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Tercero Encuentro Del Foro Diálogo Países Andinos – Estados Unidos Tercero Encuentro del Foro Diálogo Países Andinos – Estados Unidos Washington, D.C. 29-30 de septiembre y 1 de octubre de 2010 Índice Foro de diálogo región andina – Washington D.C. 29-30 de septiembre y 1 de octubre de 2010 I. Relaciones region andina - Estados Unidos y Politica Internacional i. Sánchez, Marcela. ―Retraso andino: donde lo lógico se hace insólito.‖ Latin American Herald Tribune. 20 de augusto de 2010. ii. Lowenthal, Abraham. ―Obama and the Americas: Promise, Disappointment, Opportunity.‖ Foreign Affairs. 1 August 2010. iii. Lowenthal, Abraham. ―América Latina en la Política Exterior de los EE.UU: Políticas, Prioridades e Intereses Cambiantes.‖ Plataforma Democrática. julio de 2010. iv. Clinton, Hillary R. ―Discurso sobre la oportunidad en las Américas.‖ Departamento de Estado de Estados Unidos. Centro Cultural Metropolitano de Quito, Ecuador. 8 de junio de 2010. II. Medio ambiente i. Hultman, Nathan. ―International Climate Governance: Will Redefining ―Insiders‖ Enable Global Progress?‖ The Brookings Institution. 30 April 2010. ii. Bebbington, Anthony. ―The New Extraction: Rewriting the Political Ecology of the Andes?‖ North American Congress on Latin America. Report on the Americas. September/October 2009. iii. Tikjob, Sanne & Verner, Dorte. ―Chapter 11: Conclusion.‖ In Reducing Poverty, Protecting Livelihoods, and Building Assets in a Changing Climate: Social Implications of Climate Change Latin America and the Caribbean. World Bank. June 2010. III. Migración i. The White House. Office of the Press Secretary. Remarks by the President on Comprehensive Immigration Reform. American University School of International Service, Washington, D.C. 01 July 2010. IV. Comercio y finanzas i. Ortiz de Zevallos, Felipe. ―A Bullish Country in a Bearish World.‖ Financial Times. 22 September 2010. ii. Barrionuevo, Alexei. ―In South America, a Mine of Riches and an Economic Sinkhole.‖ New York Times. 11 September 2010. iii. Cárdenas, Mauricio. ―What‘s Next for Latin America After the Global Crisis?‖ The Brookings Institution. May 2010. V. Medios de comunicación i. Srivastava, Shubham. ―The Role of the Media in Foreign Policy: A Decision- Making.‖ Proceedings and E-Journal of the 7th AMSAR Conference on Roles of Media during Political Crisis. 20 May 2009. ii. Stroud, Natalie. ―Media Use and Political Predispositions: Revisiting the Concept of Selective Exposure.‖ Excerpt. Polit Behavior. Vol.30. No. 1.1 September 2008. VI. Narcotráfico, crimen organizado y seguridad i. Johnson, David T. ―International Counternarcotics Policies: Do They Reduce Domestic Consumption or Advance Other Foreign Policy Goals.‖ Speech presented before the House Oversight and Government Reform Subcommittee on Domestic Policy, Washington, D.C. 21 July 2010. ii. Casas Zamora, Kevin. ―Dirty Money: How to break the link between organized crime and politics.‖ Americas Quarterly. 17 May 2010. iii. Chimpan, John and Smith, James Lockhart. ―South America: Framing Regional Security.‖ Survival. Vol. 51. Issue 6. 77-104. December 2009. iv. Naciones Unidas, Oficina contra la Droga y el Delito. ―Informe Mundial Sobre Las Drogas 2010: Resumen Ejecutivo.‖ United Nations Publication, No. E.10.XI.13. 23 de junio de 2010. v. Kreit, Alex. "Toward a Public Health Approach to Drug Policy." American Constitution Society for Law and Policy. 16 September 2009. VII. Democracia i. Penfold, Michael. ―Re-Election in the Andes: Politics and Prospects.‖ Inter- American Dialogue, Working Paper. September 2010. ii. Cameron, Maxwell. ―The State of Democracy in the Andes: Introduction to a Thematic Issue of Revista de Ciencia Politica.‖ Revista de Ciencia Politica. Vol. 30.1. 5-20. 2010. iii. Toledo, Alejandro. ―The Fate of Democracy and Multilateralism in the Americas‖. The Brookings Institution. 2 September 2010. Relaciones region andina - Estados Unidos y Politica Internacional “Retraso andino: donde lo lógico se hace insólito” Marcela Sánchez Latin American Herald Tribune 20 de augusto de 2010. No me sorprendo con frecuencia en este trabajo. Después de 17 años de cubrir Latinoamérica y a líderes como Alberto Fujimori, Daniel Ortega y Hugo Chávez, se llega a pensar que ya se ha visto todo. Pero la semana pasada, cuando el presidente peruano, Alan García, me recibió en Lima para una entrevista, tengo que admitir que me dejó asombrada su franqueza y su vivo sentido de solidaridad con los vecinos de su país, dos rasgos poco frecuentes entre líderes actuales de la región andina. ―Mándenos la policía colombiana al Perú‖, exclamó al hablar acerca del narcotráfico y las dificultades de combatirlo en aislamiento. ―Mándenlos y que tomen el aeropuerto del Callao,‖ agregó refiriéndose al terminal aéreo internacional más importante del país. A juicio de García, la policía colombiana ha desarrollado un nivel de experiencia y sofisticación que no tiene igual en la región, en gran medida gracias al apoyo multimillonario de Washington. Claro está que el líder peruano no está dispuesto a dejar la seguridad de su pueblo en manos de una fuerza extranjera. No obstante, García estaba haciendo dos importantes señalamientos: la región andina comparte este reto y Estados Unidos no es una amenaza, sino un gran aliado potencial. Estos sentimientos se han desdibujado en tiempos recientes, en buena medida gracias al barullo de recriminaciones en la región. Probablemente, una conversación similar sobre drogas y amenazas a la seguridad con otro líder andino habría incluido manifestaciones de sospecha hacia los colombianos, así como también hacia los estadounidenses, por sus presuntos deseos de violar la soberanía nacional. En otras palabras, las tensiones más que la cooperación han llegado a definir las relaciones regionales. Por casi dos años, por ejemplo, los lazos diplomáticos entre Ecuador y Colombia se rompieron tras el ataque militar colombiano a un campamento de las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (FARC) dentro de territorio ecuatoriano, en marzo de 2008. Los vínculos entre Venezuela y Colombia en los últimos dos años han sido peor aún. Se han retirado embajadores, el comercio se ha congelado, ha habido amenazas de guerra y las relaciones diplomáticas se han roto. Todo esto por diferencias en temas de seguridad como el ataque a Ecuador, la presencia militar estadounidense en Colombia y las acusaciones de que Venezuela alberga a guerrilleros de las FARC en su territorio. Durante nuestra entrevista, hecha posible por una iniciativa del Centro Carter que busca generar mayor entendimiento entre las naciones andinas y Estados Unidos, García lamentó que Perú no se hubiera subido a la ola cuando Washington acordó ayudar a Colombia en su lucha contra las drogas. A García le gusta recordar los esfuerzos que hizo, durante su primer mandato presidencial, por conseguir que Estados Unidos reconociera su responsabilidad en la desestabilización que genera el narcotráfico en la región. En 1990 en Cartagena, Colombia, García presionó al entonces presidente George H. Bush para que complementara con recursos la manifiesta voluntad de Washington de apoyar a la región en esta lucha. ―¿Dónde está la carne?‖, recordó haberle preguntado García a Bush padre. Diez años más tarde, Estados Unidos aprobó un paquete multimillonario de ayuda al Plan Colombia. Prácticamente, a Perú se le ignoró, ya que estaba menos preocupado por el narcotráfico que por el fin de la saga de Fujimori. Ahora, en su segundo gobierno, García está presionando a otro líder estadounidense. Durante su visita a la Casa Blanca en junio, dijo al presidente Obama que debido a los éxitos en Colombia, los problemas del narcotráfico están pasando al país vecino. De hecho, de acuerdo con la Organización de Naciones Unidas, Perú está nuevamente compitiendo con Colombia en producción de coca. ―Es su culpa‖, le advirtió a Obama, y sugirió que su nación se beneficiaría si recibiera el mismo tipo de asistencia de Washington que se le dio a Colombia. Otros líderes andinos no piden ayuda. Chávez, de hecho, le está exigiendo a Obama que retire la nominación de Larry Palmer como embajador en Venezuela, debido a que él expresó preocupación por los vínculos de Venezuela con las FARC. Entre tanto, Bolivia no ha tenido un embajador estadounidense por casi dos años, desde que el presidente Evo Morales acusó a Philip Goldberg de conspirar contra la democracia y lo expulsó de La Paz. Tanto Morales como Chávez han expulsado a la agencia estadounidense de lucha anti estupefacientes DEA (por sus siglas en inglés), dando fin a décadas de cooperación. Por su parte, el presidente ecuatoriano Rafael Correa decidió unilateralmente no extender el contrato que, por diez años, le permitió a personal militar estadounidense realizar vuelos de vigilancia antidrogas desde una base en Manta. Para compensar la pérdida de Manta, Colombia acordó expandir el uso estadounidense de siete bases colombianas. Esta decisión produjo protestas enérgicas de líderes en la región. Pero, en una entrevista con el diario El Espectador de Colombia, el nuevo ministro de Defensa colombiano, Rodrigo Rivera, defendió el acuerdo como una extensión lógica ―de una larga tradición‖ de cooperación colombo-estadounidense en la lucha contra las drogas. ―Quienes saben de seguridad y defensa entienden que el apoyo internacional es clave para enfrentar la amenaza del narcotráfico y el terrorismo‖. El mandatario peruano lo entiende claramente. Lo que es difícil de creer es que, mientras los criminales siguen prosperando y amenazando con crear mayor inestabilidad e inseguridad, la actitud de García sea la que sorprenda.
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