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FIRST PRELIMINARY REPORT on LONG-TERM ELECTION OBSERVATION (Covering the Period 23.07
FIRST PRELIMINARY REPORT ON LONG-TERM ELECTION OBSERVATION (covering the period 23.07. – 02.09.2018) September 2018 Table of Contents 1. Report summary 2. Long-term election observation methodology 3. About the 2018 General Elections 3.1. The 2018 General Elections in short 3.2. What are the novelties at the 2018 General Elections? 4. Long-term election observation 4.1. Electoral irregularities 4.1.1. Premature election campaign 4.1.2. Maintenance of the up-to-date Central Voters Register (CVR) 4.1.3. Illegal trading of seats on the polling station committees 4.1.4. Abuse of personal information for voter registration 4.1.5. Voter coercion and/or vote buying 4.1.6. Abuse of public resources and public office for campaigning purposes 4.1.7. Other irregularities 4.2. Work of the election administration 4.2.1. BiH Central Election Commission (1) 4.2.2. Local Election Commissions (143) 4.3. Media, civil society and the citizens 4.3.1. Media reporting 4.3.2. Civil Society and the citizens 5. About the Coalition “Pod lupom” The contents of this document are the sole responsibility of the Coalition “Pod lupom” and can under no circumstances be regarded as reflecting the position of the European Union. The contents of this document are the sole responsibility of the Coalition “Pod lupom” and do not necessarily reflect the views of the USAID or the United States Government. 2 1. Report Summary About the 2018 General Elections - The 2018 General Elections are scheduled for Sunday, 7th October 2018 and are called for 6 levels, i.e. -
Abbreviations
AbbreviAtions ABI Associazione Bancaria Italiana (Italian Banking Association) ALD Autonomie Liberté Démocratie (Autonomy Liberty Democracy) ALDE Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe AN Alleanza Nazionale (National Alliance) ANCI Associazione Nazionale Comuni Italiani (National Association of Italian Municipalities) ANM Associazione Nazionale Magistrati (National Magistrates Association) BdI Banca d’Italia (Bank of Italy) BMPS Banca Monte dei Paschi di Siena CD Centro Democratico—Diritti e Libertà (Democratic Center—Rights and Freedom) CGIL Confederazione Generale Italiana del Lavoro (Italian General Confederation of Labor) CIR Compagnie Industriali Riunite (an Italian holding company) CISE Centro Italiano Studi Elettorali (Italian Center for Electoral Studies) CISL Confederazione Italiana Sindicati dei Lavoratori (Italian Confederation of Workers’ Trade Unions) CISR Comitato Interministeriale per la Sicurezza della Repubblica (Committee for the Security of the Republic) CLN Comitato di Liberazione Nazionale (National Liberation Committee) CN Centrodestra Nazionale (National Center-Right) COPASIR Comitato Parlamentare di Controllo per i Servizi di Informazione e Sicurezza e per il Segreto di Stato Italian Politics: Still Waiting for the Transformation 29 (2014): vii–ix © Berghahn Books doi:10.3167/ip.2014.290101 viii Abbreviations (Parliamentary Committee for the Intelligence and Security Services and for State Secret Control) CSD Consiglio Supremo di Difesa (Supreme Council of Defense) CSM Consiglio Superiore della Magistratura -
Bosnia-Herzegovina Political Briefing: BIH`S Troyka Agreement - Ambitious Or Premature Plan to Exit from 10 Months-Long Government Crisis? Ivica Bakota
ISSN: 2560-1601 Vol. 21, No. 1 (BH) Sept 2019 Bosnia-Herzegovina political briefing: BIH`s Troyka Agreement - ambitious or premature plan to exit from 10 months-long government crisis? Ivica Bakota 1052 Budapest Petőfi Sándor utca 11. +36 1 5858 690 Kiadó: Kína-KKE Intézet Nonprofit Kft. [email protected] Szerkesztésért felelős személy: Chen Xin Kiadásért felelős személy: Huang Ping china-cee.eu 2017/01 BIH`s Troyka Agreement - ambitious or premature plan to exit from 10 months-long government crisis? Introduction On August 5, the leaders of three dominant ethno-political parties (Troyka) in rather unexpected turn signed a coalition agreement that would put an end to 10 month-long crisis in forming the central government. Bakir Izetbegovic, leader of the Democratic Action Party (SDA), Milorad Dodik, Serb Member of Presidency and Chairman of the Union of Independent Social Democrats (SNSD), and Dragan Covic, leader of the Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ BIH) seemed to have finally reached an agreement on the formation of the Council of Ministers of Bosnia and Herzegovina, troubleshooting deadlock in the BIH Parliamentary Assembly and forming the Federal government. The Troyka Agreement was supported by the Head of Delegation of the European Union, Lars G. Wigemark and very ambitiously included a clause to form a government within a month time period from signing the agreement. As a main initiator, SNSD Chairman Milorad Dodik according to ethnic rotation key will nominate the Chairman of the Council of Ministers (COM Chairman) and also outline the distribution of the ministerial posts. Without big surprises, Zoran Tegeltija, SNSD member and RS government member, remains the sole candidate for COM Chairman, and 3 x 3 - 1 ministry allocation scheme (three ministries for each three party/ethnicities minus one ministry to “other” ethnicities) was also preliminary agreed. -
Opinion New Government, New President, New Israel?
Journal of Military and Strategic VOLUME 20, ISSUE 3 Studies Opinion New Government, New President, New Israel? Melanie Carina Schmoll, PhD Israel in summer 2021 – the end of the pandemic seems to be near. Israel opens up, almost all mask requirements are cancelled, international travel groups are welcome and even the individual guests are allowed to travel to the Holy Land with almost no restrictions. It seems Israel is back in pre-pandemic times. But it is not the same country anymore. Some fundamental changes have happened over the last few weeks. When, in March 2021, the Israelis had to vote again for the Israeli Parliament, the Knesset, it was for the fourth time within two and a half years. The outcome was almost the same as the three times before. Benjamin Nethanyahu, Israel´s long-time prime minister, won most of the seats with his Likud party. As the State of Israel is a parlamentary democracy the executive branch or the government draws its authority from the Parliament (the legislative branch) and needs its confidence. Therefore, the prime minister is not decided directly by the voters but depends instead on a process of bargaining among the various fractions elected to parliament. In Israel, no single party holds most of the seats in Parliament and thus the process of forming a government is long and complicated.1 Israel also has an extreme proportional system of government, 1 For more information see Melanie Carina Schmoll, “Israel and the permanent siege: The people have spoken - who will find an answer to the needs of the voters?” Journal of Military and Strategic Studies 20, 1 (2019). -
Macro Report Comparative Study of Electoral Systems Module 4: Macro Report September 10, 2012
Comparative Study of Electoral Systems 1 Module 4: Macro Report Comparative Study of Electoral Systems Module 4: Macro Report September 10, 2012 Country: Serbia Date of Election: May 6, 2012 (Parliamentary and first round presidential); May 20, 2012 - second round presidential Prepared by: Bojan Todosijević Date of Preparation: 05. 08. 2013. NOTES TO COLLABORATORS: ° The information provided in this report contributes to an important part of the CSES project. The information may be filled out by yourself, or by an expert or experts of your choice. Your efforts in providing these data are greatly appreciated! Any supplementary documents that you can provide (e.g., electoral legislation, party manifestos, electoral commission reports, media reports) are also appreciated, and may be made available on the CSES website. ° Answers should be as of the date of the election being studied. ° Where brackets [ ] appear, collaborators should answer by placing an “X” within the appropriate bracket or brackets. For example: [X] ° If more space is needed to answer any question, please lengthen the document as necessary. Data Pertinent to the Election at which the Module was Administered 1a. Type of Election [ ] Parliamentary/Legislative [X] Parliamentary/Legislative and Presidential [ ] Presidential [ ] Other; please specify: __________ 1b. If the type of election in Question 1a included Parliamentary/Legislative, was the election for the Upper House, Lower House, or both? [ X] Upper House [ ] Lower House [ ] Both [ ] Other; please specify: __________ Comparative Study of Electoral Systems 2 Module 4: Macro Report 2a. What was the party of the president prior to the most recent election, regardless of whether the election was presidential? Democratic Party (Demokratska stranka, DS) 2b. -
Comparative-Analysis.Pdf
Publishers: University of Belgrade – Faculty of Political Sciences (Centre for Democracy) Sarajevo Open Centre Faculty of Political Science – University of Montenegro For the publishers: Prof. Ilija Vujačić Saša Gavrić Prof. Sonja Tomović Reviewers: Prof. Drago Zajc, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Ljubljana Prof. Florian Bieber, University of Graz Layout and printing: [email protected] Circulation: 500 ISBN 978-86-84031-61-9 Comparative Analysis of Democratic Performances of the Parliaments of Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Montenegro Edited by Slaviša Orlović Belgrade, Sarajevo, Podgorica 2012 Members of the research team: Serbia Slaviša Orlović, Project Leader, University of Belgrade – Faculty of Political Sciences [email protected] Jelena Lončar, University of Belgrade – Faculty of Political Sciences [email protected] Dušan Spasojević, University of Belgrade – Faculty of Political Sciences [email protected] Dragana Đ. Radojević, University of Belgrade – Faculty of Political Sciences [email protected] Bosnia and Herzegovina Saša Gavrić, Sarajevo Open Centre [email protected] Goran Marković, Faculty of Law Pale, University of East Sarajevo [email protected] Damir Banović, Sarajevo Open Centre, Faculty of Law, University of Sarajevo [email protected] Maja Sahadžić, Sarajevo Open Centre, International University Sarajevo [email protected] Montenegro Zlatko Vujović, Faculty of Political Science, University of Montenegro [email protected] Nataša Ružić, Faculty of Political Science, University of Montenegro [email protected] Nenad Koprivica, Faculty of Political Science, University of Montenegro [email protected] Boris Vukićević, Faculty of Political Science, University of Montenegro [email protected] Prepared within the framework of the Regional Research Promotion Programme in the Western Balkans (RRPP), which is run by the University of Fribourg upon a mandate of the Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation, SDC, Federal Department of Foreign Affairs. -
Israel's Round Four: New and Old Dynamics | the Washington Institute
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 3432 Israel’s Round Four: New and Old Dynamics by David Makovsky Feb 9, 2021 Also available in Arabic ABOUT THE AUTHORS David Makovsky David Makovsky is the Ziegler distinguished fellow at The Washington Institute and director of the Koret Project on Arab-Israel Relations. Brief Analysis It is far from certain that the next election will stabilize Israeli politics, and even if it does, the forces taking shape could create challenging peace math for the Biden administration. srael’s March 23 parliamentary election will once again be a referendum on Prime Minister Binyamin I Netanyahu’s leadership. But two main factors distinguish it from previous rounds of voting, apart from the COVID-19 pandemic and the more active phase of Netanyahu’s corruption trial. First, the vote will happen amid a sizable fracture within the political right. Second, the apparent lead that the center-left currently enjoys in the polls is deceptive. On the second point, multiple center-left factions are hoping to cobble together a government following the collapse of the previous governing coalition. Yet they lack a single, galvanizing leader due to the plummet of Benny Gantz and the Blue-White Party, and a few of them could easily fall below Israel’s electoral threshold for entering parliament. Even if they do prevail, the resultant government would be politically heterogeneous to a precarious degree, raising questions about its policies and stability. Meanwhile, the pathway for the right is a pure right-wing government, despite internal fissures. In the end, many Israelis will once again vote in a pro- vs. -
Vertreter Aus Südtirol in Rom Und in Europa 154 Das Südtirol-Handbuch 2017 Vertreter Aus Südtirol in Rom Und in Europa
Vertreter aus Südtirol in Rom und in Europa 154 Das Südtirol-Handbuch 2017 Vertreter aus Südtirol in Rom und in Europa Parlamentswahlen und Parlamentarier Parlamentswahlen am 18.4.1948 Kammer: Parteien Stimmen % SVP 107.059 62,70 DC 37.392 21,80 Volksfront 13.218 7,70 Vereinigte Sozialisten 10.262 5,90 Blocco Naz. 3.263 1,90 Insgesamt 171.149 100% Senat: Wahlkreis Bozen Wahlkreis Brixen Parteien Stimmen % Parteien Stimmen % SVP 36.378 48,90 SVP 58.852 82,55 DC 21.512 28,92 DC 8.802 12,34 PRI 4.065 5,46 PRI 1.754 2,46 Blocco Naz. 3.553 4,78 Social- Social- comunisti 8.889 11,95 comunisti 1.890 2,65 Abkürzungen: SVP = Südtiroler Volkspartei; DC = Democrazia Cristiana; PRI = Partito Repubblicano Italiano. Kammerabgeordnete der Provinz Bozen 1948-53: Otto von Guggenberg (SVP), Friedl Volgger (SVP), Toni Ebner (SVP), Angelo Facchin (DC); Senatoren: Karl von Braitenberg (SVP), Josef Raffeiner (SVP). Das Südtirol-Handbuch 2017 155 Parlamentswahlen am 7.6.1953 Kammer: Parteien Stimmen % SVP 118.394 60,06 DC 34.720 17,61 PSI 11.510 5,84 MSI 9.141 4,64 PCI 8.025 4,07 PSDI 6.286 3,19 PNM 4.764 2,42 U. Soc. Ind. 1.856 0,94 PLI 1.036 0,53 PRI 646 0,33 PPTT 393 0,20 Unitá Popol. 340 0,17 Insgesamt 197.111 100% Senat: Wahlkreis Bozen Wahlkreis Brixen Parteien Stimmen % Parteien Stimmen % SVP 40.591 45,53 SVP 66.548 83,78 DC 20.967 23,52 PSI 13.604 15,26 DC 10.420 13,12 MSI 6.100 6,84 PSDI 4.639 5,20 PNM 3.244 3,64 PCI 2.459 3,10 Insgesamt 89.145 100% Insgesamt 79.427 100% Abkürzungen: PSI = Partito Socialista Italiano; PSDI = Partito Socialista Democra- tico Italiano; MSI = Movimento Sociale Italiano; PCI = Partito Comunista Italiano; PLI = Partito Liberale Italiano; PNM = Partito Nazionale Monarchico; Soc. -
Liberal Parties in Europe and Human Rights Emphasis
LIBERAL PARTIES IN EUROPE AND HUMAN RIGHTS EMPHASIS by ŞEYMA KOÇ Submitted to the Graduate School of Social Sciences in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Sabancı University August 2020 LIBERAL PARTIES IN EUROPE AND HUMAN RIGHTS EMPHASIS Approved by: Assoc. Prof Özge Kemahlıoğlu . (Thesis Supervisor) Prof. Ali Çarkoğlu . Asst. Prof. Mert Moral . Date of Approval: August 5, 2020 ŞEYMA KOÇ 2020 c All Rights Reserved ABSTRACT LIBERAL PARTIES IN EUROPE AND HUMAN RIGHTS EMPHASIS ŞEYMA KOÇ POLITICAL SCIENCE M.A. THESIS, AUGUST 2020 Thesis Supervisor: Assoc.Prof. Özge Kemahlıoğlu Keywords: Political Parties, Liberal Party Family, Human Rights Emphasis, Economic Conditions Liberal parties are mostly neglected by the literature on political parties despite their central role in establishing European liberal democracies. This thesis aims to contribute to the contemporary literature on liberal parties by examining 33 Eu- ropean democracies and covering a time period including observations of 75 years. The empirical analysis shows that liberal parties are distinguishable from the other party families on their emphasis on human rights and freedom. Then, this thesis investigates the impact of economic conditions on liberal parties’ relative emphasis on human rights and freedom. The findings illustrate that higher levels of unemploy- ment rate decrease liberal parties’ relative emphasis on human rights and freedom and increase their relative emphasis on economic issues. Its effect on the relative em- phasis on human rights and freedom issue and economic issues is substantive when the distributions of the dependent variables are considered. This finding may demon- strate the liberal parties’ responsiveness to changing needs of the electorate and a value change in politics too. -
Nicaragua Condemns Use of U.S. Advisers In
Fight to make Creole Haiti's official language . 10 TH£ Washington sends military aid to Haitian army . 11 Shop-floor justice-main issue in GE strike . 15 A SOCIALIST NEWSWEEKLY PUBLISHED IN THE INTERESTS OF WORKING PEOPLE VOL. 50/NO. 15 APRIL 18, 1986 75 CENTS Nicaragua condemns use All out for April19 of U.S. advisers in war antiwar BY CINDY JAQUITH MANAGUA, Nicaragua-In a national broadcast interview with Sandinista televi sion on April 8, Nicaraguan President protest Daniel Ortega condemned the deepening direct involvement of U.S. personnel in BY STEVEN FUCHS Washington's mercenary war against Nica SAN FRANCISCO - "The time has ragua. He also appealed especially to the come for those of us truly concerned about Honduran government to resist U.S. gov peace to take to the streets." That is how ernment pressures to start a military con Carlos Munoz of the Faculty Committee flict with Nicaraguan troops. for Human Rights in El Salvador explained Ortega explained that Washington is the importance of the April 19 Mobiliza building "a sixth army" in Central Ameri tion for Peace, Jobs and Justice. ca, alongside the armies of Honduras, Nic As Washington escalates its aggression aragua, El Salvador, Guatemala, and Costa against the people of Nicaragua, the dem Rica. This sixth army is the mercenary onstration takes on even greater impor forces who are financed and run by the tance. U.S. government and who launch attacks M<tny thousands of people will march on on Nicaragua, mainly from bases in Hon Aprill9 to demand no U.S. -
Job Printing
1 the resolutions was by a viva voce [ Secretary of War there occurred Detailed Vote For Tafi. vote, no voice being raised in the the real demonstration of the neg- day. Following is the official vjte for Taft: ative. The caught from the REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION galleries State. Vote. S'ate. Vot'. It was 12.45 when the Ohioans the platform refrain, “Taft, Taft, Big Alabama. 22 North CaroTra_ 34 had been finally disposed of. Senator Bill Taft,” and marked time with It Arkansas. 18 North Dakota. 8 Lodge announced the next business It. was not until the delegates had California. 20' Ohio. 42 W. ENNIS & Co. on C. NOMINATES TAFT AND SHERMAN hand to be the call of States for exhausted their energy by twenty-five Colorado. 10 Oklahoma. 14 the nomination of candidates for the minutes of continued cheering that Connecticut. 14 j Oregon. 8 SUCCESSORS TO ENNIS ft PARKHURST Presidency and the cheering was re- Chairman Lodge succeeded in restor- De aware. fli Pennsylvania. 1 101 Rhode Island. 8 sumed. The hall was jammed now ing comparative order, a task in Florida. 171 South Carolina_ 13 with 20,000 persons in a swel- which he was assisted Georgia. grand materially by Idaho. 0 South D kota. 8 ter. had removed their SOLE AGENTS FOR ROCKWELL PLASTER Delegates the extraordinarily powerful voice of Illinois. 3 Tonness.e.24 coats and, vigorously plying fans, George A. Knight, of California, who Iowa....;.26 Texas. 00 were mopping the perspiration from had taken the platform to second the Kansas.20 dial:. -
The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe by Kimberly Ann Twist a Dissertation Submitted In
The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe by Kimberly Ann Twist A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Jonah D. Levy, Chair Professor Jason Wittenberg Professor Jacob Citrin Professor Katerina Linos Spring 2015 The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe Copyright 2015 by Kimberly Ann Twist Abstract The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe by Kimberly Ann Twist Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Berkeley Professor Jonah D. Levy, Chair As long as far-right parties { known chiefly for their vehement opposition to immigration { have competed in contemporary Western Europe, scholars and observers have been concerned about these parties' implications for liberal democracy. Many originally believed that far- right parties would fade away due to a lack of voter support and their isolation by mainstream parties. Since 1994, however, far-right parties have been included in 17 governing coalitions across Western Europe. What explains the switch from exclusion to inclusion in Europe, and what drives mainstream-right parties' decisions to include or exclude the far right from coalitions today? My argument is centered on the cost of far-right exclusion, in terms of both office and policy goals for the mainstream right. I argue, first, that the major mainstream parties of Western Europe initially maintained the exclusion of the far right because it was relatively costless: They could govern and achieve policy goals without the far right.