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XeroK University i^icrofilms 300 North ZaebRoad » ■ i Ann Arbor, Michigan 48106 ■- V k> ii' I .-I 3 if 74-28,482I BATTLE, Vincmt Martin, 1940- EDUCATIQN IN EASTERN UGANDA, 1900-1939; A STUDY OF INITIATIVE AND RESPONSE DURING .THE I EARLY COLONIAL PERIOD. Columbia IMiversity, Ph.D., 1974 Education, history ii i University Microfilms, A XEROX Company, Ann Arbor, Michigan © Vincent Martin Battle 1974 All flights fleserved , n V i\ V 1.; i : I : BDUCATIOJI IS SASISilS UGASM, 1900-1939: A SIUDY OP IIJITIATIVS Alffi RESPONSE DURINff THE ! EARLY COLONIAL PERIOD t I { i by S I i ■ i f. « rI f I i Vincent Martin Battle c % Dissertation Committee: }i Professor R. Preeman Butts, Cbairman Professor James R. Sheffield 0 Professor Marcia Wright 1.: 5' :■ <7 • 5 Submitted in partial fulfillment of the ?. ■ reqtiirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy i: under the Executive Committee of the Graduate’ ■i School of Arts and Sciences Columbia University 1974 \ : 4t / f ABSTRACT EDUCATION IN EASTERN UGANDA, 1900-1959': A STUDY OF IHITIATIVE AMD RESPONSE DURING THE i EARLY COLONIAL PERIOD Vincent Martin Battle The purpose of this study was to analyze the process of educational transfer in eastern Uganda. It focussed on the relationship between two crucial aspects of this process, initiative and response. Within the colonial situation in Africa, educational initiatives came from the missions and later from a mission-government coalition. Indigenous res­ ponse came from both the aristocracy and the peasantry. How­ ever, the relationship between initiatives and responses was not simple. African response to colonial educational initia­ tives was examined in relation to the economic and administrative changes of the colonial period. It was argued that colonial educational initiatives prompted a positive indigenous response only if fHey Oi^fgred an experience of training which was apposit e to the economic and administrative realities of the colonial environment. These realities changed from time^to time. As a con­ sequence, the study was organized chronologically. They also varied from place to place.Thus, within each loosely defined period, similar educational initiatives might prompt different responses in different places. Eastern Uganda was selected as the area for investigation becaxise it offered material for comparison. At given times in the early colonial period, edu­ cational initiatives were similar throu^out the region, hut economic and administrative realities varied from one place to another., 1 Africanresponsealsovariedfromoneplacetoanother. Such variations support the idea that the nature of African ■ response to colonial education was related to the economic and administrative realities of their particular colonial situation. In the first years after the missions began their work in the Mbale area of eastern Uganda, their efforts were frustra­ ted by their lanwillingness to see the need to adapt their Baganda-inspired methods to the different conditions of eastern Uganda. Furthermore, their dependence for support on Kakungulu, their use of Baganda catechists, and their interest in the Baganda community resident in eastern Uganda, all served to foster a negative identification between the missions and the colonial government. Given the government’s primary concern with pacification and stability, this identification discouraged any positive response to the missions’ educational initiatives. Ifeny of these false assumptions continued when the missions began work in Teso. However, the profitable cultiva­ tion of cotton introduced an economic environment which favored a positive response to mission schools by both the peasantry and the aristocracy. The missions, throu^ their church schools. served as protectors of the peasants against communal obliga­ tions , and thereby facilitated the mobility of the peasants from their lives as rural cultivators to lives as "urban" consumers. Special, schools for sons of chiefs offered an institutionalized way for the aristocracy to perpetuate itself. With the expansion of both the local administration and the specialist services attached to the colonial administra­ te ti^on,^the number of posts available to those not qualified to • > . - * attend the schools for sons of chiefs increased.The missions' ■simultaneous emphasis on expanding and improving their facili­ ties for teacher training made the normal classes the point of access for peasants to wage-earning jobs. After 1925, the government's policy of selective sub­ sidy to mission schools’effectively established an elitist school system. By refusing subsidies to most village schools, the authorities denied themselves the possibility of directly influencing these schools, ^Consequently, attempts to implement the policy of "adaptive" education focussed exclusively on the presumptive elite in subsidized schools. However, employ­ ment possibilities outside of agriculture continued to exist for this presumptive elite, while opportrinities within the agriciOtural sector were limited. As peasants had learned from experience Ihe utility of school attendance for wage-earning employment, it was unlikely that, having got access to such schools, they would willingly be diverted into "adaptive" . education and a career in fanning. t.. TABLE OF CONTENTS Page LIST OP TABLES iv LIST OF MAPS V Chapter INTfiODUCTION 1 1.EASTERil UGANDA ON THE EVE OF COLONIALISDl 15 THE NINETEENTH CENTURY SITUATION... 14 Naraiaoja 15 Teso 20 The Mbale Area 26 IMPLICATIONS FOR COLONIAL INNOVATION55 2.THE BUGANDA MODEL, 42 THE CHURCH IN BUGAIJDA IN THE NIITETEEITTH CENTURY.............................................................. 45 The Chiefs 45 The Catechists 47 THE EARLY CHURCH IN EASTERN UGAITDA'.. 49 Kakungulu's Influence......... 50 William Crabtree's Opposition... 58 Mission Policy and Its Implications62 Implications for Education...... 70 THE EXPAITSION OF THE CHURCH TO TESO..81 ^ • i ii Chapter Page 3.EDUCATIONAL DEVELOPMENT: AN ECONOMIC DBTEEMINANT...................89 ECONOMIC PROSPERITY IN TESO.......... 89 ECONOMIC PROSPERITY AND EDUCATION POR 97 ( ............................... Peasants Become Consimiers.................. 97 Peasants Become Townsmen..........100 Missions as Protectors..........* 105 ECONOMIC PROSPERITY AND EDUCATION POR CHIEFS......................in Chiefs in Teso................n5 Educational Orowth in Buganda...... n5 ■ Schools for Sons of Chiefs in Teso... 125 4.EDUCATIONAL DEVELOPIvIENT: AIJ ADMINISTRA­ TIVE DETERMINANT....................................................... 135 THE REPLACEMEIIT OP THE BA&ANDA AGENTS.. 156 The End of Baganda Agency.........157 Implications for Education...............141 SPECIALIST SERVICES IN THE ADMINISTRATION.147 MISSION SCHOOLS AND THE ADMINISTRATION• • • o 151 - Emphasis on Teacher Training..... 152 Education for Employment....... 165 5. ELITE VS "ADEPTIVE" EDUCATION..... 175 ISSUES OF EDUCATIONAL POLICY IN UGANDA• o 9 • 175 Pressures for tiass Education..... 176 Pressures for "Adaptive" Education..181 iii Chapter Page THE EKPAN3I0N OP ELITE ELUCATION184 Compromise in the District Boards of Education.............. 184 Concessions from the Administration^189 Implications for Mass and "Adaptive" Education................ 191 i WORK IN EASTERli UOANDA 193 The Peasant Cultivator in Eastern Uganda............... 194 Jobs in the Modern Sector 199 Implications for the Schools.. 209 THE FAILURE OP "ADAPTIVE" EDUCATION210' 6. CONCLUSIONS 221 BIBLIO&RAPHY, 233 & J ' V-V. 1. ' LIST OF TAB13S Table Page 1. Nxunber of Plotb Acquired by the Mill Hill Mssiou in Ea^tom Uganda up to 1914.....71 I -^,2. Comparison of Church Expansion