THE SHARP CONTRASTS of SUMATRA the Cultural, Economic
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CHAPTER THIRTEEN THE SHARP CONTRASTS OF SUMATRA Th e cultural, economic and religious pattern of Sumatra was, around 1800, much more diverse than that of any of the other greater islands such as Java, Kalimantan, Sulawesi or Papua. Th is diversity was not only evident among the inhabitants of the inland regions, the population of the mountain chain of the Bukit Barisan that runs along the western coast from Aceh to the south, the home of the inland tribes of Batak, Gayo-Alas, Minangkabau, Kubu (Jambi) and Lampung. Th ere were also, and still are, great diff erences in the coastal regions: the Malay Sultanates of the East Coast, Java-oriented Palembang, the proud and independently distinct identity of Aceh, equally distinct Minangkabau, just to mention some of the major cultures. Besides, there were quite signifi cant diff erences in culture in the numerous smaller islands surrounding Sumatra. Since the 1860s large numbers of migrants had arrived from China in the islands of Bangka, Belitung and Riau. Many more Chinese, and later many poor coolies from Java, came to the new plantation area of Medan. Th ese migrant workers dominated the tin mining, rubber, tobacco and pepper plantations, and much of the non-agricultural smallholder economy. Th e islands of Nias, Batu, Mentawai and Enggano preserved diff er- ent cultures again. Many of the Sumatran coastal cultures had been Muslim for several centuries. Th e most assertive of these were the Acehnese, as well as the smaller coastal settlements like Bengkulu and, on the Eastern coast, the sultanates of Deli (Medan), Serdang, Langkat and Siak. Th ere were also strong inland Muslim traditional societies in the mountainous regions of Minangkabau, Gayo-Alas, Palembang and Lampung. Confronted with all this diversity it will be necessary to concentrate on two major regions of mission and church development, those of the Toba-Batak and Karo homelands in what is now North Sumatra, and more specifi cally on two churches, HKBP and GBKP. Diff erent in many ways, the developments in these two regions and churches yield insights into the processes of religious change in Sumatra without overshadowing the very important developments in other regions and churches. Missionary initiatives prior to 1857 Th e Batak homeland, (today the larger part of the Indonesian province of North Sumatra) lies between Aceh in the north and the provinces of West K.A. Steenbrink and J.S. Aritonang - 9789047441830 Downloaded from Brill.com10/04/2021 02:46:15PM via free access 528 chapter thirteen Sumatra and Riau in the south, approximately 50,000 square km in extent, or one ninth of the land area of Sumatra. Dominant geographical features are Lake Toba and the extensive mountain ranges and highland, which form part of the Bukit Barisan range that runs through the length of Sumatra. Among the high peaks are active and dormant volcanoes, a number reaching height of over 2,000 m. Th e highland area has a cool, wet climate. Lake Toba, which has a central place in Batak folklore and tradition, lies in the bed of an extinct volcano in the heart of the Batak highlands. A large island, Samosir that is about 50 km long and about 16 km at its widest point, dominates it. A narrow plain on the west coast, and the extensive lowlands of the east coast, while not part of Batakland proper, have had extensive Batak populations since pre-colonial times. In scholarly discussion the name Batak refers to an ethnological grouping of peoples who share diff ering but similar cultures and whose languages, while too distinctive to be regarded as dialects, are closely related. Th ese people are the Toba, Dairi or Pakpak, Simalungun, Karo and Angkola-Mandailing Bataks, each with their own homeland although in modern times many have migrated into neighbouring areas or to other regions of Indonesia. Whether ‘Batak’ is an indigenous name or one applied fi rst by outsiders, remains controversial. Th e Toba Batak, who are oft en simply called ‘Bataks’ and whose folkways are considered by many Indonesians to be characteristic of all Bataks, in fact refer to themselves more readily as Tapanuli people, taking the name of the great bay that is a feature of their region. Similarly the Karo and others do no readily refer to themselves as ‘Bataks’. In a discussion of the processes of religious change among the Batak peoples in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries two regions are of particular interest. Th ese are the region of North Tapanuli, which was the scene of the German Rhenish Mission’s most rapid and spectacular successes, and the region on the east coast of North Sumatra and the neighbouring highland plateau, the homeland of the Karo people who resisted Christianity, as they had resisted Islam, until the period of rapid church growth aft er Independence. Both these regions, at the beginning of the nineteenth century, were in reality outside the sphere of infl uence of any of the European powers. Th e mountain regions were secure in their isolation and although accounts were emerging of Batak life, such as William Marsden’s report of a journey made in Sumatra in 1783, little account had been taken of the region by the European powers. In 1824 the Treaty of London regularised Dutch and British interests in the Malay Archipelago by establishing Malaya as a British sphere of interest, and recognising Sumatra (where the British had had a foothold at Benkulen or Bengkulu since 1685) as a Dutch sphere of infl uence. Distracted by their Aceh War and other concerns the Dutch colonial administration did not seek to extend its rule to the east coast and North Tapanuli regions for at least forty K.A. Steenbrink and J.S. Aritonang - 9789047441830 Downloaded from Brill.com10/04/2021 02:46:15PM via free access the sharp contrasts of sumatra 529 years aft er the Treaty, and then unevenly. Th e fi nal occupation of the Karo plateau, for example, did not take place until 1904. In this situation, missionaries in Tapanuli and planters on the east coast of Sumatra entered areas that were completely independent of colonial rule or signifi cant European infl uence. Having established their enterprises they continued, for some time aft er colonial penetration began, to overshadow the colonial administration and its offi cials who oft en depended on their local knowledge and their ability to speak local languages and to negotiate with local leaders and rulers. Th e Protestant mission among the Angkola, Toba and Simalungun Batak peoples is widely, and appropriately, associated with the German Rhenish Mission, which entered Batakland in 1861, and with the name of the great missionary strategist Ludwig Ingwer Nommensen (1834–1918) who arrived in Sumatra in 1862.1 However, the Rheinische Missionsgesellschaft (RMG) was neither the fi rst, nor the only, pioneering mission agency to enter the Batak world during the nineteenth century, and Nommensen himself undertook his pioneering work in North Tapanuli in company with others (among whom P.H. Johannsen and August Mohri) and from a basis already established by the Mission in the southern Bataklands. Th e death in 1834 of two missionaries sponsored by the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, Henry Lyman and Samuel Munson, on their fi rst entry to the inland Batak territory, is also well known, but over a decade before this tragic event British Baptist missionaries had been active in the region. Th is earlier activity was closely associated with the British presence on the west coast of Sumatra and the personal interest the British Lieutenant- Governor, Sir Th omas Stamford Raffl es, had taken in the evangelisation of the indigenous peoples of the Indonesian region.2 In 1824, the year in which he fi nally left the east, Raffl es had commissioned Richard Burton and Nathaniel 1 On the life of Nommensen, there is a note of the more accessible, modern European stud- ies attached to Schreiner 1998:499–500. In what follows Jonathan T. Nommensen 1974 was used, being an Indonesian translation by E.I.D. Nababan-Tobing, of the Toba Batak life, written in Sumatra by Nommensen’s missionary son soon aft er his father’s death, and published in 1925. Th is work is written out of, and into, a Batak rather than a European or mission board context. It is based on recollections and interviews and is largely free of the RMG image of Nommensen and of the idealistic veneration that later grew around the fi rst Ephorus of the Batak church. Intent on telling the story of his father’s life the younger Nommensen provides raw data, rather than an interpretation. In doing so, so closely aft er the events, he presents also the unmistakable fl avour of missionary life: piety, family tragedies, political manoeuvring with respect both to Batak chiefs and the Dutch authorities. A second edition was published in two parts in Pematangsiantar about 1963/4. It was not possible to use recent publications on L.I. Nommensen, written by Martin E. Lehmann (1996) and Lorman M. Peterson (Nommensen’s grandson-in-law who lives in San Diego USA), published in 2001. 2 Payne 1945:38–56 off ers a comprehensive account. K.A. Steenbrink and J.S. Aritonang - 9789047441830 Downloaded from Brill.com10/04/2021 02:46:15PM via free access 530 chapter thirteen Ward to explore the central Batak region, preparatory to setting up a mission to the people around Lake Toba. Th is party appears to have been well received, aft er a diffi cult journey through the rugged territory from Sibolga to the Silindung valley.3 From there they were forced to return to the coast when Burton became ill with dysentery, and their consequent failure to honour the summons of the principal Batak ruler, Si Singamangaraja, may have infl uenced the later Batak response to the tragic Munson and Lyman expedition of 1834.4 Th e British Baptist Mission terminated its work in Sumatra when the island was returned to Dutch rule in 1825 but some British mission activity continued on the west coast.