Muslim Caste in Uttar Pradesh Zarina Ahmad Muslim Social Groups Share Many, Though Not All, of the Attributes of the Hindu Castes

Muslim Caste in Uttar Pradesh Zarina Ahmad Muslim Social Groups Share Many, Though Not All, of the Attributes of the Hindu Castes

THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY February 17, 1962 Muslim Caste in Uttar Pradesh Zarina Ahmad Muslim social groups share many, though not all, of the attributes of the Hindu castes. Mast of these attributes were acquired from the Hindus and, although contrary to the spirit of Islam, it has been possible! to maintain a Muslim society of castelike ranking in India because both the communities, in spite of the differences of faith, have shared the same economic and political environment. Orthodox Muslims resent the use of the word caste to describe Muslim social groups. It is disput­ able whether the term caste can be so used, but I believe that the concept of caste can be used with advan­ tage to analyse social stratification among the Muslims, Even ashraf Muslims (i e, Muslims who claim foreign descent) resemble Hindu castes in many res­ pects. Ashraf society is socially stratified; it includes endogamous groups, mobility between which is res- tricted; prohibition on eating and drinking exists; and the groups are organised on a hierarchical scale. In terms of stratification and social mobility the difference between Hindu castes and Muslim social groups is one of degree and not of kind, Social groups among the non-Ashrafs (i c, Muslims of Indian origin) approximate even more closely to Hindu castes. After conversion of Islam the Hindus only accepted a different faith but their mode of living did not change much, nor did the basic structure of caste society or the internal organisation of the castes. Even those Muslim social groups which are predominantly or entirely Muslim have incorporated Hindu cus­ toms and usages and, as such, have become an integral part of the Indian society. [The observations made here, it must be pointed out, are not based on systematic field work but are derived from my awn experience assisted by whatever literature is available on this subject. This article is pub- lished with the intention of attracting the attention of fellow sociologists to the much neglected field of Muslim sociology. Study of the Muslims as a social entity will, no doubt assist in the understanding of Indian society as a whole,] THE Muslim population of India From the very beginning of ing to their class and profession. represents the mixture of groups Muslim rule in India until the Mug­ The upper classes suffered more drawn from the indigenous races of hal period the Indian Muslims re­ from jealousy and rivalries, being India and foreign blood from mained a partially lndianiscd hete­ dependent entirely upon the favours successive bodies of invaders and rogeneous community, centred round of the king. The middle classes, immigrants from the regions beyond the foreign conquerors who were that is the artisans the intelligent­ the north-western frontiers. ('Her- very diverse in their racial stock. sia, and the men of the clerical pro­ sklot's Islam', (ed) Crooke: 1921; Although this community maintained fessions were more in contact with 7). Even in the case of earlier in- a certain amount of exclusiveness the Hindus as their interests did not vaders their racial purity was lost from Hindus, it was at the same clash so much with theirs. time very different from the Mus­ by intermarriage and concubinage With the break-up of the Mughal lims of other countries. "Islam in with the Hindus. At the same time Empire and the accession of British India tried to confirm to a rigid the number of modern Muslim rule this pattern did not change uniformity in ideas and actions but castes that are obviously composed basically since society retained conversion and the introduction of of converts from Hinduism and the feudal characteristics, The aristo­ other communities into Islam "number of Hindu castes, specially cracy which was centred round the moulded its nature no less than Rajputs, that possess Mohammadan king filled some of the high admi­ Islam moulded the character of its nistrative posts and many of them, branches, make it quite clear that recruits". (Yaseen : 1958). having Taluqas and Jagirs, main­ there must have been many changes Contacts Varied According to Status of religion. Intermarriage^ though tained themselves, as before having not common, did occur. The invad­ The Muslim rulers, in order to both Hindus and Muslims of the keep in check hostile elements, al­ ing Muslim armies did not always agricultural and artisan classes ways had to keep a large army. As bring their wives with them and under them as tenants or labourers. a result the profession of soldiery while settling in India must have British rule indeed increased the was very popular and Muslims were taken wives from the original in­ number of landlords by introducing employed in all capacities — from habitants. There is reason to beli­ the revenue system. Under this sys­ commanders to ordinary soldiers. tem any one could own land by eve that conversion very often took Muslims being more or less absorbed place in the shape of group con­ purchase and keep control of it as in this profession, handicraft and he paid a fixed revenue. version, that is, often a whole caste agriculture were left to the Hindus accepted Islam rather than just a and to the converted Muslims. This Islamic and Non-Islamic : Problem of tew members of it. Although indi­ distribution of professions can still Identification vidual conversion also occured it be traced among the present day There was a gap of several hun­ was less frequent in the earlier days Muslims. The contacts between dred years between the introduction of Muslim rule. Hindus and Muslims varied accord­ of Islam and its actual acceptance 325 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY February 17, 1962 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY February 17, 1962 by the bulk of the Indian popula­ and respect and were allowed the numbered 17,414 at the Census of tion. Thus the development of highest claims of social distinction. 1901, or over 10 per cent of the contacts between Hindu and Muslim (Yaseen : 1957 : 20-21) Yaseen Muslim population in the Province. cultures was very gradual. Indeed quotes Bernier saying that "nearly They are more numerous in the dis­ it is often difficult to identify what every individual when first admitted tricts of Lucknow than any other is Islamic and what is non-Islamic to the court of the great Mughal, part of the province and about 92 among Muslim practices. This is selected wives from and concubines per cent of them are found in Luck- very much so in the pattern of from Kashmir so that his children now Tahsil. Their presence in social stratification among the Mus­ may pass for foreign Mughals". Lucknow is directly due to the in­ lims, which has many attributes of (Yaseen : 1957: 21). This sense of fluence of the Oudh court which was Hindu caste system. superiority of foreign blood is still the centre of Shia culture, and a The structure of free Muslim present among the Indian Muslims. great majority of Sayyads are Shias. society in India does not exhibit At present Muslim society in It is interesting to note that Muslim ideals of social equality. An India is divided into two major Sheikhs and Sayyads in Uttar Pra­ elaborate and effective social strati­ sections, the ashraf and the non- desh taken together exceed the fication has been in practice from ashraf. The ashraf who arc them­ number of Pathans and Mughals by the very early days of Muslim rule selves divided into four sections 50 per cent. There has been a ten­ in India. claim foreign descent while the non- dency to claim a higher title than Dr Ashraf, a historian describes ashraf Muslims are all regarded to one's own. be of local descent and include nu­ the composition of the social classes Sayyads intermarry with Sheikhs merous menial and artisati castes. during the early Muslim period in and there is a tendency towards India. "The Emperor stood at the The ashraf are divided into four hypergamy. But a Sayyad never head of the State, the nobles and classes, Sayyad, Sheikh, Mughal, marries a Mughal or a Pathan. The the privileged classes were under and Pathan. All ashraf claim fore­ same applies to Sheikhs who do not him^ both Hindu and Muslim lower ign descent and not not intcrdine or marry Mughals or Pathans either. classes w«re below the nobility and intermarry with the non-ashraf. Mughals and Pathans inter-marry were separated from them". (Ash­ with each other. raf : 1932) Sayyads Sheikh The nobility was a heterogeneous They claim the highest social Sheikh means chief. It is an body a'nd its composition varied status. They say they are the des­ Arabic term and those who call with the ruling dynasty. In the cendants of Ali, son-in-law of the themselves Sheikhs claim Arab des­ beginning all of the nobles were prophet and the fourth Caliph. The cent. The title of Sheikh is widely Turkish. Afghans were included Sayyads are sub-divided into groups spread over India a'nd except in during Mohammad Tughlaq's rule which tend towards endogamy but the Punjab and Kashmir, predomi­ and the Mughal rulers included men are not endogamous groups in a nates over other designations. of Mughal origin. strict jural sense. Four of these (Baines; 1912) In the Punjab, The lower class Muslims were groups take their names from the Rajput weavers call themselves hardly distinguishable from their original homes from where they Sheikhs and many of the lower Hindu counterparts. They were in came. They are the Baghdadi agricultural groups also claim Ara­ most parts converts, and had not Sayyads (Baghdad), Rokhari Say­ bic origin and give themselves this altered their position much materi­ yads (Bokhara), Sahzwari Sayyads title.

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