that even the locals refer to. There is Playgrounds, Telescopes, Iceland, Suicides, Seven Palms Point, Gilligans, and even Lance’s (see Figure 7 for the most famous breaks) that is named after an Australian named Lance Knight that apparently was the first to surf the break in the 1980s (Warshaw 2004).

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Figure 7. Famous Surf breaks on the Mentawai Islands (Wavehunters.com 2016)

5.1.2 THE CURRENT PRACTICE ARRANGEMENT BUNDLE OF SURF TOURISM

5.1.2.1 LUXURIOUS WAVES

Nowadays, the high-quality waves of Mentawai attract increasing numbers of surf tourists. What makes the current surf tourism industry different from jungle-trekking is that jungle- trekking is a kind of ‘back to basic’ form of tourism, while surf tourism offers several luxury services. Accommodation at the resorts cost on average $300 per day and a 12-14 days tour on a luxurious charter boat “fully equipped with air-conditioning, sleeping facilities, a bar, GPS equipment”, wireless Internet and fast jet skis are on average $4000 (Persoon 2003: 259; Ponting 2001; Towner 2014). These tourists travelling on packages are usually professionals with a good salary that can only take a week or two off each year. Nevertheless, there is also an influx of independent travelling low budget surf tourists that reach the islands while making little use of the formal tourism industry, staying at homestays and chartering cargo or fishing boats (Towner 2014). From my own experiences and confirmed by Buckley (2002a), Dolnicar and Fluker (2003), and Towner (2014), the luxurious surfers are aged between 30 and 50, have the highest income, and are most willing to spend. These are often successful professionals, businessmen, or tradesmen. In the opposite, the independent travellers (that are still low in numbers) are usually younger and on long, low budget round-the-world trips. From my own observations I came to realize that these luxurious tourists were really pushing the price up of accommodations, transport, and life in general in the area. This was also confirmed by two researchers that I spoke at the University of Amsterdam who visited the Mentawai Islands several times in the past 25 years and regarded the archipelago as very expensive at the moment, particularly for the locals and especially compared to mainland Sumatra. What is key in the surf tourism industry is that the dedication of the surf tourists to surf differs. Towner (2014: 133) ranged the surf tourists from the “diehard big-wave

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chargers” at one side and the “relaxed cruisers” at the other. The primary purpose for both groups to travel and visit the Mentawai Islands is surfing:

“The waves here are the best of the best in the region. Consistent and high and much better than the Bali waves. It is a bit of a hassle to come here, but definitely worth the trip.”

-Australian, male, aged 30-39, surf tourist

However, not for all surf tourists visiting the Mentawai islands surfing is the sole purpose of their stay:

“Predominantly the tourists just come here to surf. They just want to have good waves and surf. But they are also interested in the locals and local culture.”

-Australian, male, aged 30-39, surf guide

Towner (2014) adapted the classification of “hard” and “soft” (eco) tourism by Laarman and Durst (1987) for these groups referring to the level of dedication that the tourist has to surfing while on a holiday. The “hard” surf tourists can be considered more experienced and specialised exposing themselves to more risks, while the “soft” surf tourists enjoy surfing as only a part of a broader tourism experience. I observed this myself during my visit to a resort where next to surfing there were opportunities for snorkelling, diving, and visits to local villages. It thus seems that these different segments of surf tourists make different linkages with the host environment.

Another factor that motivates the surf tourists to visit the Mentawai archipelago is, as I earlier described, escapism. On the one hand, the surf tourists want to escape their busy nine-to-five jobs in the city and, on the other hand, the surf tourists want to escape their crowded home breaks and to surf in a tropical climate in a beautiful surrounding.

“I never go on leave for only a few days. When I take a holiday I want to surf for a couple of weeks at a place with good, uncrowded waves in a totally different environment in order to forget my stressful life. […] When the waves are ok at my home break everyone immediately grabs his board and sets off to the ocean. It is always very crowded.”

-Australian, male, aged 30-39, surf tourist

But surfers also want to experience an adventure. Therefore, a reason to visit the Mentawai islands or other remote locations is the urge of surfers to find the perfect wave:

“Surfing attracts adventurous and independent people that are in search for the perfect wave and the complete surf experience.”

-Australian, female, aged 40-49, NGO owner

Hence, what we see here is that the history of the practice of surfing is still deeply rooted into the current practice of surf tourism. In its origin the doing of surfing has not changed that much and when talking to the tourists, feelings of freedom, escapism, and adventure are still overwhelmingly present. Consequently, the meanings, but also the competences involved in the pure form of the practice of surfing have remained the same. At the material side,

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although innovations have been made, a lot also stayed the same. There is still a board, a wave, and body involved in the practice of surfing. However, when looking at the materials, competences, and meanings involved in the practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism a lot has changed compared to the original practice of surfing. The practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism does not only include a board, a wave, and a body, but has a broad spectrum of linkages to other materials, meanings, and competences. At the material side we see that the practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism makes linkages with accommodation practices that include luxurious charter boats, resorts, and other luxurious goods. These linkages have severe consequences for the sustainability of the practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism on the Mentawai Islands.

When looking at the competences it seems that different segments of surfers visit the Mentawai Islands. There are those that just want to surf and that are skilful and experienced surfers. But there are also surf tourists that, although they primarily want to surf, do not mind to do other activities as well like diving, snorkelling, partying, and visiting the locals. It thus seems that the meanings involved in surfing have changed for both groups. The determined, ‘hard’ surf tourists rely on luxurious resorts and charter boats to bring them to the best breaks. This type of surfer resonates well with the already mentioned characterizations of Kampion (2002) and Barilotti (2002) who argue that surfing is a very selfish activity in which only the surfer and the ocean matters, while locals are seen as a friendly nuisance to sidestep on the way to the water. In contrast, the ‘soft’ surf tourists do not mind to also enjoy the environment and are also visiting for a broader tourism experience. Key in this are the materials money and time. The surf tourists are predominantly highly educated and do not have the time to stay that long. Therefore during the time that they are staying they want what they are paying for. Nevertheless, there is also a group that have the time, but not the money, although this group is limited. They can be characterized as a different segment of the surf tourism industry. They often stay at local homestays and are more involved with the local people than the luxurious surf tourists (Towner 2014).

5.1.2.2 LOCAL INVOLVEMENT & SURFER DEMOGRAPHICS

In general, the locals have no problem with surfing itself, stating that “surf tourism is good” (Local, male, aged 30-39, guide). However, they do have problems with how surf tourism is currently arranged. As already came forward in the former section, different tourism segments have different linkages with the destination’s environment. On the one hand, the ‘hard’ surf tourists staying on charter boats and in resorts have very low linkages with the locals. This was also something that I observed myself and was confirmed by the people that I spoke to who stated that the “participation of the locals in the, often foreign owned, resorts is very limited” (Dutch, female, aged 25-29, academic researcher). On the other hand, there are the ‘soft’ surf tourists, that want to be part of a broader tourism experience, and the surf tourists staying at local homestays. Both segments have more chance to become involved with the locals. Nevertheless, no matter if the surf tourist is a ‘hard’ or a ‘soft’ surf tourist, staying at a resort or charter boats limits their chances of becoming involved with the locals (Towner 2014).

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“When tourists are staying in the resorts or charter boats it is not good, when tourists stay outside resorts or charter boats it is good for the locals.”

-Local, male, aged 30-39, guide

This dissatisfaction has largely to do with the fact that resorts and charter boats are predominantly owned by outsiders:

“There is almost no involvement of locals in the surf industry, everything is owned by foreigners or Minangkabau. They are not helping the locals.”

-Local, male, aged 30-39, surf guide

However, there seems willingness among the ‘soft’ surf tourists to get more involved with the locals. As an Australian tourist mentions:

““Better involvement with the local community is needed if they are to gain ownership in the industry and receive any real benefits – we didn’t even really leave the boat.”

-Australian, male, aged 40-49, surf tourist” (Towner 2014: 147).

The locals that are involved in luxurious surf tourism work “as wageworkers in the kitchen, in the bar, or as cleaner for a minimal wage and don’t share in the huge profits that the resorts make” (Australian, male, 30-39, surf guide). Moreover, what reinforces the low involvement of locals in surf tourism is that surfing itself takes place in an area that is largely out of sight of most of the Mentawaians (Persoon 2003). The surf breaks are not near the beach and you have to take a boat ride of approximately 15 minutes to get close to them (see Figure 7). Hence, especially the charter boats, but also the resorts on private islands have almost no linkages with the Mentawaians themselves. The few locals that do directly profit from surf tourism are the homestay- and boat owners serving the non-package surf tourists. It can thus be argued that the interactions between the locals and the tourists are primarily based on material, financial transactions. However, the relationship between locals and surf tourists changes in the water when locals and tourists share the shame waves and surf together. Surfing provides a common denominator that stimulates a bond between surf tourists and locals:

“The locals at the waves were very friendly […] and skilled. […]. After the surf we barbequed together.”

-French, male, aged 19-25, surf tourist

Surfers regularly befriended the local surfers and gifted them with a pair of shorts, a shirt or even a (broken) surfboard. Hence, the interaction between locals and surfers is not only economical, although still pretty material dominated.

What became clear to me was that especially the younger generations were involved in the activity of surfing and learned surfing through ‘learning-by-doing’ (see Figure 9), while the older ones still saw it as something dangerous showing me their scars from their brief surf experiences. Especially the foreign owned tourism operators are, due to the issue of crowding, not happy with the tendency of more local surfers joining the breaks (Australian, male, aged 30-39, surf guide). However, “of course locals are learning how to surf and waves

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are going to get more crowded” (ibid.). The locals that do surf are predominantly male dominated although an international NGO supported girls to also become surfers.

“Currently surf tourism is entirely male dominated. We have a specific training aimed at teaching girls how to surf. We want to make the girls confident, to let them know they are enough.”

-Australian, female, aged 40-49, NGO owner

Figure 8. Near the horizon you see the white breaks of Telescopes

This resonates with the findings of Towner (2014) and Dale & Ford (2002) that reveal that 94% of the surfing participants are male. Another important demographic characteristic of the surf tourists, is that they are primarily high-educated. They have a good education that has led to a good job through which they can pay the luxurious package deals offered (Towner 2014). When looking at the history of surfing it seems that the meanings of the practice of surfing in this regard has changed tremendously. In the early days of surfing, surfing used to be a pastime activity that was highly inclusive, no matter status or gender (Warshaw 2010). Nowadays, surfing, and adventurous surf tourism in particular, have become masculine, male dominated activities (Booth 2001). Another important aspect of (luxurious) surf tourism that came to the fore, is that linkages with the locals are limited and often only contain material, financial interactions. Nevertheless, local surfers and surf tourists do find each other on the waves that function as a common denominator equalizing the relationship between local surfers and surf tourists. This involvement in the activity of surfing and the change towards the ocean in general is massively compared to how the local Indonesians perceived the ocean in the past. Nowadays, the Indonesians have become more confident and self-assured towards the water. Hence, local Indonesians are also becoming carriers of the practice of surfing spreading its circuit-of-reproduction.

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Figure 9. Local children surfing on broken boards

5.1.2.3 LOCAL COMPETENCES & CORRUPTION

One of the reasons given why the locals fail to become linked with the practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism on the Mentawai islands has to do with their lack of competences, but also material resources, as is already discussed. During my own stay on the islands I experienced that knowing the English language was very important for the locals in order for them to communicate with the foreign tourists and become linked to practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism (Local, male, aged 19-25, guide). However, a large segment of the local population is not able to learn the English language and I was several times approached by locals if I could teach them the English language.

“For us locals to become successful in the tourism industry English is very important to communicate with tourists. The government should implement it in school already at the age of 6. People will then learn English.”

-Local, male, aged 30-39, guide

Moreover, the English that is taught on school is taught by unexperienced, inadequate teachers who struggle themselves with the language:

“The English that is taught on school is very advanced and not suited for young children. Even the teachers struggle with the textbooks.”

-Englishman, male, aged 30-39, NGO worker

Hence, as a response to this need a NGO has been established on the Mentawais by an Australian former English teacher that focuses on teaching the locals English for a small fee. At the time of my stay there were two classes a week for children, teenagers, and grown-ups. As the owner argues:

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“By learning English the locals are given an opportunity for a better life and to benefit from the surf tourism industry.”

-Australian, female, aged 40-49, NGO owner

Another important thing that the locals are lacking are hospitality skills. Due to the fact that the practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism was, and still is largely aimed at foreign owned charter boats and resorts with low linkages towards the host community, the locals are still not trained in how to behave towards tourists (Mach 2009). I experienced this myself through an unpleasant encounter with my host. Due to a dispute over money we got into a fight and I was threatened by him. A consequence of this was that I had to stop my research in an earlier phase than intended in order to be safe. Hence,

““[t]here is not enough education and training. Locals in our village cannot get involved with tourism due to their lack of education and language skills. We need to give more people hospitality training.”

-Local, male, aged 20–29, NGO employee” (Towner 2014: 230).

An example of their shortage of hospitality skills is how they perceive waste:

“The locals have a totally different attitude towards waste than us Westerners. They burn their waste or dump it in the jungle or in the ocean. They even cook on fires that consist of plastic waste (see Figure 10). I try to teach them that when all the beaches are covered with rubbish tourists will stop coming here. They should clean up their beaches.”

-Australian, female, aged 40-49, NGO owner

Figure 10. Plastic and other waste used to make a fire for cooking

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Furthermore, the locals have a serious lack of resources that could link them to the practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism such as proper internet, telephone networks, and computers. Due to this the locals are not able to set up decent websites to promote their homestay and guiding services, or to communicate on a regular basis with potential foreign clients. In Sipora only in the main village of Tua Pejat there was a telephone network and only at the governmental buildings there was the presence of WIFI. Hence, especially people from the mainland of Sumatra have a huge competitive advantage over the locals of attracting potential surf tourism clients. The latter has also a lot to do with how the local Mentawaians are perceived by the Minangkabau government in West Sumatra. Historically the Mentawaians were seen as primitive and lazy by the central Indonesian government and the goal was to eliminate the ‘backwardness’ of the islands (Ponting 2001; Bakker 1999; Persoon 2003).

“The Minangkabau settlers feel culturally superior to the Mentawaians in almost all aspects of life. Some of the most “primitive” elements of the local Mentawaian culture, according to Minangkabau ideas, are the religion (not considered as a “religion” in the proper sense of the word), the raising of pigs, body decorations (tattoo), the lack of labour specialization, and the lack of formal education. The Mentawaians are also said to lack a future orientation; they supposedly live too much on a day-to-day basis. The Minangkabau settler cannot understand why the Mentawaians refuse to imitate them or why they do not learn from them. For most of them, [the Mentawai Islands are a “wild” place inhabited by “wild” people who do not want to become modern” (Persoon 2002: 446).

This was also something that came to the fore during my conversations with the locals:

“The government of Sumatra Barat (West Sumatra) says that we Mentawaians are not clever enough so they don’t give us permits for business. It is very difficult for a Mentawaian to set up a business. Only if you pay very much it is possible.”

-Local, male, aged 30-39, guide

What the latter touches upon is also the notion of ownership in the surf tourism industry on the Mentawai Islands. As already have been mentioned, the greater part of the resorts and charter boats on the Mentawai Islands are owned by foreigners and the surf industry itself is dominated by foreign business interests (Ponting 2007). In addition, the local businesses and shops are often owned by the Minangkabau from Sumatra Barat and even the guides are often of Minangkabau descent (Persoon 2003).

“At the resorts the Minangkabau have the better jobs working as electricians or in ICT while the Mentawaians work as cook or as gardener.”

-Local, male, aged 30-39, guide

Hence, the Minangkabau are politically and economically the most powerful ethnicity living on the islands (Ponting 2001). This causes high degrees of jealously among the local Mentawaian and “sometimes there is fighting between the locals and the Minangkabau” (Local, male, aged 40-49, guide). As a local guide states:

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“The Minangkabau have no true knowledge about the conditions on the Mentawai Islands, about the wind and waves. They make up stories and tell the wrong stories. They don’t understand the Mentawai life. The Minangkabau make us loose face.”

-Local, male, aged 40-49, guide

Also between the locals and the foreign surf operators there are disputes over the ownership of the waves, but also over behavioural issues. On the one hand, there is the side of the locals who argue that:

“[t]he foreign owned resorts have low local involvement and don’t give back to the locals.”

-Australian, male, aged 30-39, surf guide

On the other hand, there is the side of the surf operators:

“[T]he resort owners are criticizing the cheap local homestays because they are burning there rubbish and have really unsustainable behaviour. [Moreover], the rise of cheap local homestays is causing a larger influx of surf tourists causing serious problems of crowding at the surf breaks.”

-Dutch, female, aged 19-26, academic researcher

Another issue is a certain presence of corruption in the local, but also regional government. According to Towner’s (2014) observations there is a high degree of corruption and favouritism in all levels of government (both on the Mentawai Islands and Sumatra Barat) shaping to a high degree the surf tourism industry and the livelihoods of the locals:

“The influence of corruption cannot be overstated and is one of the main contributors to the vulnerability of tourism in the region because it thwarts efforts to manage and regulate the industry.” (Towner 2014: 254).

All the respondents that I spoke mentioned similar notions stating that “it is the grease that greases the wheels” (Australian, male, aged 30-39, surf guide) and that “corruption is a big problem” on the Mentawai Islands “that comes from Sumatra” (Local, male, aged 40-49, guide). Moreover, the young, local government was characterized as entirely controlled by the government of Sumatra Barat:

“All the first ministers in the government are from Mentawai, but the second person is always from Sumatra and uses the minister as a puppet. [Furthermore], the local government lacks transparency of the money that they spend and receive.”

-Australian, female, aged 40-49, NGO owner

This can also have severe consequences for the future of the Mentawai Islands:

“What you see now is that big investors and businesses from Java come here buying up the land for logging purposes. If this is not properly managed we end up like Bali.”

-Englishman, male, aged 30-39, NGO employee

It thus seems that the local population lacks both the competences, the materials, and appropriate meanings to become properly involved in the practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism. Moreover, they also have to deal with the hindrance of a degree of corruption

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at the side of the local and regional government. The competences that are absent are a good comprehension of the English language and appropriate hospitality skills. Due to this it is hard for the locals to properly interact with the surf tourists. Moreover, their meanings, their attitude towards waste also shows their lack of understanding the tourist’s needs. What reinforces this situation is their lack of materials that are important in the practice of surf tourism such as a stable internet connection, a website or other promotional activities, and a well-functioning telephone network. The foreigners and Minangkabau do have the right competences, materials, and meanings, giving them a huge competitive advantage over the local Mentawaian. The foreigners and Minangkabau have both the financial resources, the competences, and share or understand the meanings involved in the surf tourism experience. Furthermore, the position of the Minangkabau and foreigners is reinforced by the fact that the Mentawaian are throughout history perceived as backward, primitive, and ‘not clever’. Hence, the entire surf industry and business in general, the accommodation, consumption, and transport practices linked to the practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism, are dominated and owned by outsiders. This all relates to one key concept, the concept of agency, which is an important aspect when examining practices. The foreigners and the Minangkabau seem to have the right connections and network, but also material resources to set up their businesses, while the locals lack these networks. This resonates with Castells (2013) idea of power. The Minangkabau and the foreigners can, in this regard, be seen as programmers who are able to constitute networks and program and reprogram these networks, linking the local practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism to a broader (more regional and international) network of practices. Hence, they have the ability to manage, control, and guard the practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism on the Mentawai islands, excluding the local population. At present, the locals on the other hand, do not have the agency, the competences and material resources, to contest these networks. Consequently, due to the fact that the benefits of surf tourism are low for the local population, poverty numbers remain high. This includes the lack of sanitation, decent clothing, a diversified diet that includes greens, and well-built houses. An important aspect that also contributes to this situation is the high degree of corruption practices in the local, but also regional government. This seems to be an integral part of the Mentawai archipelago and can have severe consequences for the sustainable future of surf tourism.

5.1.2.4 MANAGEMENT & SUSTAINABLE TOURISM

To understand the practice of surf tourism on the Mentawai Islands it is also essential to understand how coastal and marine tourism is currently managed in Indonesia and on the Mentawai Islands in particular. The stakeholders that are active in the practice of surf tourism on the Mentawai Islands are the surf tourists, resort owners, charter boat owners, the locals (guides, wageworkers, surfers, boat owners, and sellers), NGOs, the local government, and the regional government. Especially the latter two seem to have a big role in the current state of the practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism on the Mentawai Islands. Historically Indonesia has managed its marine and coastal resources poorly (Purwaka 2001). The emphasis of the Indonesian government has been on maximising profits “and being uncoordinated they often overlap and are incompatible with local-level management schemes” (Towner 2014: 85). Hence, the local government has minimal decision power and authority to manage the coastal resources in the area (ibid.). Moreover, the Mentawai

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government lacks the resources and capacity to properly manage the surf tourism industry (Australian, female, aged 40-49, NGO owner), as they are “solely dependent upon funding from the central government, which maintains its financial and political control” (Towner 2014: 85; Siry 2011: 470). Therefore, the current surf tourism management schemes that are in place are inadequate. Hence, ““[r]egulation and management are by far the biggest challenges for the government” –Australian, male, aged 30-39, resort operator” (Towner 2014: 198). This can have severe consequences for the future of the Mentawai Islands:

“Unmanaged surf tourism growth […] leads to rapid expansion of surf tourism in once isolated coastal communities. As entrepreneurs clamour for market share, they build hotels and resorts and establish surf charter boats to the point where the ecosystem struggles to provide sufficient sinks for waste, an ample quantity of clean drinking water, and there is also typically down market pressure on prices as areas become overcrowded, after all, all those new businesses need customers to remain viable” (Mach 2014: 50).

The local government officials blame this inadequate management on “a lack of resources and capacity,” but also on the lack of appropriate “education, tourism training, and experience” (Local, male, aged 40-49, government official).

“Although they seem to be willing, they just don’t have the right knowledge of how to manage such a spurring (surf) tourism industry.”

-Australian, female, aged 40-49, NGO owner

This resonates with the feeling of a charter boat operator:

““A real concern for operators is that the people in the government have not much tourism experience.”

-Australian, male, aged 30–39, charter boat operator” (Towner 2014: 200).

Hence, there are serious concerns over the way the surf tourism industry is currently managed:

““Sustainable management practices are very new to many tourism officials; here in the Mentawais they need new skills and direction. It is also important the government look at case studies from other countries otherwise the situation here will get out of control.”

-Australian, male, aged 30–39, charter boat operator” (Towner 2014: 200)

Especially the high degree of corruption ingrained in the Indonesian government has been identified as the most important challenge contributing to the failure of current surf tourism management (Towner 2014). Consequently, the existing situation on the Mentawai Islands was several times described as a tipping point by the respondents:

“In 5 to 10 years a lot will be changed compared to now. We have currently reach a tipping point, either for the good or the bad.”

-Englishman, male, aged 30-39, NGO employee

The biggest challenge at the moment is the issue of crowding and the poorly managed development of the current tourism industry:

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“Crowding at the surf breaks is becoming a serious issue. There are even incidences between surfers with shots being fired and the involvement of the local police.”

-Australian, male, aged 30-39, surf guide

Also, the failure of management schemes throughout the years on the Mentawai Islands reinforces the current complex and uncontrollable situation:

““Increasing numbers of tourists leading to overcrowding is a real concern for operators. Constantly changing laws and regulations meaning it’s hard to get a clear picture of how the industry is going to deal with the issue of carrying capacity.”

-American, male, aged 30–39, resort operator” (Towner 2014: 197).

Hence, the current surf tourism industry seems to be, due to poor management, unsustainable at the moment with issues resembling the excesses that I have described earlier. Especially crowding is becoming a serious issue that can endanger the surf tourism experience (O’Brien & Ponting 2013). This concern is present among a broad range of stakeholders:

““I’m concerned about the rate of unplanned development that seems to be occurring. The Mentawais run the risk of becoming another Bali with the depletion of natural resources, rubbish, and the erosion of local culture.”

-Australian, male, aged 30-39, surf tourist” (Towner 2014: 161).

Even at the local government this feeling is present:

“The current tourism industry is not sustainable. There seems to be a contradiction with the environment.”

-Local, male, aged 30-39, government official

Moreover, another development is that the influx of surf tourists and their cultural background is also changing the locals. On the one hand, this is seen as something worrisome:

““Over the past 10 years I have seen surf tourism tear apart local villages. Their traditional culture and everyday lifestyle has changed as locals have seen the dollars, which has created greed, corruption and theft amongst local people.”

-American, male, aged 30–39, charter boat operator” (Towner 2014: 192).

The rise of greed, corruption, and theft has also challenged the relationships between the locals as some are more able to get the right linkages with the practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism industry than others:

““Surf tourism is creating issues of jealousy between locals because of the uneven distribution of income. It is having an influence on village structure as certain individuals working at the resort earning good money are moving up the social ladder.”

-Australian, male, aged 30–39, charter boat operator” (Towner 2014: 193).

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The surf industry itself has also a negative impact on the islands:

“The surf industry exploits the Mentawai Islands to a great extent and is making loads and loads of money of the Mentawai Islands through movies and photo’s in magazines without giving anything back. Exploitation is something that Mentawai is quite accustomed to.”

-Australian, female, aged 40-49, NGO owner

On the other hand, there is also a feeling that the influx of surf tourists and the surf tourism industry itself has had a positive impact on the locals:

“All of the current infrastructure on the Mentawai Islands have been built because of surf tourism. The telephone and internet network are only recently implemented and all the industry, the fast ferry (towards the mainland of Sumatra), and the airport are built because of the surf tourists. Without surf tourism this would still be an undeveloped region”.

-Australian, female, aged 40-49, NGO owner

Moreover, also at the environmental side surf tourism seems to generate a positive impact with locals becoming more aware of the importance of the environment:

““I guess the main positive environmental impact is the increased environmental awareness which has led to more sustainable management of community resources.”

-Australian, female, aged 30–39, charter boat operator” (Towner 2014: 188).

And also by educating the locals on marine resources management:

““The greatest positive for the environment that the surf tourism industry has generated here in the Mentawais is that many operators have educated local seafood suppliers on marine resources management.”

-Australian, male, aged 30–39, resort operator” (Towner 2014: 189).

Plus by making them aware of the importance of reefs and how their way of fishing can negatively impact these:

“The biggest positive for the environment created by the surf tourism industry is that we have tried to stop illegal fishing and reef dynamiting; reefs are the next biggest resource aside from waves.”

-American, male, aged 40–49, resort operator” (Towner 2014: 189).

What already came to the fore, due to their deep engagement with, and dependence on natural resources surf tourists have often a high degree of environmental awareness and care about protecting the natural world. Hence, it seems logical that this is something they bring with them and want to teach the locals:

“To surf means to become one with nature. […] Because surfers are often the first tourists that arrive at remote destinations this also brings a lot of responsibility. The surfers have a great potential to impact environmentally.”

-Australian, female, aged 40-49, NGO owner

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When looking at the sustainable tourism practice paradigm presented earlier, it seems that the current practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism on the Mentawai Islands does include and has linkages to conservation practices and the environmental component of sustainable tourism. However, the practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism fails to make meaningful linkages to the social component of sustainable tourism that is aimed at involving the local population. The environmental component is reinforced by the influx of tourists and foreigners who carry the knowledge and the meanings of how to conserve the environment and are able to make the locals aware of this. Hence, through time this environmental component has become embodied in the local population. Another seemingly positive impact of the current practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism is that it makes linkages with transport practices that are also positive for the social component of sustainable surf tourism. The rise of certain physical materials, such as proper infrastructure, also benefits the locals. However, the building of roads and other industry may have a negative impact on the environmental component of sustainable surf tourism and it thus seems that the social and environmental component can contest each other. Other linkages with the social component of sustainable surf tourism seem to fail as both the transport practices, consumption practices, and accommodation practices are dominated by outsiders and the building of roads and infrastructure is done by wageworkers from Java. Moreover, there is also a lack of competences at the side of the government. In the Mentawaians they are seen as the programmers depicted by Castells (2013) who should be able to link the current practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism with local livelihoods. However, at the moment the local government does not have the right competences, the right capabilities, authority, knowledge, nor the experience to manage the surf tourism industry in a proper way and deliberately link it with existing sustainable practices.

This lack of management can also have severe consequences for crowding at the surf breaks that can eventually destroy the true surf tourism experience. Another worrisome aspect of the influx of surf tourists is that they are the carriers of certain western meanings that can influence the meanings of the local population such as the importance of money. This has contributed to feelings of jealously and greed among the locals, influencing and breaking traditionally important ties and meanings. Consequently, “the arrival of new elements may lead to, and may in fact depend on, the demise of others. […] Many examples of this kind involve the collapse of traditional ways of thinking” (Shove et al. 2012: 79). In addition, the high degree of corruption ingrained in the Indonesian society reinforces the lack of linkages between social development and the practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism. This degree of corruption is identified by several stakeholders as the main thing that endangers good surf tourism management which can have severe consequences for the future of the Mentawai Islands.

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5.1.3 AN ORIENTATION TOWARDS THE FUTURE

As already came to the fore, at the moment, the practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism on the Mentawai islands has a lot of unsustainable linkages that endanger its future. Therefore, the current situation is often referred to as a tipping point, either for the good or the bad.

“Surf tourism in the Mentawais is undergoing a rapid and far-reaching transformation that will change the islands, the lifestyles of the local people and surfers’ experiences of the Mentawais forever” (Baker 2006: 110).

Hence, in the next section I will discuss several ideas posed by relevant stakeholders concerning the future of the Mentawai Islands.

5.1.3.1 A Second Bali & Proposed Alternatives

One of the worst case scenarios that is described by surf guides, surf tourism operators, surf tourists, and academics is of the Mentawai Islands becoming a second Bali that has been described as highly polluted with hotels pumping there sewage directly into the ocean. Moreover, there are issues of overcrowding at the surf breaks of Bali and problems with gentrification, automobile traffic, drug trafficking, and prostitution (Barilotti 2002; Ponting 2009). Hence, the Mentawai Islands becoming a new Bali is often referred to as a doom scenario:

“We now have something great here, we have to keep it small. Otherwise we will turn out like Bali. God forbid Tua Pejat becoming like Kuta (the main massive tourism enclave on Bali).”

-Australian, male, aged 30-39, surf guide

Similar concerns are voiced by surf tourists who are also referring to the current state of poor management:

““I’m concerned about the rate of unplanned development that seems to be occurring. The Mentawais run the risk of becoming another Bali (depletion of natural resources, rubbish and the erosion of local culture).”

-Australian, male, aged 30–39, surf tourist” (Towner 2014: 161).

This can lead to the Mentawai Islands losing its appeal as it diminishes the surf tourism experience. In the end, the success of surf tourism on the Mentawai Islands can become its eventual downfall. At the side of the NGOs there is also great concern over the current direction that the surf tourism industry on the Mentawai Islands is taking:

““The glass is half empty I’m sorry to say: the current development in the Mentawais is following the classic ‘surf slum’ model of other Indonesian destinations such as Nias, Sumbawa and Bali. There are no sustainable patterns in Indonesia, development is out of control – for example, one homestay quickly turns into 10 homestays. Then there is a price war and waves get crowded. We have seen this happen all over Indo and we do not want it to happen here in the Mentawais.”

-Australian, male, aged 30–39, NGO employee” (Towner 2014: 204).

However, these notions stand in sharp contrast with the views of the locals:

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““I heard that in Bali everyone is currently advancing so we want progress, too. I know that for progression we need improved infrastructure.”

-Local, male, aged 40–49, homestay owner” (Towner 2014: 233).

A similar view towards tourism is taken by a government official:

“The surf tourism industry should become more developed. It can then become a great source of income for the local community and government. It is a great hope that we Mentawaians can live off tourism”

-Local, female, aged 40-49, government official

These notions seem to be substantiated by the massive development of health care facilities on Bali, exterminating Malaria (Ponting 2001). Moreover, tourism has had a drastic effect on poverty levels on Bali as currently only 4.2% of the population is considered poor with tourism being the most important means of income. Before Bali became the well-known tourism hotspot things were very different:

“Bali has had a remarkable transition from being one of the poorest to one of the richest provinces in Indonesia. […] If you look at indicators like education, infant mortality, nutrition, even non tourism Bali is still well above the Indonesian average and it was below the Indonesian average prior to 1970” (Hill quoted in Collison 2012).

Hence, what we see here are contrasting views towards the development of the surf tourism industry. On the one hand, there are the NGO employees, surf tourists, and surf operators that are afraid that further (uncontrolled) development can compromise the surf tourism experience. On the other hand, there are the local government and local people involved in the tourism industry that are eager for profit. As already have been mentioned, this yearn for economic profit can be at the cost of environmental and social sensitivities (Ardahaey 2011).

Therefore, several alternative futures are proposed for the Mentawai Islands by the stakeholders involved. These refer to stronger control, better management, a more equal distribution of power, and more collaboration. However, it is important to realize that modifying the current linkages of the practice arrangement bundle of the surf tourism is, as Sawyer (2013: 292) argues, a thoroughly political matter, “for whatever is proposed or done affects the distribution of power and people’s well being.” The first alternative future that is proposed is done by a local guide, and Ralph Buckley, an academic writer. Their argument is that the current surf tourism industry is reaching its recreational capacity level, hence, linkages with new rules and regulations have to be made. Already in 2002 Buckley proposed a quota system that would manage and limit tourism numbers based on recreational capacity in the Mentawai Islands. This so-called capacity management system “needs to recognise the complexities of the environment and the industry” (Buckley 2002b: 438). The proposed system is ascribing “different groups of breaks to different individual operators […] in such a way that each operator has access to a range of breaks in different parts of the Mentawai Islands, which they can use preferentially at different times of the year” (ibid. 439). Hence, the idea is to give charter boat and resort operators exclusive rights over certain breaks. This system makes it also possible to impose a certain fee, a surf tax of 75 dollar on each individual surf tourist that can be reticulated back to the locals and used for community development project “such as aid posts, education facilities, and development of the sport of

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surfing at the village” (O’Brien & Ponting 2013: 162; Australian, male, aged 30-39, surf guide). Moreover, this approach engages the locals “in consultation on the acceptable use of their surfing resources (reefs and coastal environments), and on community development needs that they feel can be addressed through the surf tourism levies” (O’Brien & Ponting 2013: 162). Especially the surf tourism operators seem to be in favour of such a system that limits the numbers of surfers and competitors, “nominally for reasons of environmental and cultural protection, but also to ensure the quality of the tourist experience and facilities” (Ponting 2001). Hence, the argument is made that “the Mentawai Islands should stay a luxurious place to travel to” (Australian, male, aged 40-49, resort owner). A similar idea is proposed by a local guide who suggests a rotation scheme between breaks:

“To avoid crowding you can put a rotation scheme into place. The first group can surf at a break on the first day, the second group can surf at the break the next day, and so on.”

-Local, male, aged 40-49, guide

However, for this quota system to be successful it is important to have a strong authority that is able to make the right linkages and that enforces and controls these regulations. The question is if with the current degree of corruption in the Indonesian government such a system will work and the right linkages will be made. As Buckley (2002b: 439) argues: “Whether or not a system such as this is implemented in practice is essentially a political rather than a technical issue; and currently, rather a cloudy one.” This management strategy resonates with the idea of territorialism proposed by De Alessi (2009). De Alessi (2009) argues that even the old Hawaiians did not believe in open access to the waves. Hence, De Alessi (2009) endorses a system of exclusivity in which it is possible to offer uncrowded surfing, for a price. However, for this system to be successful it requires, just as the quota system proposed by Buckley, sound legal rights and legal sanctions to back it up. Without these, territorialism can descend into violence. “Waves […] are not exhaustible resources, and so without some form of legally recognized access rights, attempts to territorialize surf spots will likely only increase conflict rather than decrease it” (De Alessi 2009: 88).

As already have been mentioned, this battle for exclusivity seems to be a new chapter in surf tourism. Especially charter boat and luxurious resort owners are “sparring among themselves for exclusive reef-use rights” (Laderman 2014: 90). This urge for exclusivity generates an emotional response from most surfers as they believe that “waves are a dynamic resource beyond direct commodification and individual ownership” (Ponting 2001). As a NGO owner argues:

“The surf tour operators argue that people pay a lot of money to surf and thereby demand exclusivity. That is such a horrible term, ‘exclusive’. Surfing should be including. It’s all about including. […] Surfing is an expression of freedom. Surfing should have no rules, no boundaries, no right or wrong.”

-Australian, female, aged 40-49, NGO owner

A different strategy is proposed by a surf tour operator and a local guide. As already came to the fore, the lack of local involvement is a serious issue in the current surf tourism industry on the Mentawai Islands. Hence, both the surf tour operator and the local guide argue that, in order for the surf tourism industry to remain sustainable in the Mentawai

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Islands, the practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism should make more linkages with local livelihoods enforcing local involvement in, and local ownership over tourism businesses:

“The management of surf tourism development on the Mentawai Islands should become in the hands of the local population. Local knowledge regarding local conditions is vital to sustainable surf tourism development.”

-Australian, male, aged 40-49, resort owner

The local guide agrees with this remark:

“There is more involvement of the locals needed. The Mentawai people should have a chance to start their own tourism businesses. Mentawaians should become the owners over all businesses. Now all the businesses are only for foreigners and the Minangkabau.”

-Local, male, aged 30-39, guide

Stronger linkages with the local livelihoods are also promoted by a foreign surf guide working at a resort:

“Mentawai still has to grow. With good guidance it can become something great. This vision needs to be guided by the local people.”

-Australian, male, aged 30-39, surf guide

And seemingly, things are starting to change:

“There are now more local owners of surf camps than a few years back. I see a transition happening towards more locally owned surf camps. There are now more guesthouses owned by locals too.”

-Australian, male, aged 30-39, surf guide

A NGO owner agrees with the argument that more linkages with the local livelihoods should be made, but adds that the most important thing is collaboration between the different stakeholders:

“I believe in collaborative knowledge that benefits everyone. Together we should find processes that benefit everyone. Communication is the most important foundation of solid relationships to build trust and share knowledge.”

-Australian female, aged 40-49, NGO owner

However, at the moment, the locals often lack the knowledge and skills to become properly involved. Hence, it is argued that the practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism should primarily make new linkages with social development, developing the local competences (Schellhorn 2010). As already came forward, especially education can empower the locals and increase their competences. Education in hospitality skills and the English language is key in this and especially the international NGO established on Sipora is trying to provide the latter.

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To really change the current surf tourism industry and to make more sustainable linkages the argument is made that this should not only come from the bottom up through small, local or civil society initiatives. Rather,

“[s]ustainable tourism should have a top down and a bottom up approach to be successful. Only small scale bottom up initiatives have not enough impact. We should not only do things on a small scale community level, but also involve government and business parties.”

-Australian, female, aged 40-49, NGO owner

However, in the end a broad range of stakeholders stated that the government is the single most important entity to change things. As already came forward quoting Sawyer (2013: 292), changing the linkages of the practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism is a thoroughly political matter, affecting and changing the distribution of power and people’s well-being. Hence, the government is of vital importance in each of the proposed strategies towards a better future for the Mentawai Islands. As argued by a NGO employee:

“It all comes down to this. In the end, the future of the Mentawai Islands is in the hands of only a few powerful people in the government.”

-Englishman, male, aged 30-39, NGO employee

However, there is also scepticism concerning the good intentions of the government:

“The government should be the one that could change things, but at the moment they only think of themselves, they don’t think for the people.”

-Local, male, aged 30-39, guide

When looking at the future of surf tourism development and the proposed scenarios a view observations can be made. First of all, it is interesting to notice that for tourists and other foreigners Bali is seen as the worst case scenario for the future of the Mentawai Islands as they refer to issues of overcrowding, pollution and other mass tourism related excesses. They are emphasizing on keeping the surf tourism industry small and well-managed. Hence, from their previous experiences they have constructed certain meanings of how surf tourism development should be managed. This stands in sharp contrast with the locals who emphasize the pro-poor developments that the rise of the tourism industry can have, as shown on Bali. Hence, they are concentrating more on the material side of rising tourism numbers and there meanings are more focused on how they personally and financially can benefit from a growing surf tourism industry. There thus seems to be a conflict of interest and contrasting meanings between the locals and foreigners concerning the development of surf tourism and which linkages the practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism should make.

Those people that are concerned with how the surf tourism industry is developing at the moment on the Mentawai Islands all propose certain strategies how to manage these developments. The first one is aimed at a quota system that manages recreational capacity and also imposes a tax on each individual surfer. As argued, even the old Hawaiians did not believe in open access to waves. This scheme is aimed at getting exclusive rights over certain

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reefs and surf breaks for resort and charter boat operators. Hence, this will lead to the total materialization and commodification of the waves as they will become something that can be owned and can be used for a certain price. This seems to stand in sharp contrast with the historically ingrained meanings of the practice of surfing that are all about freedom and inclusion. As argued, surfing should have no rules, no boundaries, no right or wrong, and waves are described as “dynamic resources beyond direct commodification and individual ownership” (Ponting 2001).

Another strategy is aimed at linking the local livelihoods more to the practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism on the Mentawai Islands. As previously came to the fore, sustainable tourism on the Mentawai Islands is lacking because the current tourism industry fails to make meaningful linkages with the local livelihoods. The strategies posed are all about empowering the locals and linking them more to the development of the surf tourism industry. This can for instance be done materially by granting them more ownership over businesses related to the tourism industry, but also through social development that focuses on developing the competences of the local population. Regardless, collaboration between all the relevant stakeholders over future developments, a multi governance scheme, is considered to be key. This can be done by implementing the co-management approach that distributes the rights and responsibilities for management among all the relevant stakeholders (Persoon et al. 2003). It integrates sound business practices, customary laws and local territorial rights, and government policy. For example, in the work of Lamers & van der Duim (2016) an essential role is given to trust boards in which trustees represent all the relevant stakeholders involved in the tourism industry, devise the rules, and monitor its development. Central in this should be the government that is deemed to have the power to make the right linkages and functions as a programmer in the current surf tourism industry (Castells 2013). The government has the ability to guide the current practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism to make more linkages with sustainable practices in the future development of the surf tourism industry on the Mentawai Islands. The government could for instance link the locals more to the surf tourism industry or could implement social development initiatives. Moreover, the government is also key in controlling and managing rules and regulations that could benefit the practice of surf tourism on the Mentawai Islands. The question that remains is if the government, due to the high degree of corruption, is able to perform this role. Especially the NGOs, but also the tour operators and locals could act as switchers in the future of the practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism, ensuring and mediating the cooperation between the new linkages that have to be made, sharing common goals and combining resources. However, at the moment, unity seems to be lacking, thereby it compromises their level of agency power.

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6. DISCUSSION & CONCLUSION

6.1 DISCUSSION

6.1.1 THEORETICAL & SOCIAL IMPLICATIONS

With this thesis I have tried to contribute to the relatively scarce (but emerging) field of academic literature concerning surf tourism. Surf tourism is exponentially growing and as the surf breaks get saturated the time has come to find ways to manage the surf tourism industry properly. Moreover, the recent inclusion of surfing in the 2020 Olympic Games in Tokyo can spur the popularization of surfing even further. Furthermore, this is the first academic work that has applied the social practice theory to surfing and surf tourism in particular. Through this research I hope to give insight into the empirical relevance of the social practice theory when doing research, particularly in the field of tourism. Hence, when exploring the empirical relevance of the social practice theory some remarks have to be made. The social practice approach drives you as a researcher to take into account and research the whole context of a certain practice as social reality is considered a flat ontology in which no macro or micro level exists (Welch & Warde 2015). When looking at the practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism this is a very complex and broad bundle. For instance, linkages with transport practices involved in the practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism already start with the cab that you take at home to the airport. While the tourism practice finishes with showing the photos that you have taken during the holiday to friends and family at home. Therefore, I argue that when using the social practice approach with such a complex practice arrangement bundle as tourism it is important to have a certain focus and to set certain boundaries in order for your empirical research to remain feasible. Consequently, my empirical research has predominantly focused on the situation on the Mentawai Islands, not the linkages with other places.

Nevertheless, the social practice theory was especially commendable on mapping the relevant issues in the surf tourism industry on the Mentawai Islands and how the history and meanings involved in the practice of surfing still influence and are ingrained in the current state of surf tourism. As argued by Hunter (1997), sustainable tourism should be approached as an adaptive paradigm based on the specific local context. Hence, by taking into account the whole practice, the social practice approach is able to get a good grasp of this specific local context. As shown in this thesis, by focusing on the linkages that the practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism makes, it becomes possible to unpack the complexity of the tourism industry and to analyse were possible interventions can be made that can steer towards sustainability. Thus, as shown in this thesis, in order to make the surf tourism industry more sustainable, one should not focus on changing individual behaviour, but on the linking of more desirable practices.

Related to this, as argued by Shove et al. (2012) and shown in this thesis, it is also important to understand the history of a certain practice and how it has changed over time. As stated, a practice does not come out of nowhere, but is influenced by traces of the past

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and co-existing practices. For instance, for surfing to become surf tourism it needed material innovations such as commercial air travel and lighter boards, but also certain meanings of wanderlust, adventure, and freedom. The latter still influence the surf tourism experience until this day and are key in the pure surf experience. Hence, when analysing how change can happen in the surf tourism practice it is vital to get a grasp of its specific historical trajectory.

As already explained by Shove et al. (2012), the use of the three elements, materials, meanings, and competences are a simplified view on social reality, therefore it also has a few shortcomings. For instance, especially the material element is a complex element with a lot of aspects that should be given more thoughts. There is the body, the material environment, but also the surf board, the charter boats, and resorts. However, Shove et al. (2012) argue that space is not an element equivalent to those of materiality, meaning and competence. Hence, Shove et al. (2012) make a distinction between space and materiality, “implying that space should be considered as non-material distance or extensiveness in which practices are situated, but not as a physical setting” (Van der Poel & Bakker 2016: 14). Van der Poel & Bakker (2016) find this problematic and argue that the relatively permanent physical settings should be part of a practice because space is not only context, “but also element of – and ‘implied’ in the sense of being used in – the practice, because the spatial distribution of material elements is inseparable from the material elements in practices” (Van der Poel & Bakker 2016). For instance, in the practice of surf tourism, the waves and surf breaks are a crucial element of the successful performance of surf tourism. Without the waves surf tourism does not exists. This vital role of waves is also characterized in how waves in recent years are commodified and materialized. Hence, in this thesis I have approached the waves as an important element of the practice of surfing and surf tourism. However, I do agree with Van der Poel & Bakker (2016) that physical environments that are relatively stable such as the material environment of the surf breaks should be treated differently than human bodies that are able to move themselves around, and objects that can be moved such as the surf boards, in order to fully grasp the role of elements in a social practice. A different take on practice theory that recognizes the difference between non-human and human elements is presented by Schatzki (2002; 2010). Schatzki does not use the three elements of Shove et al. (2012), but presents organizing principles (i.e. rules, teleo-affective structures, and practical and general understandings). These organizing principles also give a central role to human agency in practice theory. As shown in this thesis, human agents, in this case government actors and tourism operators, can have a big role in (re-)linking new, more sustainable practices, or in (un-)consciously preventing change. Hence, it is important to take the role of change agents, power, and agency in general in mind when looking at a specific practice.

Furthermore, in the academic literature of surf tourism the focus has been predominantly on the impact of surf tourism on the local communities or environment, while the surf tourists have seldom been the unit of analysis. Through the social practice theory I have tried to present the entire practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism which include the surf tourists, the local community, NGOs, surf tourism operators, the government, and the environment.

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A relevant theory that also could be an added value to this thesis is the political economy theory that builds on the works of Marx. Bryant & Bailey (1997) have developed three fundamentals of practicing political economy that are all present in the case study presented. First of all, the political economy theory implies that access and control over natural resources are unequally distributed, leading to uneven costs and benefits. Second of all, this unequal distribution reinforces economic inequalities. Third of all, this has also political consequences altering power relations. As already came to the fore throughout this thesis, the surf tourism industry is dominated by foreigners and outsiders and surf tourism is sometimes described as neo-colonial. Leakages of revenues are high while local involvement, local power, and local profits remain low as the Mentawaians are marginalized and characterized as primitive. Another good example of this neo-Marxist critique is how the waves, and the entire material environment, is becoming more and more commodified and overexploited by the surf tourism industry in order to get more profits. This can eventually lead to environmental degradation and can harm the livelihoods of the locals. Hence, with the three fundamentals of political economy of Bryant & Bailey (1997) in mind, the rise of surf tourism on the Mentawai Islands is leading to unequally distributed revenues, growing economic inequalities, and unequal power relations between, on the one hand, the local Mentawaians and, on the other hand, the foreign and Minangkabau entrepreneurs.

This thesis also has some social implications. If the ambition is to implement (more) sustainable surf tourism this thesis provide a few aspects to focus on. Most important, a practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism should maintain linkages with the local livelihoods. In this thesis the locals had a few barriers that excluded them from linkages with the surf tourism industry. Specifically the lack of proper competences such as hospitality skills and a good understanding of the English language were missing. These can be resolved by implementing social development activities such as education opportunities and language courses. Moreover, this thesis argued that for sustainable surf tourism to be successful it is important to have a government that is able to manage, guide, and control (un-)sustainable linkages. Currently this seems to be lacking. A way forward could be the implementation of a co-management system in which all the relevant stakeholders share the rights and responsibilities over the future of surf tourism on the Mentawai Islands and local knowledge and capacities can be combined with the authority and efficiency of the government.

To conclude, this thesis can also be informative for other host destinations coping with the challenges of an expanding surf tourism industry. Nevertheless, it is important to take into account that practices “are culturally and historically situated” and “elements are unlikely to be integrated in identical fashion in every setting” (Shove et al. 2012: 153; Shove & Pantzar 2005). An adaptive approach towards the implementation of sustainable tourism that takes into account the specific context, as proposed by Hunter (1997), is thus needed.

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6.1.2 LIMITATIONS & RECOMMENDATIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH

Although I have tried to give a coherent and comprehensive image of the practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism on the Mentawai Islands, Indonesia, there are some limitations that have to be taken into account. First of all, I visited the Mentawai Islands in November and December which are considered the off season of surfing. Due to that, a lot of the resorts were closed and charter boats inactive. Moreover, tourism numbers were low. Hence, I was not able to see the complete picture of surf tourism on the Mentawai Islands and was not able to speak with all the relevant respondents. What reinforced this were two key issues: The first is that due to time and financial limitations I was not able to cover the complete Mentawai archipelago. Thus, only a limited number of surf breaks and islands have been visited. The second is that, due to a rather unpleasant confrontation with my host, I had to leave the islands earlier than planned and was not able to speak with all the relevant stakeholders. I have tried to cover these gaps through the use of secondary literature. Another important aspect that needs to be mentioned is that I predominantly spoke with males which can lead to a gender bias. Surf tourism is a male dominated activity both from the supply as the demand side, but the female perspective should also be taken into account.

In general, more research using the social practice theory is needed to comprehend the empirical relevance of the theory. Moreover, there should be more follow up research in the field of tourism in order to see on what aspects the theory is most applicable. Furthermore, it would be very interesting to have a follow up research on the Mentawai Islands in 5 or 10 years’ time. As came to the fore, the Mentawai Islands are currently on a tipping point, hence, through this follow up research one is able to get a grasp on the direction that has been taken. Also follow up research on other locations in the developing world and Indonesia in particular could be relevant. In the academic literature more and more surf destinations are struggling with the negative excesses of surf tourism such as overcrowding, low inclusion of the locals, poor management, and corruption. And, as surfing and surf tourism are booming chances are that similar challenges are emerging at destinations all over the (developing) world. Therefore, it is necessary to find the best strategy to cope with these challenges. Perhaps there are already best practices of surf destinations that are dealing with these challenges successfully and for instance have already implemented a co-management approach. These destinations can then be used as best practices for others.

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6.2 CONCLUSION

As surfing, and surf tourism in particular is exponentially growing, especially in developing countries, this thesis was set out to explore surf tourism on the Mentawai Islands, Indonesia by using the social practice theory as posited by Shove et al. (2012). The surf tourism industry on the Mentawai Islands has currently come to a tipping point, either for the good or the bad. Through a three step approach I have tried to understand how the practice of surf tourism has reached this tipping point. The first step focuses on understanding the pure practice of surfing that only entails the material elements of a board, a body, a wave, the competences to ride the board, and the meanings of freedom and being one with nature. The second step had a zoomed-out focus on the specific history and developments of the practice of surfing and how these developments still influence the present state of the practice of surf tourism. As Shove et al. (2012: 125) argue: “Traces of the past are inscribed in the patterns of the present”. The third step concerned the current state of the practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism on the Mentawai Islands in which I have focused on the current (un- )sustainable linkages that the practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism makes, who is responsible for these linkages, and what kind of linkages have to be made or broken to make the practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism more sustainable. Moreover, I have also tried to give insight into the future of surf tourism on the Mentawai Islands by presenting several scenarios sketched by important stakeholders. Hence, despite its limitations, this thesis has tried to answer several research questions posed that are interrelated. By answering these questions it is possible to get a better grasp on the current practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism on the Mentawai Islands, Indonesia. My main research question posed is:

To what extent is the current surf tourism industry on the Mentawai Islands sustainable?

This is a very broad and big question that I have tried to answer by using three sub questions:

1. How has the practice of surfing historically evolved into the current practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism on the Mentawai Islands?

2. What kind of linkages does the current practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism on the Mentawai Islands make?

3. What has to be changed in the linkages of the practice of surf tourism on the Mentawai Islands to make it more sustainable?

The first remarkable finding of this thesis relates specifically to the first research question. Through a zooming-out approach, as proposed by Nicolini (2012), I have made a historical analysis of the practice of surfing and how a part of it has transformed towards the practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism on the Mentawai Islands. Most importantly in 67

this transformation are the meanings involved in surfing, but also the materials. Concerning the former an interesting development has to do with how the perception, the meanings of the material environment of waves has changed throughout the years. What came to the fore is that the practice of surfing was an activity that was widespread throughout society and highly inclusive, no matter gender or status. Moreover, traditionally waves had a special function in Hawaiian society as they offered the Hawaiians autonomy, freedom, and empowerment opposed to the Calvinist imperialists. However, things started to change in the 1960s with the popularisation of surfing through popular media in California. The surfer lifestyle and the wave itself became a key symbol in Hollywood images causing a surf craze and infecting numerous surfers as carriers of the practice of surfing. This increased interest in surfing resulted in, amongst others, overcrowding at local surf breaks. Hence, in search for uncrowded, unspoilt territories and by using new material developments such as commercial air travel, but also lighter foam surfboards that were easier to travel, adventurous surfers started to explore the world searching for the ‘perfect wave’. This development was reinforced by popular media that depicted these travels in magazines and movies. From this moment forward, the practice of surfing began to make linkages with the meanings of adventure, freedom, masculinity, and escapism, and surf travels began to emerge. One of the remote destinations that got ‘discovered’ by carriers of the practice of surfing were the Mentawai Islands, Indonesia that had the perfect unspoilt and uncrowded material environment of consistent, high-quality surf breaks.

Entrepreneurial foreigners soon began to realize that profits could be made on the Mentawai Islands and thus established themselves on the islands claiming ownership over the physical material of surf breaks and waves, materializing and commodifying them and making the waves exclusive and only accessible for a certain price. Hence, the practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism on the Mentawai Islands began to make linkages to exclusivity and masculinity only accessible for the high-educated rich of this world. This tendency stands in sharp contrast with the original meanings involved in surfing of freedom, inclusivity and the idea that waves are dynamic, fluid resources that are beyond direct commodification and individual ownership. Moreover, the meanings of the locals towards the waves also changed drastically. The locals traditionally perceived the waves and the ocean as something that was inhabited with an own soul that could not be owned. Now, due to the commercial value that the waves gained, the attitude of the locals is changing causing many disputes between locals and foreigners over claims of ownership, and compensation for the use of the waves is demanded.

These developments also relate to the second question posed, as they have a lot do with the linkages that the current practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism on the Mentawai Islands makes. When looking at the sustainable surf tourism approach that entails an environmental and a social component, it seems that the current practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism on the Mentawai Islands is relatively environmentally sustainable as linkages are being made to meanings of environmental awareness which is reinforced by surf tourists who carry these specific environmental meanings.

However, at the moment, the practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism on the Mentawai Islands fails to make meaningful linkages with the local livelihoods as the number 68

of locals involved in the surf tourism industry is next to none. This lack of linkages with the social component of sustainable surf tourism has several reasons. One of them is that the locals lack the right competences that are necessary to make linkages with, and become part of the practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism. The locals often do not speak the English language which is very important in the tourism industry, and also lack hospitality skills. Hence, social development by implementing educational opportunities and language courses is very important to include more locals in the current practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism. The lack of involvement of the locals is reinforced by their lack of agency. The people that are in power, the so-called programmers, are foreigners or Minangkabau from the mainland of Sumatra who have the right networks and can direct the linkages of the practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism. Due to this they own all the surf tourism related businesses and control the linkages with transport, (food) consumption, and accommodation practices. Compared to the locals, the foreigners and Minangkabau have the right competences, such as entrepreneurial skills and knowhow, and material resources to make the right (political) linkages with decisive networks. Hence, they make it very difficult for the locals to become part of the surf tourism industry. Furthermore, the Mentawaians have a long history of being marginalized and discriminated by the central and regional government. For example, they are considered backwards and primitive, unfit to own businesses.

To change this situation a multi-governance scheme should become embedded in the current practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism in which links are made with all the relevant stakeholders. Therefore, collaboration between all these stakeholders should be enforced. This relates to the third question posed. As argued, in social practice theory change can, on the one hand, come from the outside when different practices come into contact with each other, when new elements are introduced, or when already existing elements are combined in different ways (Warde 2005; Shove et al. 2012). On the other hand, change can come from the inside when practitioners resist and contest conventions and routines (Warde 2005). When looking at the practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism on the Mentawai Islands changed should come from the inside, in particular from those in power, the local government. However, the local government has demonstrated to be incapable or unwilling to disconnect undesirable practices and replace them with more desirable ones in order to derive more sustainable output.

As argued, the practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism on the Mentawai Islands should become more inclusive and this can for instance be done through the implementation of co-management, which distributes the rights and responsibilities for management among all the relevant stakeholders. Currently, the ones deemed to have the agency to establish these linkages, the local and regional government, fail to deliberately manage and control the (un-)sustainable linkages of the practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism properly as they lack the right competences, material resources, and capacity. The scenarios that are posed by the stakeholders concerning a sustainable future for surf tourism on the Mentawai Islands, such as a quota-system and a more inclusive tourism industry, especially in transport and accommodation practices, all require strong rules and regulations that are enforced and controlled through good management. At this moment of time, the government does not

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seem to be capable to perform the role of programmer properly. Thereby the government endangers the sustainable future of the Mentawai Islands. This is reinforced by the high degree of corruption that is ingrained in Indonesian society and the fact that the local government lacks any authority. Moreover, historically, the emphasis of the Indonesian government regarding coastal and marine management has been linked to maximising profits while linkages with social and environmental sensitivities remain low.

These findings bring me to the main research question posed. Throughout this thesis the social practice theory proved to be a useful approach to analyse the current state of the surf tourism industry on the Mentawai Islands. The social practice theory directed the research to not only focus on individuals and their behaviour, but to focus on a much broader context. Hence, this entailed a historical analysis that emphasized how the practice of surfing developed into the practice of surf tourism and the specific elements that were involved in this process. Moreover, the approach gave insight into the practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism on the Mentawai Islands and the linkages that this bundle makes with (un-)sustainable practices.

The practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism on the Mentawai Islands is at its core a sustainable one with surfers often being the carriers of environmentally friendly meanings and behaviour. Through this they influence the meanings of the locals making them more aware of environmental sensitivities. However, the practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism is not only limited to the surf tourist, his board, environmental friendly behaviour, and the waves, as linkages with a whole tourism industry are made that include linkages to accommodation practices that include resorts and charter boat vessels often owned by foreigners and outsiders. Due to this foreign ownership and the lack of agency, but also the lack of the right competences at the side of the locals, the current practice arrangement bundle fails to make meaningful linkages with the local livelihoods. Moreover, due to the rise of luxurious material amenities that are part of accommodation and transport practices linked to the practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism, tourism numbers are increasing, endangering the recreational capacity of the material environment and thereby harming the true surf experience. Hence, the success of surf tourism on the Mentawai Islands can lead to its eventual downfall. Therefore, the current practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism on the Mentawai Islands has come to a tipping point, either for the good or the bad. If monetary profits remain dominant and the unsustainable linkages with the current practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism grow stronger, which seems to be the case at the moment, dark times lie ahead for the Mentawai Islands. However, if the people in power, the so-called programmers, take up the responsibility to guide the Mentawai Islands in a more sustainable direction, making new sustainable linkages, enforcing rules and regulations, and disconnecting the unsustainable linkages that the practice arrangement bundle of surf tourism currently has, the Mentawai Islands can become a true ‘Wonderland’ once again.

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8. APPENDIX

8.1 APPENDIX A: TOPIC LIST

TOPIC GUIDE: SEMI-STRUCTURED INTERVIEWING

SURF TOURISTS

MEANINGS  Why surfing/Why the Mentawais?  What does surfing entail?  Is contact with the locals important?  Is sustainability an issue?  Are there shared understandings/norms among surfers regarding their impact? o Can you give me some examples?  How do you think change can happen?  What prevents it?  Who is responsible?  Can you describe your vision for the future of surfing?

MATERIALS  What kinds of materials are needed for a good surf experience?  Do you bring the board/wetsuit yourself?  Where do you stay? Why?  What kind of transport do you use? Why?

COMPETENCES  How experienced are you as a surfer?  What is your background?

TOURIST INDUSTRY

MEANINGS  Why surfing/Why the Mentawais?  What does the surf industry entail?  What do the surf tourists usually demand/need?  Are there problems with surf tourism?  Is sustainability an issue?  Are there local employees in your business, if not, why not?  How do you think change can happen?  What prevents it?

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 Who is responsible?  Can you describe your vision for the future of surfing?

MATERIALS  What do the surf tourists usually demand/need?

COMPETENCES  What level of experience does the staff need?

LOCAL COMMUNITY MEMBERS & NGOS

MEANINGS  What does the surf industry entail?  What is the impact of surf tourism on the island/local community?  To what extent are the locals part of the tourism industry?  Do the locals practice surfing themselves?  Are there problems with surf tourism/surf tourists?  Is sustainability an issue?  How do you think change can happen?  What prevents it?  Who is responsible?  Can you describe your vision for the future of surfing?

MATERIALS  What do the locals provide for the surf tourists?

COMPETENCES  Are there language issues?

LOCAL GOVERNMENT

MEANINGS  What does the surf industry entail?  What is the impact of surf tourism on the island?  Are there problems with surf tourism?  Are there rules and regulations regarding surf tourism?  Is sustainability an issue?  Are there policy programmes aimed at sustainability?  How do you think change can happen?  What prevents it?  Who is responsible?  Can you describe your vision for the future of surfing?

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