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Home , Arabs in India, Baghban, Bhand, Bhishti, Bisati, Caste panchayat

THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY February 17, 1962 Muslim in Zarina Ahmad Muslim social groups share many, though not all, of the attributes of the Hindu . Mast of these attributes were acquired from the and, although contrary to the spirit of , it has been possible! to maintain a Muslim society of castelike ranking in because both the communities, in spite of the differences of faith, have shared the same economic and political environment. Orthodox resent the use of the word caste to describe Muslim social groups. It is disput­ able whether the term caste can be so used, but I believe that the concept of caste can be used with advan­ tage to analyse social stratification among the Muslims, Even Muslims (i e, Muslims who claim foreign descent) resemble Hindu castes in many res­ pects. Ashraf society is socially stratified; it includes endogamous groups, mobility between which is res- tricted; prohibition on eating and drinking exists; and the groups are organised on a hierarchical scale. In terms of stratification and social mobility the difference between Hindu castes and Muslim social groups is one of degree and not of kind, Social groups among the non-Ashrafs (i c, Muslims of Indian origin) approximate even more closely to Hindu castes. After conversion of Islam the Hindus only accepted a different faith but their mode of living did not change much, nor did the basic structure of caste society or the internal organisation of the castes. Even those Muslim social groups which are predominantly or entirely Muslim have incorporated Hindu cus­ toms and usages and, as such, have become an integral part of the Indian society. [The observations made here, it must be pointed out, are not based on systematic field work but are derived from my awn experience assisted by whatever literature is available on this subject. This article is pub- lished with the intention of attracting the attention of fellow sociologists to the much neglected field of Muslim sociology. Study of the Muslims as a social entity will, no doubt assist in the understanding of Indian society as a whole,]

THE Muslim population of India From the very beginning of ing to their class and profession. represents the mixture of groups Muslim rule in India until the Mug­ The upper classes suffered more drawn from the indigenous races of hal period the Indian Muslims re­ from jealousy and rivalries, being India and foreign blood from mained a partially lndianiscd hete­ dependent entirely upon the favours successive bodies of invaders and rogeneous community, centred round of the king. The middle classes, immigrants from the regions beyond the foreign conquerors who were that is the artisans the intelligent­ the north-western frontiers. ('Her- very diverse in their racial stock. sia, and the men of the clerical pro­ sklot's Islam', (ed) Crooke: 1921; Although this community maintained fessions were more in contact with 7). Even in the case of earlier in- a certain amount of exclusiveness the Hindus as their interests did not vaders their racial purity was lost from Hindus, it was at the same clash so much with theirs. time very different from the Mus­ by intermarriage and concubinage With the break-up of the Mughal lims of other countries. "Islam in with the Hindus. At the same time Empire and the accession of British India tried to confirm to a rigid the number of modern Muslim rule this pattern did not change uniformity in ideas and actions but castes that are obviously composed basically since society retained conversion and the introduction of of converts from and the feudal characteristics, The aristo­ other communities into Islam "number of Hindu castes, specially cracy which was centred round the moulded its nature no less than , that possess Mohammadan king filled some of the high admi­ Islam moulded the character of its nistrative posts and many of them, branches, make it quite clear that recruits". (Yaseen : 1958). having Taluqas and Jagirs, main­ there must have been many changes Contacts Varied According to Status of religion. Intermarriage^ though tained themselves, as before having not common, did occur. The invad­ The Muslim rulers, in order to both Hindus and Muslims of the keep in check hostile elements, al­ ing Muslim armies did not always agricultural and artisan classes ways had to keep a large army. As bring their wives with them and under them as tenants or labourers. a result the profession of soldiery while settling in India must have British rule indeed increased the was very popular and Muslims were taken wives from the original in­ number of landlords by introducing employed in all capacities — from habitants. There is reason to beli­ the revenue system. Under this sys­ commanders to ordinary soldiers. tem any one could own land by eve that conversion very often took Muslims being more or less absorbed place in the shape of group con­ purchase and keep control of it as in this profession, handicraft and he paid a fixed revenue. version, that is, often a whole caste agriculture were left to the Hindus accepted Islam rather than just a and to the converted Muslims. This Islamic and Non-Islamic : Problem of tew members of it. Although indi­ distribution of professions can still Identification vidual conversion also occured it be traced among the present day There was a gap of several hun­ was less frequent in the earlier days Muslims. The contacts between dred years between the introduction of Muslim rule. Hindus and Muslims varied accord­ of Islam and its actual acceptance 325 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY February 17, 1962 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY February 17, 1962 by the bulk of the Indian popula­ and respect and were allowed the numbered 17,414 at the Census of tion. Thus the development of highest claims of social distinction. 1901, or over 10 per cent of the contacts between Hindu and Muslim (Yaseen : 1957 : 20-21) Yaseen Muslim population in the Province. cultures was very gradual. Indeed quotes Bernier saying that "nearly They are more numerous in the dis­ it is often difficult to identify what every individual when first admitted tricts of than any other is Islamic and what is non-Islamic to the court of the great Mughal, part of the province and about 92 among Muslim practices. This is selected wives from and concubines per cent of them are found in Luck- very much so in the pattern of from so that his children now Tahsil. Their presence in social stratification among the Mus­ may pass for foreign Mughals". Lucknow is directly due to the in­ lims, which has many attributes of (Yaseen : 1957: 21). This sense of fluence of the Oudh court which was Hindu caste system. superiority of foreign blood is still the centre of Shia culture, and a The structure of free Muslim present among the Indian Muslims. great majority of Sayyads are Shias. society in India does not exhibit At present Muslim society in It is interesting to note that Muslim ideals of social equality. An India is divided into two major and Sayyads in Uttar Pra­ elaborate and effective social strati­ sections, the ashraf and the non- desh taken together exceed the fication has been in practice from ashraf. The ashraf who arc them­ number of Pathans and Mughals by the very early days of Muslim rule selves divided into four sections 50 per cent. There has been a ten­ in India. claim foreign descent while the non- dency to claim a higher title than Dr Ashraf, a historian describes ashraf Muslims are all regarded to one's own. be of local descent and include nu­ the composition of the social classes Sayyads intermarry with Sheikhs merous menial and artisati castes. during the early Muslim period in and there is a tendency towards India. "The Emperor stood at the The ashraf are divided into four hypergamy. But a Sayyad never head of the State, the nobles and classes, Sayyad, , Mughal, marries a Mughal or a Pathan. The the privileged classes were under and Pathan. All ashraf claim fore­ same applies to Sheikhs who do not him^ both Hindu and Muslim lower ign descent and not not intcrdine or marry Mughals or Pathans either. classes w«re below the nobility and intermarry with the non-ashraf. Mughals and Pathans inter-marry were separated from them". (Ash­ with each other. raf : 1932) Sayyads Sheikh The nobility was a heterogeneous They claim the highest social Sheikh means chief. It is an body a'nd its composition varied status. They say they are the des­ term and those who call with the ruling dynasty. In the cendants of , son-in-law of the themselves Sheikhs claim Arab des­ beginning all of the nobles were prophet and the fourth Caliph. The cent. The title of Sheikh is widely Turkish. Afghans were included Sayyads are sub-divided into groups spread over India a'nd except in during Mohammad Tughlaq's rule which tend towards endogamy but the and Kashmir, predomi­ and the Mughal rulers included men are not endogamous groups in a nates over other designations. of Mughal origin. strict jural sense. Four of these (Baines; 1912) In the Punjab, The lower class Muslims were groups take their names from the weavers call themselves hardly distinguishable from their original homes from where they Sheikhs and many of the lower Hindu counterparts. They were in came. They are the Baghdadi agricultural groups also claim Ara­ most parts converts, and had not Sayyads (Baghdad), Rokhari Say­ bic origin and give themselves this altered their position much materi­ yads (Bokhara), Sahzwari Sayyads title. (Ibbetson : 1916). ally. Unfortunately neither Dr (Sahzwar in Khorasan) and Tir- Sheikhs are subdivided into sec­ Ashraf nor any other historian mizi Sayyads (Tirmiz in Persia). tions, like Sayyads. Most of them gives much information on the social Apart from these four groups, there are matay other sections who claim take their names from Caliphs and condition of the lower class Mus­ religious leaders. The most nume­ descent from early Caliphs and lims. One can infer from what rous sub-divisions are: Farooqi, Imams. The most important of them little information is available that , Quraishi and Faridi. Inter- are Hussaini, descendants of Husain. conversion did not change much an marriage takes place freely between the grand son of the Prophet; Alavu ordinary Hindu's environment. the different sub-divisions. Foreign Ancestry : Invented descendants of Ali, and eleven sec­ tions who call themselves after the Mughal Greater honour and respect was names of eleven Imams (Abidi. Jafri Mughal is used inter-changeably paid to the foreign ruling and pri­ and Naqui and so forth). for Mongol. Baines suggests that the vileged classes, than to those of Mughal element in the North is Indian extraction. People used to In the regions of and in such principal seats of Muslim better defined and those who hold invent foreign ancestry for them­ this title are not probably genuine authority as Lucknow there are selves in order to improve their Mughals. They claim to he the re­ families of Sayyads who hold their social status. Mohammad Yaseen, presentatives of the families brought status by inheritance from ancestors another historian, confirms this to northern India by the semi-inde­ who rendered services to the Mug­ notion of foreign supremacy found pendent viceroys of Delhi. (Baines: hal rulers either in the army or the during the Mughal period. The 1912; 141). Mughals are for this administration. (Blunt : 1931). foreign ruling and privileged classes reason more numerous in the neigh­ of non-Indian extraction received According to the District Gaze­ bourhood of Delhi. (Blunt: 1931). more than their due share of honour tteers of Uttar Pradesh, the Sayyads According to Blunt, most Mughals

327 February 17, 1962 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY

328 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY February 17, 1962 in Uttar Pradesh settled there after rigorously hereditary", (Senart : An important attribute of the Baber's conquest in 1625. (Blunt: 1930; 20). Risely defines caste in caste system is its hierarchy. Accord­ 131; 170). But their number is quite more detail "A caste may be de­ ing to Prof Srinivas the notions of small, less than a million. The most fined as a collection of families or dharma and karma have greatly prominent of them are Chagtai, groups of families bearing a com­ strengthened the idea of hierarchy Uzbeck, Tajek, and Qizil. mon name, claiming common des­ which is so important in the caste bash. Chagtai is the Turkish branch cent from a mythological ancestor, system. (Srinivas: 1953; 23) Dhar­ to which family belonged. human or divine; professing to ma may be defined as propriety, Uzbeck represent another Turkish follow the same hereditary calling; socially approved conduct in rela­ tribe who supplied troops to the and regarded by those who are tion to one's fellow being and to . are competent to give an opinion as wards life in general and the super­ supposed to be the Tartar horsemen forming a single homogeneous com­ natural powers. Kach caste has its from the Caucasus. (Blunt: 1931). munity. The name generally denotes own specific dharma, rules of con­ Palhuns or is associated with a specific occu­ duct to which each member of the The word Pathan is a cor­ pation. A caste is almost always in­ caste should conform. He must not ruption of the word Pakh-tanu, variably endogamous in the sense try to follow the rules and conduct meaning those who speak Pakhtu that a number of the larger circle of the dharma of another caste. If language. It applies to tribes whose denoted by the common name may one follows his own dhat'ma he will original home is on or near the not marry outside of the circle but bo born into a higher caste. The northwest boundaries of India. Pat- within that circle there are usually fulfilment of one's caste dharma en­ hans are found in all parts of Uttar a number of smaller circles each of ables a person to be reborn into a Pradesh, except in the hill districts. which is also endogamous". (Risley: higher caste in his next life until They are most numerous in Rohil- 1908; 6) he is born a Brahman and then khand, and Oudh districts. Kroeber gives yet another defini­ unites with the God. The chain of About half of all Pathans belong tion of caste. According to him, "A rebirth is called the karma. to four tribes of Yusuf Zai, Lodi, caste may be defined as an endoga­ And here lies an important point Ghori and . mous and hereditary subdivision of of difference between Hindu castes an ethnic unit occupying a position Yusuf Zais consider themselves to and the Muslim social groups. The be descended from the Indo-Aryan of superior or inferior rank of soci­ al esteem in comparison with other concepts of dharma and karma are Kandharis who served Babers not found among Muslims. Since army, The Lodis are the descendants such sub-divisions" (Kroeber: 1951; 255). every Muslim is born equal in the of Tajeks. Ghoris are probably a eyes of God. a Muslim can find no hybrid race, a mixture of Arab and According to the above definitions, refuge in religion to justify the Kandharis. (Blunt : 1931). (a) caste is endogamous, (b) castes practice of social inequality. It is belong to a small group of tribes follow a certain profession, (c) caste possible that the lack of the concept from Ismail. membership is hereditary, and (d) of dharma makes Muslim social Muslim Caste-Ranking castes are arranged in a hierarchy. groups slightly more fluid than the Orthodox Muslims resent the word Mobility Not Totally Restricted Hindu castes. caste being used for the Muslim It is a popular belief that caste ' Sanskritisation', Too social groups. It can be disputed is rigid and unchanging, and that whether the term caste can be so the caste system is completely de­ One of the effective means of used, but I believe that the concept void of social mobility. Kecent re­ raising one's social status among of caste can be used with advantage searches in this field have shown the Muslims is the imitation of to analyse social stratification among that although social mobility is res­ higher class practices. It works some, the Muslims. A comparison of Hin­ tricted and slower than it is in other what like "Sanskritisation" in the du caste usages and practices with socially stratified societies, the Hindu sense Prof Srinivas uses it. (Srini­ the practices among the Muslim caste system is not completely with­ vas: 19531. But it must be accom­ social groups may throw some light out mobility. Both individuals and panied by the economic betterment on the character of these groups. groups can move although not very erf the family concerned. As soon Muslim social groups share many of frequently. as a lower class Muslim makes the attributes of the Hindu caste money, he puts his women in pur­ Instances of individuals rising dah (a practice observed only by system although not all. Most of into higher castes either by their these attributes, were acquired from the ashrafs), starts going to the own efforts or alongside others are communal prayers in the mosque the Hindus, and, although contrary known and so are cases of falling and goes to Mecca for pilgrimage. A to the spirit of Islam, it has been into lower castes. "Under Hindu Haji (one who has visited Mecca) possible to maintain a Muslim socie­ rulers persons were sometimes pro­ is respected whatever caste he may ty of caste-like ranking in India be­ moted by the Rajah from one caste belong to. But an ashraf will not cause, in spite of the differences of to another. This power was exercis­ fiive a daughter in marriage to a faith, both the communities share ed by the Rajah of Cochin, who Haji of lower caste, however res­ the same economic and political often raised men from lower castes pectable he may have become. environment. to the rank of Nayars. A former Let us consider a few defini­ Rajah of Talcher in Orrisa compell. Another characteristic of the tions of caste. Senart defines ed his Chasa subjects to admit cer­ Hindu caste system is the concept caste as a "Corporate group tain goalas to their community" of ritual purity and impurity of the exclusively and in theory at least (Ghurye: 1932; 41). castes. These notions have both a 329 February 17, 1962 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY

330 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY February 17, 1962 physical and a religious connots- turn do not take food from the to sit and eat on the floor. There tion. Each caste has a certain qua­ menial castes, the Brahmans refuse is another example of a dhoban lity of ritual purity but both indivi­ kaehcha food from the Rajputs, (washer-woman) married as second duals and groups can lose this - thus demonstrating their superiority wife to an ashraf landlord. She was ty in a number' of ways. One of the over all a Muslim, but her origin as a dho­ ways in which ritual status can be Mayer has made a detailed study ban was never forgotten. Being a lowered is by eating food cooked of the hierarchical aspect of caste mild and well manneed lady she hy certain castes. A distinction is in Ramkheri village of Malwa. Here was after some years admitted to the made between food cooked with the Khatis do not take kachcha 'from ashraf gathering but only as an water called kachcha and food the Bhilalas, and the Bhilalas do not observer. She was never allowed to cooked with ghee (clarified butter) eat from the Khatis. But many take part in any rituals and always called pakka. castes take pakka food from the had to retire before meal time. Death is polluting. Thus occupa­ Khatis and drink from their water Social Elevation by Matrimony tions associated with death are also pots, but do not do so from the Among the Muslims marriage polluting, and physical contact with Bhilalas. Bhilalas claim to be equal outside one's social group is restrict­ one belonging to such an occupation to Khatis and so Tefuse kachcha ed, in the same way as eating and can pollute the individual. Human food from them. (Mayer: 1956). In drinking. To get an ashraf wife is Bisipara village of Orrisa studied emissions are polluting and profes­ one of the ways of raising one's so­ by Bailey a rising caste of distillers sions associated with them are simi­ cial status, A very recent example refuses to take food from the high­ larly polluting. Thus a bhangi comes to my mind. In a village in er warrior caste of the village. (sweeper) is impure because he eastern Uttar Pradesh, which was (Bailey: 1957). deals with human refuse. A dhobi inhabited mostly by Muslim land­ (washerman) is impure since he Among the ashraf Muslims ideally lords, a new family came to settle washes clothes stained with blood. speaking there are no restrictions on down. They were soon known to Caste Taboos taking food from each other al­ have been (weaver) in an­ though social mobility is so restrict­ other village. They built a big house Among the Muslims there is no ed between Sheikhs and Sayyads on and had a big business in brick permanent or group pollution. But the one hand and the Mughals and manufacturing. Their sons were sent individual pollution is observed. Pathans on the other that hardly to town for education and women One becomes impure in certain phy­ any communal eating and drinking were put in strict purdah. Their sical conditions, and by touching takes place between them. The ash- ciders used to go to the village mos- certain objects, but pollution cannot raf and non-ashraf castes do not cat que. for their prayers. (Many peo­ be transferred from one person to or drink together at all. There are ple are casual about attending the another. Women are polluted during no ritual sanctions against it but mosque. The point here is that the their monthly periods and for 40 the social distance is so great that julahas made it a point of attending days after child-birth. The place it does not happen. The non-ashraf mosque so that they could take the child is born in is also polluted serving castes, while eating during advantage of the convention of fra­ for 40 days. Both men and women their hours of service at the ashraf ternity and equality which has to be are polluted when they have been house, have to eat in a separate observed by all those present, what­ with each other. To get rid of the place not seen by their ashraf mas­ ever their status). pollution one has to 'take bath. While ters. Within the non-ashraf castes For quite a while they were iso­ in the state of pollution one must themsalvos. rules operate approxi­ not touch anything sacred. One must lated. Ashraf families did not want mating to those followed by their to meet them on account of their not offer prayers or read the Quran. Hindu counterparts. One must not enter the mosque or being origin and they them­ any shrine, one must not eat any The following incident took place selves did not like to establish any food which has been to the mosque in a village in . A relations with the village julahas as or a shrine or on which fateha (Bangle seller) woman they were anxious to get accepted (verses of Quran) have been recit­ came back to the village after a long into the ashraf society on account ed. (Beven-Jones: 1941). absence. While away her husband of their wealth. And they railed had established a flourishing busi­ themselves Sheikh, The stories of Certain animals are also polluting. ness. On her return to the village, their wealth were around the village A dog can pollute an individual. If die went to an ashraf wedding and, and a couple of liberal ashrafs ac­ a dog touches any vessel that vessel avoiding the host's attention, sat on cepted their constant invitations. is polluted, and must be washed a table where ashraf ladies were sit­ After getting a little encouragement thoroughly seven times before it is ting to have their meal. Being they took a very daring step, and considered fit for use. If an ani­ dressed in expensive clothes she was sent a proposal for their son's mar­ mal falls into the well or pot of first not recognised as a manihar riage to an ashruf girl. This caused water or food, it becomes polluted. woman. But in the middle of the great resentment among the ashraf families. After long arguments and Caste status among the Hindus is meal one of the ashraf ladies recog­ much persuasion the girl's parents expressed through regulations on nised her and all the ashraf ladies showed some willingness as the boy eating and drinking. In northern at once stood up and refused to sit himself was well educated and pro­ India Brahmans and Rajputs do not at the same table with the manihar mising. The negotiations went on fake pakka food from those below woman. It caused a lot of embar­ for a year and in the end the match the Jate and the Gujars. They in rassment, but the manihar lady had 331 February 17, 1962 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY

332 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY February 17, 1962 was settled. The wedding took place rules of marriage and inheritance Muslim rulers of India. They re­ with such pomp and show as the are unchanged, and almost the only placed some of the dominant castes village had not seen for years. The difference is that he (Muslim) shaves by Muslim nobles by awarding wedding was performed in accor­ his scalp lock and the upper part of them Taluqas (fiefs') and laud. As dance with ashraf rituals and invita­ his moustache repeats tile Moham­ a result of this, the status relation­ tions and sweetmeats from the boy's madan creed in the mosque and adds ship of different castes at the village side, sent to all those who belonged Mussalman to the Hindu wedding level remained the same both for the to that village, no matter where in ceremonies." (Ibbetson: 1916; 14). Hindus and the Muslims. Dr Hardy India they lived. The purpose was to Politico-Economic Hierarchy sums it up most accurately, "both announce the fact that they had (Turks and Mughals) substituted In the Hindu caste system there married an ashraf girl. The ashrajs one group of revenue collectors and are two types of hierarchy, one ritual were very annoyed and the social military chiefs for another, changing (discussed above) and the other pressure put upon the new pair was the men at the top of the social politico-economic expressed in the so great that they decided to live pyramid without dislodging the notion of 'dominant caste'. Accord­ in town permanently. But within pyramid itself. (Hardy: 1958) a generation or two. these facts will ing to Prof Srinivas. "A caste may be forgotten and they will become be said to be dominant when it pre­ Blunt divided the Muslim occu­ genuine Sheikhs. dominates numerically over the other pational castes (these castes include castes and when it also wields pre­ menial and artisan castes) of U P Differences—Only of Degree ponderant economic and political into three broad categories: firstly, I have tried to show from this power." I. Srinivas: 1957). those which are entirely Muslims; discussion that groups among ashraf A dominant, caste at a village level secondly, those which are predomi­ Muslims resemble Hindu castes in may or may not be Brahman. The nantly Muslim and thirdly, those many respects, Muslim ashraf so­ facts demonstrate the important po­ which are predominantly Hindu with ciety is socially stratified; it includes sition of caste who have political onlv a few Muslim branches. e'ndogamous groups, mobility be­ and economic power in their hands. Under the first category (wholly tween which is restricted; prohibi­ In Kishan Garhi. a village in Uttar Muslim) Blunt includes these castes; tion on eating and drinking is ap­ Pradesh studied by Mekim Marriott; Atashbaz. Baidgar. , - plied; and these groups are organised Brahmans and Jats owned all the yata. . Biloch. . . on a hierarchical scale. The main land. .Now Brahmans are becoming . Caddi Gandhi. Gara Ghoga. difference between the Hindu castes wealthy and challenging the political Ghosi. Iraqi. Jhojha Jula- and these Muslim 'castes' is that power of the Jats, In another village ha. Kanmai, khnazada khumara, Muslim castes have no ritual signifi­ of Ram khera. in Uttar Pradesh Jats kingariva, Lalkhana. , Nau- cance. It is precisely this notion of held nearly all the land in the villa­ Muslim. Niyariya. Qlan- ritual purity and impurity, and the ges and held the political power. In dar. . Kanghar and . doctrine of karma and dharma which another village of Modhopur in L'ttar differentiates Hindu castes from the In the second category (predo­ Pradesh the Jats held 70 per cent of Muslim social groups. Hut in terms minantly Muslim ) Blunt includes. the village land and controlled both of stratification and social mobility . Dhuniya , village and district panchayats. The the difference is one of degree and Manihar. Men or Mewati. Kangrcz, situation i^ very similar in other not of kind. SaigaIgar and Tawaif. regions. In the Orrisa village of The Muslim castes of Indian The third category (predominantly Bisipara the warrior caste and Boad origin (the non-ashraf) approximate Hindu) includes. . distillers hold most of the land. The even more closely to their Hindu Bahiliya. Baujara. Barhai. Dhohi. warrior caste has been holding the counterparts than the ashraf Alter Horn. Gujar. Halwai. Jat, political power in the village but is conversion to Islam these castes only kahar. kumhar. Lobar. Mali, Mai- now acquiring new wealth, (Bailey: accepted a different faith but their lah. , Nai . Rajput. Sonar, 1957) mode of living did not change much. and Teli. The majority of them being ignor­ In these villages the dominant Neither Blunt nor the Census Re­ ant and illiterate did not realise the caste dispenses justice and acts as ports give any details about the significance of islam and to them the final court of justice both in customs and status of these Muslim change of religion meant substitut­ inter-caste and intra-caste disputes, castes. Crooked account of 'Caste ing allah for paramatma and cele­ which were often not settled in the and Tribes in North Western Pro- brating a few Muslim festivals to­ caste panchayat. They have more vinees of and Oudh' is more gether with some Hindu ones. or less complete control of the eco­ comprehensive but his information Ibbelson tells Us about Muslim con­ nomic destinies of the village, be­ does not always agree with that of verts in Punjab, which is also true cause they hold most of the land. Blunt. Some of the castes listed by of Uttar Pradesh. He says "As a By the fact that the dominant caste Crooke are missing in Rlunfs fact in east Punjab conversion bad holds most of the land it also con­ account, and others listed by Blunt absolutely no effect on the caste of trols the food supply of the village arc missing in Crooke's account. the convert. The Mohammadan - and thus receives the services of the Blunt has deliberately omitted put, Gujar or Jat is for all social, menial castes of the village. a number of castes like. Hijra. political, tribal and administrative Feudal Structure Allowed to Persist kunera, Lakhera. kabariya Nal- purposes exactly as much a Rajput. This feudal structure of Indian band. . Qalaigar. Rangsaz, Gujar or Jat as his Hindu brother. society has persisted over many years and Habshi on account of their be­ His social customs are unaltered, his and was not interfered with by the ing purely occupational.

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THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY February 17, 1962

There is some discrepancy in They profess to be Sunni Muslims. and regulate their marriages by them Blunt's accounts. On the one hand They do not inter-marry with the as their Hindu brethren do. Three he discards a few Muslim castes Shias. worship the Goddess hundred and eighty of the listed above, because they are occu­ Bhawani, a Hindu deity and offer Muslim branch of Gujars are report­ pational and on the other hand he blood sacrifice a at the graves of their ed by the Census of 1891. Muslim includes a few castes which are saints, a practice quite contrary to Gujars are mostly Sunnis and do purely occupational. He does not Quranic ideals. not inter-marry with the Shias. seem to follow any uniform criterion The Caste of Bhishtis is composed Betrothal ia celebrated on a lucky for determining 'purely occupa­ entirely of Muslims. They follow a day fixed by a Brahman and fathers tional" castes. mixture of Hindu and Muslim cus* of the betrothed exchange cups of No Regular Pattern of Assimilation toms. The Bhishtis are a purely spirits. When the wedding proces­ Blunt has put the Muslim castes occupational caste of water carriers, sion arrives at the bride's house a in three categories. And this imme- and include members of other caste Hindu rite duar ka char is perform­ diately suggests the following ques­ sub-divisions. They have a large ed and then the mehr is fixed and the tion. Do the castes in these cate­ number of exogamous groups. They Qazi (priest) performs the nikah. gories differ in their use of Hindu have a tribal council. They do not When the bride arrives at the house or Muslim customs? Are those take food from the menial castes. of her husband her mother-in-law r Muslim castes which are composed They allow widow marriage and performs a Hindu ceremony of para- of entirely Muslim branches nearer divorce only with Council's permis­ clian. She waves a hand over her to the Quranic pattern or even sion. They worship their mashak head to scare the evil spirits, and nearer to the pattern set by the (leather water bap) in which they then takes her into the household ashraf Muslims? Do those castes carry water from house to house and chapel (deoghar) where she worships which have predominantly Hindu burn incense in front of it on Fri­ the guardian deities of the family. branches have more Hindu customs days. than Muslim? It appears form the above account Similur Marriage Rituals that all castes, whether entirely Mus­ For this purpose I shall take one lim, predominantly Muslim or pre­ or two castes from each category and Dhuniyas arc a caste who have dominantly Hindu share more or less compare their religious beliefs and predominantly Muslim branches. the same mixture of Hindu and marriage customs. Of the castes Dhuniyas are the caste of cotton Muslim caste usages and beliefs. At which arc entirely Muslim I take the carders. The Hindu dhuniyas claim least there does not emerge any re­ Iraqi first. Crooke says that the to have Rajput origin. But Muslim gular pattern of assimilating Hindu Iraqis are a caste of Mohammadan dhuniyas take their names from a and Islamic cultures. Conversion to Kalwars and profess to take their saint named Khwaja Matisur, who Islam did not change either the name from the country of . They is believed to have bought the dhuni­ basic structure of the caste society sometimes call themselves Ranki. It yas with him from Constantinople. or the internal organisation of the is popularly said that they have no­ "They collect sacred earth at wed­ castes themselves. Even those castes thing to do with Iraq and that they dings and carry out whole niprht which arc predominantly or entirely are called Iraqi because they deal watch and there is a distinct sur­ Muslim have incorporated Hindu with araq (sprituous liquor) and vival of marriage by capture, in the customs and usages and as such have Iraqi is said to be really the cor­ observance by which the bride, when become an integral part of the ruption of araqi. The Mirzapur bridegroom arrives at the house for Indian society. Iraqis have a panehayat, but other the marriage, is furnished with a Iraqis do not have a panehayat. small stick with which she gives him They are divided irtto sections but two or three slght blows on his head References these sections do not regulate the as he enters the doors" (Crooke : Ashraf, K M 1932 'Life and Condi­ choice of a spouse. Widow marriage 1886: 297) This recalls an ashraf tions of the Peoples of Hindustan', is avowed only with the permission custom. Among them this ritual of PhD Thesis, University of London of the council. Levi rate is permit­ hitting the bridegroom is performed Bailey, F G 1957 'Caste & Economic ted but restricted. Only the young­ with a slight difference that it is not Frontier', Manchester University Press. er brother of the late husband may the bride herself but her voimeer marry his widow. A daughter never sister who makes the 'attack'. (Whe­ Baincs, A 1912 'Ethnography of inherits from her father unless he ther this custom is a survival of India', Strasburg Verlag Karl Trubner. marriage by capture, as Crooke says, has made a provision in his life-time, Bevan-Jones, V R & L 1914 'Woman is. of course, debatable.) Their marriage rituals resemble in Islam', Lucknow Publishing Housi- those of Hindus, They perform o I now come to the last category Blum. E A H 1931 'The Caste Sys­ ceremony called matmangar which of Muslim castes which have larger tem of Northern India', Oxford Univer is also performed by the low caste Hindu sections and small number of sity Press, Muslim sections. Gujars are one Hindus. Blunt says that Iraqis fol­ Crooke. W (Ed) 1921 .'Islam in example. They are a caste of cow­ low the rules of hypergamy and for­ India'', Oxford University Press. bid cousin marriage. It is not known herds. Blunt reports that Gujars that the caste status of the Iraqis is, "were apparently converts to Islam Crooke, W 1886 'Tribes and Castes and, if they follow hypergamy, to at various times." Some of them of North Western Provinces of Agra and which caste they give their women. still maintain their Hindu sections Oudh'. London. 335 February 17, 1962 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY

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