SAMUEL POWEL GRIFFITTS* By WILLIAM S. MIDDLETON, M.D.

MADISON, WISCONSIN

Men like ourselves know how hard it is drew. Yet the mark of his efforts re- to live up to the best standards of medical mains in a number of institutions in duty; know, also, what temptations, intel- his native city and his private and pro- lectual and moral, positive and negative, fessional life might well serve as a assail us all, and can understand the value model to our troubled and restless and beauty of certain characters, which, generation in medicine. like surely guided ships, have left no per- manent trace behind them on life’s great Born to William and Abigail Powel seas, of their direct and absolute devotion Griffitts in Philadelphia on July 21, to duty. ... Of this precious type was 1759, Samuel Powel Griffitts was their Samuel Powel Griffitts. third and last child. Upon the passing of his father his early training devolved HUS spoke S. Weir Mitchell on his mother. His piety and close ad- of the subject of this sketch in herence to the Quaker faith unques- his “Commemorative Address tionably reflected this influence, but upon the Centennial Anni- to the mother may also be attributed Tversary of the Institution of the Collegehis linguistic facility and knowledge of of Physicians of Philadelphia.” the classics. Young Griffitts’ academic Such a characterization at the hands course began in the College of Phila- of so acute and astute an observer of delphia in 1776 and was marked only human nature captivates the interest by a recognition of his superior grasp and imagination. Certain qualities in of the ancient and modern languages. Griffitts contributed to his composite Political turmoil had invaded the halls strength. Reared in the Quaker faith of the College and the interloping Uni- he adhered strictly to its tenets in deed versity of the State of Pennsylvania as well as in form. Plain in dress and eventually granted him the degree of simple in manner his social contacts were superficially austere but intimately bachelor of arts in 1780 after a year’s warm. Devoid of personal affectation delay. he possessed unusual poise and quiet Meanwhile Griffitts’ interest in medi- social grace. In his judgment punctual- cine as a profession had apparently ity was a cardinal virtue in the physi- arisen from his services during the Bat- cian and he practiced his preaching. His tle of Germantown. Religious scruples professional appointments were scrupu- had naturally precluded the enlistment lously kept. Unostentatious, he assidu- of many Quakers in the Continental ously shunned public attention; and Army; but with a sanguinary battle al- when his good services in the public most within their midst and with weal became the object of unsought but friends as well as foes among the deserved notice, he unobtrusively with- wounded, sympathy prevailed and * Read before the Medical History Seminar of the University of Wisconsin, at the home of Dr. William Snow Miller. much of the succor afforded the troops long period of nearly fifty years’ practice. about Philadelphia came from these And whilst we admire and applaud the traditional opponents of force. Among propriety of his conduct, an occasion like the voluntary first aid workers at Ger- mantown were Caspar Wistar and Samuel Powel Griffitts; and in both, this experience weighed heavily in the choice of a profession. Adam Kuhn, a student and friend of Linnaeus, be- came Griffitts’ preceptor and the in- timacy between the two grew with the years. In the Eclectic Repertory for 1818 there appeared a “Biographic Notice of Doctor Adam Kuhn by One of His Pupils.” Its authorship is generally at- tributed to Griffitts and by reason of the obvious transfer of personal character- istics two passages are cited. The first of these reflects the reticence of both pre- ceptor and pupil: This is not the only instance, in which a dislike to appear before the public, has deprived us of the experience of those, who were best qualified, by their talents and observations, to communicate instruc- the present should not be lost to endeav- tion. . . . The account of men who have our to produce a change in the prevailing been uncommonly useful, although they manner of our country, with respect to the may have passed through life without fulfilment of engagements, by holding up much eclat, is nevertheless of great impor- to public view, the practice of an ines- tance, when they can be held up as profit- timable fellow citizen, who always acted able examples to survivors. like one that regarded punctuality as a sacred duty. The second quotation gives some in- sight into the zealous adherence of At some time during this period of Kuhn to the high position of punctual- preceptorship under Adam Kuhn, Grif- ity among the human virtues, in which fitts served as an apprentice in the the pupil Griffitts heartily concurred. Philadelphia Almshouse. In 1781 he was granted the degree of bachelor of But a most prominent feature in his medicine by the University of the State character, was a strict punctuality, and ob- of Pennsylvania and thereafter sought servance of all his engagements. This in- the broadening influence of foreign estimable virtue can never be too highly inculcated to a physician. The want of it study. The turbulent times temporarily is a deviation from truth, and the conse- closed the centers of his choice, Edin- quence of such deficiency is replete with burgh and London, to him. So in 1781 endless inconvenience. It would be diffi- he turned to the Continent for his cult, justly to charge him with a voluntary training. In Paris he attended the medi- departure from this correct course, in the cal lectures and clinical exercises in the hospitals. (Fig. 2.) Montpellier was en- Sound clinical judgment rather than joying a short season of revived popu- brilliancy marked his daily work. Yet, larity largely through the efforts of widely read in the medical literature, Barthez. This theorist had succeeded he was not averse to the trial of new Bordeu and advanced the vital princi- procedures that promised reasonable ple in the explanation for physiologic success. Griffitts early earned his spurs phenomena. To this medical center as a consultant and as a physicians’ doc- Griffitts came in the autumn of 1782 tor, the highest tribute to a medical and expressed sincere admiration for man. In these relations his conduct was the medical philosophy of Barthez. ethical and doubtless much of his suc- After a tour of southern France he re- cess depended upon his admitted erudi- turned to Paris late in the following tion, clinical insight and measured Spring and thence to London in June, decisiveness. It is significant that with 1783. Finally his journeyings brought Mease, Dorsey, Physick and James him to Edinburgh, the mecca of all Rush, Griffitts attended Benjamin Rush young American medical students of in his last illness. that period. For a session, 1783-4, he Conspicuous among Griffitts’ services was privileged to sit before a faculty to his fellow Philadelphians were his that included Cullen, Monro secundus, repeated labors in combating the re- Gregory, Black and Hamilton. Griffitts curring epidemics of yellow fever. returned to London in the Spring of Thoughtless of self and personal ad- 1784 and embarked from Portsmouth vantage he remained at his post of duty for Philadelphia in the early Fall. throughout the pestilences of 1793, A letter from John R. B. Rodgers to !795> *797> 1798> i799> 1802 and 18o5- Benjamin Rush dated London, July 7, With a small group of fellow practi- 1784 states that Griffitts “returns to tioners he kept the faith that raises our Philadelphia with a high idea of our profession above the trades. When the University; he will be able to tell you, ranks of practitioners were reduced to what he has often told me, that he has six by sickness, death and desertion received more satisfaction and improve- during the awful summer and autumn ment from his medical masters in of 1793, the city was districted among Philadelphia than anywhere else.” those remaining and to Griffitts fell the In his native city Griffitts gathered populous central section. Measuring the loose strands of his social and pro- his resources carefully, he met every de- fessional contacts. The first city direc- mand upon his time and energy until he tory of November, 1785 listed only contracted the fever. He was bled seven forty-six physicians and two dentists. times in five days by Benjamin Rush His office was located in Union above and with great reluctance left the city Second Street. His quick sympathy and upon recovery. (Fig. 3.) His biographer benevolence greatly abetted his rounded Coates remarked that “passage through training in assuring success in general such a fiery ordeal contributed much to practice. It became evident to the laity temper and anneal that remarkable as well as to the medical profession that character for regularity and unfailing here was a man whose primary interest punctuality, for which he was so con- was service to humanity. Lofty as were spicuous in after life.” his ideals, his practice lacked none of A remarkable day-book of the epi- the cool practicality of his religious sect. demic of yellow fever of 1798 from Griffitts’ hand is preserved in the Li- fever of 93-97. By early bleeding—mer- brary of the College of Physicians of cury to affect the mouth he was quite re- Philadelphia through the generosity of covered on the 25. His store was on wharf

S. Weir Mitchell. It is a document of near which lay . . . which had arrived surpassing human interest aside from from Jeremie ... on the . . . with a its wealth of medical information. number of passengers—those places hav- Random clinical notes are scattered ing been suddenly evacuated. About this over its cover and the title page con- time I had a number of Dysenteries—two tains a list of dates with remarks upon cases of nervous fever—and several remit- tents. the conditions of the weather. The first note reads, The hiatuses in the foregoing quota- July— tion are passed without comment. Since On the 20 day of 7 mo. 1798 I saw a Griffitts at no time spared the rod of patient Thos. Wharton, who had all the responsibility, it may reasonably be as- symptoms of the malignant contagious sumed that he had hoped to supply the gaps with the specific data omitted at tion of the contagious nature of yellow the time of the notation. On August ist fever, as witnesses this note: he made the following entry: Another man—same house—corner Dock st. (and Walnut)—died 19—medi- Alexr. Phillips had had one of the crew of the Ship Deborah sick in his house. This cines not well given—no attention to nurs- ing or cleanliness. Found on visiting him ship was a transport in the West Indies— that another man had been lying in the arrived on the 18th—lost 5 persons by sick- next room ill of the fever for several days ness on the passage—and sent 4 sick to the —this one went to the hospital and died— hospital at the Fort. She afterwards went Saw another man in Chestnut St.—who to Kensington, where the disease soon got ill next door but one to the last house spread—Dr. Proudfit attended the Car- —recovered. penter who worked aboard her and soon after died of the disease—Another person The suffering of the poor appalled who worked on board her got the disease him. and communicated to several in Mifflin’s Alley—Geo. Hunter my authority—I saw Five new cases. So much distressed on three of them. account of the situation of the poor that I have represented their cases to many per- The ship Deborah was under Griffitts’ sons. Something must be done shortly for constant suspicion as the probable them. Litters for removing the sick to the source of the epidemic and in the entry hospital is another concern which I cannot of August 20th he took pains to under- get rid of. Hope that both these matters line this vessel’s name. will shortly be remedied. This day visited Wm. Savery’s wife and From the medical and human stand- girl in Cable lane & Stephen Macfield’s points several further comments are wife. Wm. Savery’s wife informs me that worthy of preservation. two weeks ago—a young man had been ill Visited Dr. Dan [de?] Benneville at Ken- of fever in her house and that Eli Shoe- sington with the fever—he had incau- maker died in ye same. This man had been tiously set [szc] for time in the Evening on board the Deborah. Cable lane is near the Deborah—his case violent—re- highly infected—few houses free—& Dr. covered by bleeding, mercury in a few Sayre informs me that from thence to the days—taken as ye 5. On the eighth his wife river it is much the same. & servant woman taken—both recovered The day-book is replete with the by the sixth day. The woman eat [szc] a large quantity of apples—relapsed & died. references to the occurrence of new Saw Henry Hill’s man Augustus Simon cases of the fever within limited and taken in the night—removed next day to usually crowded districts. Thus on the hospital & died—said he had been only August 21st he noted, in dock Street—but the servants said he had been out all night. The miseries of the poor are great. In Elmslie’s Alley one house only free from On September 17th Griffitts made disease or death. A woman with a very this significantly common yet fallow young baby went from thence to the hos- observation: “Six new cases—very hot pital—8 new cases today. Last night died calm weather. Musketoes tormenting.” Rebecca Griscom at the Alms house. She Completely adhering to the theory of sent for me after 3 days illness—when the the foreign origin of the yellow fever, fever had nearly subsided. he noted its appearance in New York Griffitts could not escape the convic- and Boston with the comment. “No wonder—St. Domingo Vessels go to all strain of maintained effort, even Grif- ports, especially the eastern ones.” He fitts’ splendid fortitude began to waver. approved of the invitation of the Board Like Moses he cried: of Health to those remaining in the A day of Trouble. Buried a beloved city to move to prepared camping sites servant who died last night. Much unwell west of the Schuylkill River but re- today. Too much so to visit my patients. marked, “How much better would it Thus it is & thus they suffer from unavoid- have been to have kept the enemy out able neglect—1 feel indeed alone. —than to have deserted the city to get The note of August 30th gives some out of his reach.” idea of his burden: Never a constitutional satellite, Grif- fitts apparently subscribed to the “ten I am told while I went into the country and ten” formula of Benjamin Rush from half past eleven to 5—to see my sick during the epidemic of 1793 but modi- child upwards of fifty knocks at the door— fied this therapeutic practice on the and yet thro’ all this favored with calm- basis of his personal experience. This ness—how great a blessing. My lot seems to be cast amongst misery & death. circumstance probably explains his re- serve in lending support to a circular Great fatigue possessed him from for public instruction in 1798. (Fig. 4.) time to time but he was given strength After a study of the same he joined to complete his task. “The two encamp- forces with Rush. His personal practice ments on Schuylkill and the German- is thus outlined: town road,” were in his judgment, “a happy resource for the poor—If they I use the following plan—As soon as called bleed largely—give pills 4 grs. Calo- can keep clear of fall fevers.” The latter mel every 2 hours ’till they purge—if too observation is remarkably acute, for much give a little opium—keep the win- typhoid fever remained a serious threat dows open day and night—have the hands to the health of any concentration of and head washed repeatedly with cold people under unhygienic conditions for water—repeat the bleeding p.r.n. Con- over a century to follow. No record of tinue this course for 3 first days, then such an outbreak at that time has been purge with foli [?] Tart.—or senna & Rhu- encountered. On October 29th Griffitts barb constantly and largely. Apply blisters recorded the occurrence of a frost and to the wrists after 3rd day in case of nausea, on October 31st it snowed. On Novem- weakness or fever—& to the stomach if any ber 1st the Board of Health invited the appearance of vomiting coming on. citizens to leave their encampments and In spite of the efforts of the faithful return to the city. The epidemic of band of physicians remaining in the 1798 had passed into history. stricken city death stalked on every Meanwhile the College of Physicians hand. To Griffitts, “The general terror of Philadelphia which had been appears greater this year than ever.” founded in 1787, was exerting an in- Then, too, the fever fell in greater creasing influence upon American severity than in any previous epidemic. medicine. Samuel Powel Griffitts’ name At one time twenty-nine medical stu- is included among the original junior dents and two practitioners were ill fellows of this august organization. His with the fever and the effective ranks letter to Benjamin Rush from London of regular physicians were reduced to regarding the latter’s “idea of an Amer- five by October 4th. Under the terrific ican College of Physicians” has been so regularly quoted without attention to “the prosecution of the plan now in its context and implications that it is contemplation for removing the whole herein reproduced to correct a persist- of the buildings (on Water Street) from ent misinterpretation. (Fig. 5.) Clearly the east side of Front Street, according Rush’s plan contemplated a much more to the original plan of William Penn, comprehensive organization than the the wise and intelligent founder of our College of Physicians of Philadelphia. city.” Griffitts succeeded James Hutch- From Griffitts’ comment a prevision of inson as secretary of the College in 1788 the present National Board of Medical and continued in this exacting post un- Examiners may be gathered as arising til 1796. He served as censor from 1805 in the fertile brain of the great Rush. to 1808 and was elected vice president Be that as it may, Griffitts’ interest and July 7, 1818. He held this position un- energy in behalf of the College of Physi- til his death in 1826. cians of Philadelphia never lagged. He On June 3, 1788 President John Red- was one of three (Rush, Duffield and man appointed a committee “to form Griffitts) named as a committee to pre- a pharmacopoeia for the use of the Col- pare the certificate of membership and lege.” Its members included such dis- the seal of the College which were pub- tinguished names as John Redman, lished in the Pennsylvania Packet and John Jones, Adam Kuhn, William Daily Advertiser, February 1, 1787. In Shippen, Jr., Benjamin Rush, Samuel many capacities his services were con- Powel Griffitts, Caspar Wistar and scripted by the College. Apparently his James Hutchinson. The evolution of aptitude for detail resulted in his ap- the first American pharmacopeia is pointment to all early committees on inseparably linked with the humblest, publication. He was also a member of if not the least, of these, Griffitts. Wil- the first library committee. Griffitts was liam Brown had profitably spent some likewise called to serve the public wel- of the period of enforced inactivity at fare in the recurrent appeals to the Valley Forge in preparing a formulary College for advice in matters relating for the Army. The circular letter of the to communicable diseases. His name ap- Committee on the pharmacopeia which pears upon committees appointed to was to be sent “to the most respectable investigate the nature and sources of medical characters in the United these epidemics with suggestions as to States” bore the signatures of John their control successively in 1797, 1798, Redman as President and Samuel Powel 1799, 1805, 1811 and 1820. The early Griffitts as Secretary. It pointed out the reports of the College supported the theory of the foreign origin of the yel- pressing need for such a standardiza- low fever and its spread by contagion. tion and solicited cooperation. The re- Although Griffitts subscribed fully to sponses to this communication were this position, he remained a close friend limited but favorable. The committee of its strongest opponent, Benjamin made several reports to the College. Rush, who resigned from the College June 6, 1797 Griffitts, Barton and James in protest to this action. The Commit- were constituted a committee to bring tee of the College in 1820 (Hewson, before the College all proper materials Emlen and Griffitts) indicated its atti- for a pharmacopeia. The first compila- tude in the matter of the communica- tion of this order, however, was the bility of yellow fever by recommending “Pharmacopoeia of the Massachusetts Medical Society,” published in Boston on January 3, 1794, although absent, in 1808. he was made a counsellor. Clearly his Ten years later (November 21, 1818) interests were elsewhere. a group of physicians in New York, in- The legislative enactment of Septem- cluding David Hosack and Lyman ber, 1791 creating the University of Spalding among others, suggested a con- Pennsylvania from the College of Phila- vention to consider the formation of a delphia and the University of the State national pharmacopeia. The College of of Pennsylvania effectively stabilized Physicians of Philadelphia heartily ac- the medical situation in Philadelphia. cepted this proposal and appointed as The new Medical Faculty was com- their delegates to the convention, pletely organized on January 23, 1792 Parke, Griffitts, Hewson, Jones, Stewart, as follows, Atlee and Parrish. Upon the invitation William Shippen, Jr.—anatomy, surgery of the College the first Convention of and midwifery the Middle States Delegates was held in Caspar Wistar—adjunct in above the Chamber of the College of Physi- Adam Kuhn—practice of physic cians from June 1 to 4, 1819. The gen- Benjamin Rush—institutes of medicine eral convention of the four districts was and clinical medicine called in Washington January 1, 1820 James Hutchinson—chemistry and the first “National Pharmacopoeia” Samuel Powel Griffitts—materia medica was born from its labors. A committee and pharmacy (Griffitts, James and Hewson) was ap- Benjamin Smith Barton—botany and pointed by the College of Physicians of natural history. Philadelphia to review the work and on Griffitts’ success as a teacher was as- September 4, 1821 reported certain al- sured from the outset. He conscien- terations that might be suggested upon tiously applied himself to the elucida- the revision of the first edition. tion of the abstract subjects, materia Samuel Powel Griffitts was elected to medica and pharmacy, to which he was the American Philosophical Society in assigned and won the approbation of 1787, the same year of his election to the students by his accurate and orderly the College, but his interest in the latter presentations. After serving the Medical far overshadowed the former. A careful School in this capacity for six terms search of the Proceedings of the Ameri- Griffitts resigned in 1796. Carson offers can Philosophical Society reveals no the following explanation for this sin- record of a single scientific contribution gular abnegation: on his part. On January 7, 1791 he was made a councilman for three years But the situation of a public lecturer along with Adam Kuhn, Reverend was not altogether congenial to his feel- Nicholas Collin and Jared Ingersoll, ings, which were most gratified by an ac- Esq. His name is not listed among the tive discharge of the less conspicuous du- ties of life. Perhaps, too, the disinclination members of the Society who on March which he always manifested to hold any 1, 1791 marched in a body to the Ger- place of emolument may have exercised man Lutheran Church in Fourth Street some influence in producing his resigna- to listen to the eulogy of their illustri- tion of a chair which was every year be- ous patron, Benjamin Franklin, by Dr. coming more profitable, and even at that William Smith. Griffitts attended the period conferred one of the highest honors stated meeting on March 4, 1791 and within the reach of the profession. A letter from Benjamin Rush to terparts has ever added a cubit to the John Redman Coxe (December 8, intellectual stature of its mental parents. 1795) ascribed a more plausible ex- Only a few isolated clinical notes re- planation for this action. “Dr. Griffitts main by which to measure the literary has declined lecturing, owing to sick- worth of Griffitts. These communica- ness & distress from the loss of his favor- tions are published in the Eclectic Rep- ite child. It is expected he will resume ertory, of which he was editor for sev- the duties of his chair next year.” This eral years. They demonstrate an ease was not the case and Benjamin Smith and brevity of style that contrast Barton succeeded to the chair of ma- strangely with the mellifluence of “Do- teria medica and pharmacy. mestic Medicine.” His descriptions are As has been gathered from Griffitts’ clear and devoid of unnecessary ver- biographic sketch of Adam Kuhn, the biage. One communication relates his master had laid the ground for a re- experience in the preservation and use markable reticence not only in public of vaccination crusts. In another note expression but also in medical publica- he recommended the use of blisters to tions. Singularly, however, one of Grif- prevent and arrest mortification. From fitts’ infrequent contributions took the his wide experience with yellow fever form of the editorship of a treatise on over a period of seven years he con- home medicine. The title is self-explan- cluded that second attacks of the disease atory, “Domestic Medicine: or a Treat- did not occur. He expressed his firm be- ise on the Prevention and Cure of lief in the contagious nature of yellow Disease by Regimen and Simple Medi- fever and urged isolation and quaran- cines with an Appendix, containing a tine in its control. With characteristic Dispensatory for the Use of Private candor he reported the erroneous diag- nosis of an aneurysm of the right carotid Practitioners by Wm. Buchan, m.d ., Fellow of the Royal College of Physi- artery in the hope that his mistake might protect his fellow practitioners. cians, Edinburgh. Revised and Adopted The benevolence of Samuel Powel to the Diseases and Climate of the Griffitts was a by-word in a day when United States of America, Samuel Powel charity was a natural virtue not paraded Griffitts, m.d ., late professor of Materia for public display. It will be recalled Medica, University of Pennsylvania.” that the acts of violence in Santo Do- The preface is largely an apology for mingo succeeding the granting of the the subject matter and approach. In full privileges of French citizenship to such a vein he remarks “As to medical the free colored inhabitants and mulat- reputation, I am well aware this is not toes in 1791 had led to the hegira of the the way to obtain it; but if I have suc- white population in 1793. To this ceeded in making this valuable and movement may be directly traced the popular work more intelligible, and epidemic of yellow fever that wreaked consequently more useful to my fellow- such havoc in the same year in Phila- citizens; I shall be sufficiently re- delphia. Yet this city of refuge set itself warded.” Of its reception and the im- to raising funds to succor the French mediate reaction of the profession we emigres. A sum exceeding twelve thou- know nothing; but of this much poster- sand dollars was quickly subscribed. In ity can be assured, neither “Domestic the task of raising and disbursing this Medicine” nor any of its modern coun- fund none was more active than Samuel Powel Griffitts whose knowledge of the A) outlining the proposal and solic- French language and people was of in- iting the support of interested parties. estimable value in such a pass. Charac- Dr. Moyes’ connection with the insti- teristic of the man were his efforts in tution of the Philadelphia Dispensary supplying fresh inoculation materials is emphasized by the following supple- to the Negroes of Haiti at the same time mental note to the formal appeal: he was assisting their exiled former We are happy to inform the public, that masters in Philadelphia. As Mitchell Dr. Moyes has kindly offered to deliver states: “With one hand it may be said two lectures in the Hall of the University, he distributed the bounty which his upon the most interesting and useful parts fellow-citizens entrusted to his care, to of chemistry and natural philosophy, after the refugees from St. Domingo, while he has finished his present course, at half with the other he was busy sending vac- a dollar a ticket for each lecture for the cine virus to their revolted slaves.” benefit of this new charity. Griffitts’ civic consciousness might An advertisement in the same issue well be adjudged the dominant trait of of The Pennsylvania Gazette reads, his character. This quality found ex- pression in many directions; and wher- The dispensary will be opened in Straw- ever his name is associated with a public berry Alley, on Wednesday, the twelfth of work or philanthropic effort, he appears April. Those among the poor, who wish to as a worker and contributor. As an early have their children inoculated for the small pox, under the care of the dispen- proponent of vaccination in Philadel- sary, are desired to make speedy applica- phia he was an original member of the tion to some one of the contributors. Vaccine Society founded in 1809. His zealous personal efforts carried this pro- The response to the public appeal phylactic measure against small pox to for support of the new charity was spon- the underprivileged population of out- taneous. Within two weeks 320 sub- lying Southwark and the Northern scriptions had been received and the Liberties. The Philadelphia Dispensary early success of the Dispensary assured is his most lasting memorial. With com- not only by the monetary returns but mendable modesty he attributed its be- also by the wholehearted support of ginning to the suggestion of Dr. Henry the medical profession. The original Moyes to Samuel Powel and himself in list of its attending physicians included 1785. In all probability the idea arose Samuel Powel Griffitts, James Hall, with Dr. Moyes, but its fruition in the William Clarkson, John Morris, John first dispensary for the medical care of Carson and Caspar Wistar and its con- the poor in the United States was largely sultants, John Jones, William Shippen, the result of Griffitts’ devotion and in- Jr., Adam Kuhn and Benjamin Rush. defatigable energy. On February 10, From its opening on April 12, 1786 1786 a meeting of interested individu- to December 12, 1786, 719 patients als was called to discuss ways and means were attended by the Philadelphia for developing the plan. Doctors Rush, Dispensary. The house in Strawberry Hall and Morris actively collaborated Alley engaged from Christopher Mar- and it was decided to ask for public sub- shall, Jr., March 10, 1786, was outgrown scriptions. To this end a public notice and August 23, 1787 a house in Chest- was published in The Pennsylvania nut Street was rented from John Guest. Gazette, February 8, 1786 (Addendum December 15, 1800 a lot in Fifth Street between Walnut and Chestnut Streets had not been slow to follow. Rush had was purchased for the Dispensary. The long been preaching the illogic of the plans for a new building were viewed then accepted methods of treating the February 11, 1801, and the contract let mentally disturbed patient; but his in- June 15, 1801. On December 14th of novations, such as the tranquillizer, the same year the Managers of the served to obscure the basic soundness Philadelphia Dispensary met for the of his precepts to all except profound first time in the new building. This students of this field of medicine. From development was in part made possible his very nature Samuel Powel Griffitts’ by a loan of £1000 from the Pennsyl- interest in the welfare of the insane was vania Hospital. foreordained. Upon his motion The The charity prospered and all in- Society of Friends in Philadelphia in- debtedness was soon discharged. In vestigated the situation in 1811. Fol- 1816 it was deemed wise to establish a lowing the pattern of The Retreat separate dispensary in each of the two founded in 1792 at York, England by outlying districts, Southwark and the Friends, this sect laid its plans for Northern Liberties. The parent insti- a similar institution in Pennsylvania. tution was then designated to care for They termed themselves “The Con- the sick poor within the old boundaries tributors to the Asylum for the Relief of the city, from Vine Street to South of Persons Deprived of the Use of their Street and from the Delaware River to Reason.” Griffitts again gave of his the Schuylkill River. The Southern substance and energy in the evolution Dispensary began its duties of mercy of the plan. A farm was bought near August 17, 1816, and was chartered Frankford, a suburb of Philadelphia, March 24, 1817. Samuel Powel Griffitts at the cost of $6,760. The cost of the was president of its first Board of Man- original hospital building together with agers. This offspring of the Philadel- alterations in other buildings was $43,- phia Dispensary was first located in 000. The Friends’ Asylum, the first in- Shippen above Third Street. While stitution of its kind in the United Griffitts lent his moral support to this States, was opened for the reception of new development he continued his ac- patients in 1817 and its meritorious tive duties at the Philadelphia Dis- services have been continuous to the pensary. Indeed, for more than forty present time. years, or from its foundation until his Nor were Griffitts’ civic and chari- death, he daily attended the unfortu- table interests limited to the field of nate sick in this his favorite philan- medicine. In November, 1791 he was thropy. In 1922 it was removed from made an overseer of the Friends’ public its quarters in 127 South Fifth Street schools in the town and county of Phila- to the Pennsylvania Hospital, where it delphia. His sound judgment was ex- maintains its corporate identity as the erted in this direction until his resigna- Outpatient Department of that vener- tion in May, 1815. He was an active able institution. The spirit of Samuel member of “The Humane Society for Powel Griffitts marches on. the resuscitation of drowned persons” The inhuman care of the insane was from 1786. The atrocious state of the crying for reform at this period. Pinel prisons and the cruel treatment of in France had sounded the advance that prisoners were objects of his sympa- forward-looking Friends in England thetic interest. With the help of influ- ential citizens a “Society for Alleviat- the reading of a passage of the New ing the Miseries of Public Prisons” was Testament in Greek or Latin. At some formed in 1790. Bishop White was its time each day he interrupted his pro- first presiding officer and Samuel Powel fessional calls to pay his respects to such Griffitts served as its secretary from the children and grandchildren as resided foundation until his death. Through within the city. He was rarely absent the efforts of this organization certain from the monthly meetings of the reforms were effected in the penal code Friends. of Pennsylvania. In 1824 Joseph Parrish In 1787 Griffitts married Mary Fish- brought the case of John Zimmerman bourne, the daughter of a merchant of before the College of Physicians of Philadelphia. Their home life was very Philadelphia. Zimmerman, an insane congenial and he was an affectionate man, had been charged with the mur- husband and indulgent father. For over der of his daughter, convicted and sen- thirty years he had never escaped a tenced to be hung. A committee of the yearly recurrence of the intermittent College (Griffitts, James, Otto and Par- fever. During the latter years of his life rish) investigated the situation and he suffered from vague digestive symp- upon their recommendation the Col- toms. His health seemed to fail some- lege petitioned Governor John An- what in the last two years and for the thony Shultz who commuted the death last few days of his life he was more sentence. debilitated than usual. Accordingly he Griffitts’ interest in the question of limited the number of his professional slavery was early aroused and contin- calls. Early on the morning of May 12, ued throughout his life. In 1790 he 1826 Griffitts experienced an uncom- joined the “Pennsylvania Society for fortable sensation in the thorax and ex- promoting the abolition of slavery, the pressed the belief that venesection relief of free negroes unlawfully held might relieve it. Whereupon he arose in bondage, and improving the condi- and began to dress. Mrs. Griffitts be- tion of the African race.” “Misery came alarmed at his condition and sent acquaints a man with strange bedfel- for his friend, Joseph Parrish; but lows”; and there are few more incon- when he arrived, Griffitts had returned gruous correspondents than the con- to his bed and was dead. Apparently tained, mild-mannered Griffitts and the the end had come as the result of an violent Henri Gregoire, bishop of Blois. acute coronary occlusion. He was sur- Their mutual interest in the emancipa- vived by his wife and six children. By tion of the Negro race led to a long ex- change of letters of which no trace is his own request he was buried outside found. of the city, since he feared “the injuri- In person Samuel Powel Griffitts ous consequences of interments within was of medium stature and wiry con- large cities.” (Addendum B) stitution. Never robust, he nevertheless Samuel Powel Griffitts’ epitaph was equal to physical exactions far might well be written in the words of beyond average endurance. By custom S. Weir Mitchell: and choice he made all of his calls on But wherever he went and in whatever he foot. He persisted in this plan until his did peace and gentleness were around death. His habits were severely abstemi- about him, so that in every relation of life ous. An early riser he began the day by men and women eagerly trusted this sim- pie, straight-forward, intelligent, unambi- pays annually into the hands of the treas- tious man. urer, one guinea, shall be entitled to the privilege of having two patients at one time, Material assistance in the preparation of under the care of the dispensary. Those who this biographic sketch has been afforded pay annually two guineas shall have four, by W. B. McDaniel, 2nd, of the College and so on in the same proportion; and those of Physicians of Philadelphia, David C. who subscribe ten guineas at once, shall be Knoblauch of the Library Company of entitled, during life, to the privilege of hav- Philadelphia and Florence M. Greim of ing two patients attended at one time by The Pennsylvania Hospital, to whom the physician at the dispensary. grateful acknowledgment is made. Second—That a board, consisting of twelve managers, be annually elected, on the first Addendum A Monday in January, by a majority of the From The Pennsylvania Gazette, February contributors. Votes may be given at all elec- tions either in person or by proxy. Five man- 8, 1786: agers shall constitute a quorum. Their busi- In all large cities there are many poor per- ness shall be to provide medicines for the sick sons afflicted by disease, whose former cir- and to regulate all affairs relative to the in- cumstances and habits of independence will stitution. not permit them to expose themselves as pa- Third—That six attending and four con- tients in a public hospital. There are also sulting physicians and surgeons, an apothe- many diseases and accidents of so acute and cary and a treasurer of the dispensary be dangerous a nature that the removal of pa- annually elected by the managers of the in- tients afflicted by them is attended with many stitution. obvious inconveniences. And there are some Fourth—That the physicians and surgeons diseases of such a nature that the air of a in ordinary shall regularly attend at the dis- hospital, crowded with patients, is injurious pensary on Mondays, Wednesdays and Fri- to them. A number of gentlemen, having days, from twelve till one o’clock and that taken these things into consideration, have such patients as are unable to go abroad on proposed to establish a public dispensary in dispensary days shall be regularly visited at the city of Philadelphia for the medical re- their respective places of abode. lief of the poor. Fifth—That every case shall be duly at- The peculiar advantages of this institution tended whether acute, chronic, surgical or will be as follows: obstetrical, if recommended by a contributor First—The sick may be attended and re- in a written note addressed to the attending lieved in their own houses without the pain physician, agreeably to the first rule. The and inconvenience of being separated from mitigation of the evils and danger of the their families. A father may still continue to small pox by inoculation, shall likewise be provide for his children and children may the object of the charity of this institution. enjoy in sickness the benefits of a mother’s kindness and attention. The attending physicians and surgeons shall Second—The sick may be relieved at a have a right to apply for advice and assistance much less expense to the public than in a to the consulting physicians and surgeons, hospital, where provisions, bedding, firewood when they think proper, in all difficult and and nurses must be provided for their ac- extraordinary cases. commodation. Sixth—That the apothecary shall reside at Third—The sick may be relieved in a man- the dispensary; that his business shall be to ner perfectly consistent with those noble feel- compound and deliver medicines; to keep an ings of the human heart which are insepa- exact account of the names, places of abode, rable from virtuous poverty, and in a man- diseases, times of admission, discharge, etc., ner also strictly agreeable to those refined of the patients. precepts of Christianity which inculcate For the purpose of receiving contributions secrecy in acts of charity and benevolence. and beginning the business of this institu- For the promotion of this plan the follow- tion, the following gentlemen have agreed to ing rules are proposed: act in the respective offices assigned to them First—That each lady or gentleman who until the first Monday in January, 1787; when a meeting of the contributors will be Practitioners, by Wm. Buchan, m.d ., Fel- called by an advertisement, for the purpose low of the Royal College of Physicians, of electing managers from among themselves, Edinburgh (S.P.G., American ed.), ed. who shall, agreeably to the third rule, elect 2nd, Phila., 1797. as speedily as possible afterwards, all the Ship Fever. Mss. Diary of Epidemic of Yel- other officers of the institution. low Fever in Philadelphia in 1798. Managers—Rev. Dr. Wm. White, Thomas Clinical Notes in Eclectic Repertory, Vols. Clifford, Samuel Powel Griffitts, Rev. Geo. 1, 3, 6 and 9. Duffield, Henry Hill, Samuel Vaughan, John Biographic Notice of Doctor Adam Kuhn. Baker, Thomas Fitzsimons, Samuel Miles, Eclectic Repertory, 8:235, 1818. Lawrence Seckel, Samuel Pleasants, Thomas Henry , F. P. Standard History of the Medi- Franklin. cal Profession of Philadelphia. Chicago, Attending Physicians and Surgeons—Dr. 1897. Samuel P. Griffitts, Dr. James Hall, Dr. Wil- Henry , J. N. The College of Physicians of liam Clarkson, Dr. John Morris, Dr. John Philadelphia. Founders’ Week Memorial Carson, Dr. Caspar Wistar. Volume (F. P. Henry, ed.), Phila., 1909. Consulting Physicians and Surgeons—Dr. Lawrence , C. History of Philadelphia Alms- John Jones, Dr. Will Shippen, Jr., Dr. Adam houses and Hospitals. Phila., 1905. Kuhn, Dr. Benjamin Rush. Mitche ll , S. W. Centennial Anniversary of Treasurer—John Clifford. the Institution of the College of Phy- sicians of Philadelphia, Commemora- Adden dum B tive Address, Jan. 3, 1887. Poulson’s American Daily Advertiser for Sat- Norris , G. W. The Early History of Medicine urday morning, May 13, 1826 contained the in Philadelphia. Phila., 1886. following notice: Ruschenberger , W. S. W. An Account of the Obituary Institution of the College of Physicians Died, on the 12th instant, Dr. Samuel Powel of Philadelphia. Proc. Coll. Phys. Phila., Griffitts, in the sixty-seventh year of his age, s. 3, 1887; IX, XXXIII. highly respected as a Practitioner, and highly Sinkler , F. W. The Philadelphia Dispensary. esteemed as a Man; he has suddenly de- Founders’ Week Memorial Volume (F. scended to the tomb amidst the sincere re- P. Henry, ed.), Phila., 1909. grets of his fellow citizens. Waln , R., Jr . An Account of the Asylum for the Insane, established by the Society References of Friends, near Frankford in the vicin- Carson , J. A History of the Medical Depart- ity of Philadelphia, Phila. J. Med. ir ment of the University of Pennsylvania. Phys. Sc., 1:225, 1825. Phila., 1869. Wood , G. B. Early History of the University Chase , R. H. Friends’ Asylum for the Insane. of Pennsylvania. Phila., 1896. Founders’ Week Memorial Volume Early Proceedings of the American Philo- (F. P. Henry, ed.), Phila., 1909. sophical Society for the Promotion of Coates , B. H. Notice of the Life of Samuel Useful Knowledge Compiled by One of Powel Griffitts. Mem. Hist. Soc. Penna., the Secretaries from the Manuscript 2: pt. II, Phila., 1820. Minutes of its Meetings, from 1744 to Emerson , G. Samuel Powel Griffitts. In: 1838, Phila., 1884. American Medical Biography (Jas. The Pennsylvania Gazette, Phila., Feb. 8, Thacher, ed.), Boston, 1828. 1786. Grif fi tts , S. P. Domestic Medicine, or, a The Pennsylvania Packet and Daily Adver- Treatise on the Prevention and Cure of tizer, Phila., Feb. 1, 1787. Diseases by Regimen and Simple Medi- Poulson’s American Daily Advertiser, Phila., cines with an Appendix, Containing a May 13, 1826. Dispensatory for the Use of Private Rush Manuscript Letters, Ridgway Library.