Elizabeth Paullada June, 1979

Home , Caballo Muerto, Chan Chan, Huaca del Sol, Huaca Prieta, Moche Valley

CALIFORNIA STATE UNIVERSITY, NORTHRIDGE

URBANISM \') THE ANCIENT CI'I'IES OF THE PERUVIAN NOR'l'H COAST

A thesis submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of !-'laster of Arts in

Anthropology

Elizabeth Paullada

June, 1979 The thesis of Elizabeth Paullada is approved:

California State University, Northridge

May, 1979

ii TABLE OF CONTENTS

Section I: Supplementary information to the film:

URBANISM The Ancient Cities of the Peruvian North Coast

Section II: Script of Film

Section III: Bibliography

iii ABSTRACT

URBAN ISH

THE ANCIENT CITIES OF

THE PERUVIAN NORTH COAST

AN ANCHEOLOGICAL FILM STUDY

Elizabeth Paullada

Master of Arts in Anthropology

Hay, 1979

This film traces the development of urbanism through time in various archeological sites in the Moche Valley on the North Coast of Peru. The film also attempts to show how ecological factors such as rich marine resources, irrigation, and various patterns of land use contributed to urban development.

The film draws heavily on the recent research done by the Chan Chan - Moche Valley Project {1969-1974) directed by Dr. Carol J. Mackey of California State

iv University, Northridge, and Dr. Michael E. Moseley of

Harvard University.

The Moche Valley provides a unique opportunity to present a visual record of the development of urbanism since it contains well-preserved archeological sites from the early hunters and gatherers (10,000 B.C.) to the ancient metropolitan center of Chan Chan, the capital of the Kingdom of Chimor and the center of an empire that stretched over 1,000 kilometers along the desert coast of Peru.

In particular, this film focuses on Andean manifes tations of certain urban traits such as dense nucleated populations, social stratification, craft specializationr management of labor resources and monumental architec ture, and traces their development through each of the major time periods in the Peruvian North Coast chrono logical sequence.

v SECTION I

Supplementary information to the film:

URBANISM The Ancient Cities of the Peruvian North Coast

1 2

The Development of Urbanism on the Peruvian North Coast

Supplementary information to the film: URBANISM The Ancient Cities of the Peruvian North Coast

RATIONALE FOR A FILM ON THE DEVELOPMENT OF URBANISM IN

THE MOCHE VALLEY

Urbanism as a phenomena has long been of interest to

scholars in many fields. In seeking to understand our own cities, we study the cities of the past.

Urbanism has had a long and complex tradition in

South America. This tradition is most clearly delineated in the Moche Valley on the Peruvian Nofth Coast. Here cities attained a size and importance comparable with the major pre-industrial centers of the Old World. One of the greatest of these early cities was Chan Chan, located in the Moche Valley, near the modern city of Trujillo. Chan

Chan was the capital of the Kingdom of Chimor. At its height, Chimor rule extended 1000 kilometers along the desert coast from southernmost Ecuador to central Peru near Lima. This was the largest political body to contest expanding Inca hegemony (Moseley, 1975 c).

Chan Chan was the product of a long established pattern of urban residence. From 1969 to 1975, the Chan 3

Chan-Moche Valley Project, under the direction of Dr.

Carol J. Mackey of California State University, Northridge, and Dr. Michael E. Moseley of Harvard University, carried out research aimed at providing an understanding of the history and functioning of Chan Chan within the context of its adjacent sustaining communities. The project fur ther attempted to trace the antecedents of urbanism and urban-rural relationships back in time and thereby provide a processual study of the development of cities.

(Moseley and Mackey, 1973)

This film draws heavily on the research of the Chan

Chan-Moche Valley project and its makers are deeply in debted to all those connected with the project who most graciously aided in the production of the film.

As a result of this recent research, we feel that this film can offer new insights into the old and complex problem: the study of urbanism.

THE GOAL OF THIS FILM

Urbanism as a phenomena has different manifestations in dif~erent parts of the world. It is the Andean traits of urbanism, as seen in the Moche Valley, that will be the focus of this film. Our goal is to trace visually these urban traits as they develop through each of the major time periods in the Peruvian North Coast chronological sequence. Although there are sites as early as 10,000 4

B.C. in the valley (Hunters and Gatherers), our film will begin with the Preceramic and end with the Chimu Empire

(Time Line Figure 1) . Certain urban characteristics such as dense nucleated populations, social stratification, craft or occupational specialization, management of labor resources, and monumental architecture will be traced through their developmental phases to their fluorescence in the great metropolitan city of Chan Chan.

THE MOCHE VALLEY

The modern South American nation of Peru is bordered on the west by the Pacific Ocean and on the east by the

Brazilian jungle. The Andes, running from northwest to southeast, divide Peru into three climactic zones: the desert coast, the highlands, and the tropical forest. The coastal plain is a long narrow flatland, traversed in an east-west direction by Andean outliers and by some forty small rivers (Lanning, 1967). One of these rivers, lo cated in the north, is the Rio Moche (Map, Figure 2), and it flows through the Moche Valley.

The Moche Valley provides a unique laboratory for the study of urbanism. Since the Peruvian coast is essentially a desert broken up by river oases, preservation is excel lent. Thanks in part to the remarkable preservation in 5

Relative chronology Moche Valley Colonial Period Colonial Period 150·) Late Horizon Chimu Inca

Late Late Intermediate Period Middle Chimu 1000 Early

Middle Horizon v 500 IV Ill Moe he II Early I Intermediate Period A.D. B.C. Gallinazo

Salinar 500

~ Early Horizon 1000 Cupisnique

. ... 1500

{Gramalote) Initial Period

2000

·. '

2500 (La Cumbre) Preceramlc ~ 15.000 Figure 1 (After Donnan and Mackey)

"-· f '

-. 6

this dry area, sites may be examined in a continuous se quence from 10,000 B.C. to the present.

The Moche Valley is also unique in that it became the center of political power for the surrounding area in at least three (perhaps more) different times in history.

Trujillo was the major Spanish administrative center north of Lima. During the Late Intermediate Period, Chan Chan was the capital of the second largest native polity to arise in South America, the Chimu Empire, and during the

Early Intermediate Period the Huacas Sol and Luna, because of their unrivaled size, can be inferred to have been the center of an earlier polity (Moseley, 1979).

Since the Moche Valley possesses many of the import ant sites of the North Coast area, it is an appropriate focus for the study ot" urbanism.

ECOLOGY/TECHNOLOGY

To be able to analyze the development of urbanism in the Moche Valley, we must understand the geography and ecology of the Peruvian north coast. Lanning (1967} states that much of Peruvian archeology becomes meaningful only when we understand the role of the Pacific Ocean as a source of food and as a controller of climate.

The Peru coastal current or Humboldt current c:auses 7

an upswelling of cold water from the ocean depths. The nutrients brought up from the ocean bottom with this cold water become a source of food for a variety of marine life. Consequently, marine resources are extremely abundant along the Peruvian coast, and the abundance of these resources becomes a critical factor in early popu lation growth.

The cold waters of the Humboldt current are also re sponsible for the desert conditions along the coast.

These cold ocean waters cool the air mass over them so that evaporation is held to a minimum. As the cool air moves over the land~ it is constantly warmed. The warming, to gether with the low temperature gradient, increases the air's capacity to hold its evaporated water, effectively preventing rainfall on the coast and at the same time pro viding cool weather in spite of the tropical latitude

(Lanning, 1967). Thus the Humboldt current causes an absolutely dry desert condition along the coast which, nevertheless, has a cool and pleasant temperature due to the prevelance of fog. Since the climate remains fairly temperate most of the year, the Peruvian coast is a rather ideal place in which to live with one major problem: the scarcity of water. 8

It has been said that the most dominant factor of the ecology is the desert nature of the coastal region; from Tumbes to north central Chile, the west coast of

South America is one of the driest areas on earth. Al though the North Coast receives fractionally more rain fall than areas to the south, no part of the coast re ceives enough rainfall to support more than scattered xerophytic vegetation (Kus, Moseley, et al, 1977).

However, across this arid strip of land that is the Peruvian North Coast runs a series of rivers (Map,

Figure 2). These rivers carry the run-off from the Andes and provide the desert valleys with a source of water and oases-like conditions wherever the water touches the lande It seems only natural that irrigation agriculture should evolve under such conditions. It is also interest ing that a number of the ancient canals are still in use today. It should also be noted that in pre-hispanic times, irrigation systems were larger and embraced more reclaimed land than is now the case (Moseley, 1979).

Irrigation attained its greatest development with the construction of the Chicama-Moche or La Curnbre Inter valley canal (Map, Figure 3), which brought water from the neighboring Chicama Valley into the Moche Valley. "The

Chicama-Moche Canal was probably constructed sometime 9

Figure (After Kroeber -- ~ '-.,..

,,,,,~. ...._~ ._.. / . .,.... ••••• Vinchonsoo '•,, Cnnol I I ..- - -.. "'~·~...... ~ ············· \., _, __ "'""-...... --~ ···················· ...... Moch\co Canol"'- . _..

f!!D /' "'· . Huoco Del So)~ 0Huomon ~ { ~ LEGEND ••••••• l \ \Cl~ PACIFIC • • I Sunl

,_':/' Zon• Boundrl J OCeAN ...... Eorlt Canota ·. I, .,. .. I laltr Canol [a ten lion• Figure 3 .... (After Farrington) 0 Situ .. ~~ '

~ 0

,.. 1.1

between 900 and 1080 A.D. with a construction date late in this period most likely ...• The canal, about 74 kilometers long, represents the initial labor of literally thousands of people, along with large numbers of workers for its maintenance." (Kus, 1974)

In the construction and maintenance of the inter valley canal, as well as the earlier, smaller canals, the need for a highly organized labor force can be seen. The presence of an organized labor force and its gradual de velopment can be noted through time in each of the major sites in the Moche Valley (see map, Figure 4, for major archeological sites in the Moche Valley). Not only was this organized labor necessary for canal construction, but it was also noticeably present in monumental archi tecture.

In the film, we will focus on monumental architec ture at the Early Horizon site of Caballo Muerto, at the

Early Intermediate site of the Moche Pyramids; Huaca del

Sol and Huaca de la Luna, and at the Late Intermediate site of Chan Chan, the Chimu capital. The film will examine in detail the features of this monumental archi tecture that lead archeologists to postulate a complex organization of labor. 12 13

This organization of labor, which developed in coastal Peru, is known as mita labor, or paying taxes to the state in the form of labor. This principle of labor organization continues through Chimu, Inca, and even into

Colonial times (Moseley, 1975 a).

CHRONOLOGICAL SEQUENCE

The Peruvian archeological chronology that we will follow here, with minor modifications as to time, is the one originally propounded by J.H. Rowe (1960) and elabor ated by E.P. Lanning (1967). For correspondence to other

Peruvian chronological sequences, the reader is referred to Willey {1971, p. 83). For an understanding of the chronological sequence of the various subareas in Peru, the reader is again referred to Willey (1971, pp. 84-85).

The Rowe-Lanning chronology is divided into 12 major time periods: six preceramic and six ceramic. The six preceramic periods date from.prior to 9500 B.C. to

1800 B.C.

The ceramic periods are as follows:

The Initial Period 1800-900 B.C.

This period begins with the appearance of pottery and ends with the appearance of the Chavin art style which signals the Early Horizon. 14

The Early Horizon 900-200 B.C.

This period of time is defined by the spread of the

Chavin style in art and architecture, with its character- _

istic motifs of the jaguar, the serpent, and the eagle.

The type side of this style is Chavin de Huantar in the highlands. On the coast, the Chavin culture phase is

termed Cupisnique.

The Early Intermediate Period 200 B.C.-600 A.D.

This period is characterized by various regional ceramic, art, and architecture styles that replace Chavin-

type styles. In the North Coast, this time period sees

the appearance of the Salinar, Gallinazo, and Moche I culture phases.

The Middle Horizon 600-1000 A.D.

The Middle Horizon is defined as the time of the

Tiahuanaco and Huari-derived styles (based on these

Highland sites) and their propagation throughout most of the Peruvian area (Willey, 1971). However, as more archeological research is undertaken, it is becoming increasingly clear that the nature and degree of Huari influence varied greatly in different Andean regions (Mackey, 1979).

The Moche Valley (a coastal site) does not seem to have been strongly affected by Huari influence. 15

The Late Intermediate Period 1000-1476 A.D.

This time period is characterized by various late regional art styles. On the North Coast, this period sees the development of the Chimu empire, its flourescence and finally its fall to the Inca armies.

The Late Horizon 1476-1534 A.D.

The Late Horizon begins with expansion of the Inca empire and ends with the Spanish conquest of Peru.

To understand the manner and chronological order in which the culture phases integrated into these time periods, please refer to the Time Line, Figure 1.

The Pre·cerarnic Prior to 9500-1800 B.C.

Although, generally, the Preceramic time period is divided into six distinct sections, we will talk about the period as a whole. The Preceramic begins with the early hunters and gatherers and the first four periods are de fined in terms of stone tool industry. During Preceramic

Period V, there is a shift to coastline settlements based upon marine subsistence. This is the Pacific Littoral tradition characterized by sites containing fishing gear and the remains of domesticated plants, including squash, chili peppers, guavas, and toward the end of the period, cotton (Willey, 1971).

During the last Preceramic Period (VI) 2500-1800 16

B.C., we see a continuance of the same marine based tra dition and an increase in population.

The first site to be shown in this film is a

Preceramic beach site. At this site, we see a midden ex cavation in progress and we are thus able to note the re markable bounty of marine life provided by the Humboldt current. It was this marine subsistence base that allowed early permanent settlements and a considerable increase in the early population. 17

The Early Horizon 900-200 B.C.

Culture phase termed: Chavin (in the highlands) Cupisnique (on the coast)

The Early Horizon is defined by the Chavin art style, the first of the great styles in art and architecture. It is characterized by anthropomorphic forms with feline and serpentine characteristics. The jaguar mouth with cross canines is seen on almost all forms and is perhaps the most distinctive trait of the art style.

Serpents emanate as hair from many figures as well as turning around in a stylized manner in various other parts of the art work. The eagle or condor, with feline and serpentine attribu·tes, is another common motif.

It has long been recognized that the Chavin-style was the artistic manifestation of a religious cult. The temples of this cult were elaborate structures built on high platform mounds, often with wings outlining a central patio. These temples represent an architectural style which spread along with the decorative style in other media. {Lanning,l967)

In the Moche Valley, the major Early Horizon site is

Caballo Muerto. Caballo Muerto is a complex of eight ceremonial mounds or huacas of varying architectural complexity, covering an area of 2 kilometers by 1 kilometer. 18

The site is located in the Rio Seco quebrada, about 3 kilometers north of the Moche River. These platform mounds vary in size, with the largest measuring 100 meters by 120 meters by 18 meters high. (Pozorski,l976) The largest platform mound of the complex is Huaca de los

Reyes. As we can see from the architectural drawing of

Huaca de los Reyes (Figure 5), this platform mound is an example of great architectural sophistication. From the architectural drawing, we can also see that this huaca follows the form described by Lanning. It is a high platform mound with wings outlining a central patio, in a u-shape.

The fact that Huaca de los Reyes is one huaca in a group of eight at Caballo Muerto gives us some idea of the complexity of this Cupisnique site. From the com plexity and monumental nature of this architecture, it can be inferred that a considerable amount of labor had to be mobilized over a long period of time to produce it.

At Caballo Muerto, labor seems to be well organized under the direction of a dominant priest class. This organization of labor is one of a number of trails that becomes progressively more developed with each succeeding site in the valley.

Two other major elements of urbanism are found at HUACA DE LOS REYES

Julio 1-974 © lev. y dib. Jophet Rosell.

I~ ~a a 1 or;;;Jo 'L!lJ• t,.tTL\1 ,...._!!_E.,a a -

ffil~ ~ g~ g;[-m[1 ti~.a_a_c.~d, I;

=·ITill raIC'l~ Figure 5 (After Pozorski)

,_. \C 20

Caballo Muerto. These elements are social stratification and craft specialization. Social stratification is evi denced at Caballo Muerto by the way in which the concept of "limited access .. is incorporated into the architec ture. Raised platforms with narrow stairways separate the ruling class from the ruled. The beginning of craft specialization can be seen in the friezes and massive adobe heads with jaguar mouths that adorn Huaca de los

Reyes. Skilled artists are at work here.

There is a major shift in settlement pattern from the

Preceramic beach sites to the Cupisnique site of Caballo

Muerto. Caballo Muerto is up in the neck of the valley, some 25 kilometers from the ocean. At this location, the inhabitants of the site are more easily able to control and utilize the waters of the Moche river for irrigation.

There is now a shift in the subsistence base from the sea as a major food supplier to agriculture. 21

The Early Intermediate Period 200 B.C.-600 A.D.

Culture phases: Salinar Gallinazo Meche (Sub-phases: I through IV}

Another shift in settlement location is seen with the

Salinar site of Cerro Arena and the Gallinazo site of

Cerro Orejas. They are located on terraced hillsides, a means of conserving productive bottom land for agriculture.

The Salinar site of Cerro Arena is a nucleated site with several classes of domestic architecture (Brennan,

1977) and the later Gallinazo site of Cerro Orejas is

I nucleated with both domestic and corporate labor architecture. (Mackey, 197 9)

Thus it can be seen from these two sites that the complexity of architecture and density of population characteristic of urbanism was developing during the

Salinar and Gallinazo culture phases.

The Moche pyramid site of the Huaca del Sol and Huaca de la Luna exhibits the most densely populated occupation of the Early Intermediate period. The site exceeds 1 square kilometer and has cultural deposits up to 6 meters in depth. (Mackey, 1979) The Meche pyramid site is located on the banks of the Moche River, down valley from the previous Early Intermediate sites. 22

Monumental architecture, social stratification, craft specialization and dense nucleated populations pro gressively increase through time with each new major site. With the Moche Pyramids, monumental architecture reaches a peak. Huaca del Sol, measuring at least 342 meters by 159 meters, was the largest brick structure in

South America. (Hastings and Moseley, 1975)

By analyzing various elements of construction in

Huaca del Sol and Huaca de la Luna, we are able to de lineate more clearly the kind of organization of labor that has developed.

It is estimated that the construction of Huaca del

Sol required more than 143 million adobes, and that the

Luna platforms needed more than 50 million adobes. All bricks were made in four sided rectangular molds open at the top and bottom. Although mold-made, the adobes vary in composition, size, and mold and makers' marks.

(Hastings and Haseley, 1975) These makers' marks found on the inqividual adobe bricks are present at both Huaca del

Sol and Huaca de la Luna. Refer to Figure 6 for an index of the kinds of marks that have been found.

It is probable that makers' marks did not simply identify ephemeral parties of scattered individuals who came together for awhile to make adobes and then disbanded. 23 - f· • ... . -· --····. ~--···

Figure 6 (After Hastings and Moseley)

A 8 CD E F G HI J K .. ·DDDDDDEJD0DD . . {JDGJDDDtJBGDG

3 [:] [90J [] BEJ ~ 0 GB EJ ,rJ D[l] 6 bJ l§J ~ ffi tlJ ~ ~ s[Il] E) t§J ~OJ B0 [S] ~ EJ [] 6 - [][]0000~~~[][] ,[] cg [9 D[@ []@ (8 [] EJ @1

8 c.:- Index of ~I makm' mMks @] @] [Q] Q~ ~ ~ l] [8] ~ 8 recorded at Huaca del Sol, regardless of their exact provenience. Columns and ~ ~ LDJ ~ are lettered and numbered, respec- 9 w t) r~ws g Q ~ U _ tively, for reference.

Index of all makers' marks recorded in Section 3 of Huaca de Ia Luna, regardless of their exact provenience. Columns and rows are lettered and numbered, respectively, for reference. 24

A chronological study of Huaca del Sol indicates that it took more than a century to build the platform. At Sol, there are numerous examples of the same makers' mark associated with the same soil type being employed from early through late construction phases. This continuity of symbol and soil over a long period. implies makers' marks identified groups that maintained their separate status over many generations. (Moseley, 1975)

Segmentation is another feature of the construction of Huaca de la Luna that reflects the labor practices of the time. This practice of segmentation is particularly evident in the walls of Chan Chan. Huaca del Sol segmen tation occurs in this manner: Bricks are laid down in long, discrete columns and generally these bricks have the same soil type and makers' marks. Moseley states:

"The segmentation at Sol and Luna is most economically interpreted as a product of separate labor parties working at individual but repetitive tasks." (Moseley,l975a)

In summary, we can conclude that makers' marks were used to identify social units for the purpose of taxation and segments as the units or measures of labor by which tax obligations were paid. (Moseley,l975a) This is simi lar to the traditional Inca mita labor system, and we see this system in operation in Chimu, Inca, and even into historical Spanish times. 25

Thus an analysis of construction techniques in monumental architecture is able to show us the manner in which a society controlled the labor resources necessary to build its urban centers.

Social stratification during the Moche period is very evident. First of all, we see it reflected in the pottery. All classes of individuals are depicted. High status personages in ornate costumes and headdresses are common and are often shown in raised, covered platforms. Warriors are shown with their shields and weapons.

Sometimes they are depicted with captives or trophy heads.

The high status of the warrior in the Meche community can be seen by the manner in which they are depicted. Often they will have gold bands around their arms and gold ear plugs. Persons of lesser status are also depicted: fishermen, metal workers, weavers, musicians, curanderos and their patients all find their way into Moche pottery.

Social stratification can also be seen elsewhere.

Evidence from burials and domestic architecture found dur- ' ing the excavations at Moche confirms the presence of distinct social classes. (T. Topic, 1976)

It is assumed that a clear cut difference in burial patterns reflects a difference in the status of the occu- pants of the graves. Considerable variation in burial 26

location and burial furniture has been observed. Some individuals were even buried with no goods at all, and these burials occurred most frequently in deposits which were probably middens. (T. Topic, 1976)

Many high status Moche burials have been recorded.

In the center of the plain between Huaca del Sol and

Huaca de la Luna, a high status burial area was discov- ered and excavated by the Chan Chan-Moche Valley Project.

Dozens of Moche burials were found here, all of which had ceramic vessels. Some burials also contained copper in- gots, jewelry and ornaments. (Donnan and Macke~ 1978)

Social stratification is also reflected in the I domestic architecture found at Huaca del Sol and Huaca de la Luna. Different types of domestic architecture, varying from simple houses with cobblestone-set-in-mud walls to high quality domestic architecture at the southern end of the site, have been excavated. (T. Topic, 1976)

Since there is a distinct and wide variation between the different types of domestic architecture, it follows that there was a distinct variation in the status of the inhabitants of that architecture.

During the Moche culture phase, the valley's irrigation system was completed beyond the limits of modern agriculture. This expansion of the irrigation system 27

reflects the need to feed a large population by reclaim ing desert land and the ability of the central powers at

Huaca del Sol and Huaca de la Luna to mobilize large labor forces for the purposes of reclamation projects.

Recent research supports the interpretation of the

Moche culture as an expansionistic state with the Moche pyramid site of Huaca del Sol and Huaca de la Luna as its capital. (T. Topic, 1974) As the center of the Moche state, the site was in a politically dominant position over the Chicama, Viru, Santa and Nepena valleys and, at its height, undoubt.edly drew on the resources of those valleys to augment its grandeur. 28

The Middle Horizon ·Go0-1000 A.D.

At the end of Moche Phase IV, the site of Huaca del

Sol and Huaca de la Luna was abandoned, and the center of power now shifts to the neck of the valley. The new site is Galindo. The Galindo settlement extends for over 5 square kilometers, contains various classes of architectural units, and appears to be urban in all respects.

(Bawden, 1976}

At the site of Galindo, we see architectural features that are developed to an extreme in the great urban center of Chan Chan. The most obvious of these is an I -adobe-walled compound with a platform mound in it. At previous sites, the dominant feature has been the cere- menial mound. Now, the huaca, or platform mound, is still present but it is, comparatively speaking, reduced in size, and incorporated into a complex of adobe walls.

These adobe walls form a compound that is basically rectangular in shape and very reminiscent of the compounds that we will find at Chan Chan, although on a much smaller scale. And, as was the case at Chan Chan, the compound at Galindo served to house the elite.

As is characteristic of most urban sites, both domestic and non-domestic architecture are present.

Domestic architecture that housed personages of different 29

status can be clearly observed. A massive adobe wall separates a lower status residential area on the hill from the higher status area below. (Bawden, 1976)

Another architectural feature found at Galindo is the large cluster of structures used primarily for corporate storage. (Bawden,l976) Here we see the complex pattern for the redistribution of goods found later at

Chan Chan.

A large number of industrial sites are present which would indicate that many diverse activities took place within the settlement.

Galindo presents the aspect of a well organized and

I tightly controlled urban settlement containing all those features basic to the genre. Upon those many architectural forms is imposed an overwhelming aspect of rigid planning, with internal functional segments being strictly defined, and separate from each other. (Bawden, 1976)

It is this aspect of rigid urban planning with well- defined architectural canons that we see carried to an extreme in the compounds of Chan Chan. 30

The Late Intermediate Period 1000 A.D.-1476 A.D.

Culture phase: Chimu

At the end of the Middle Horizon, the major urban center shifts to the coast. Chan Chan is located in the mouth of the Moche Valley within sight of the ocean. With

Chan Chan, urban development has reached its zenith on the Peruvian North Coast. Chan Chan is the capital and center of the powerful Chimu empire which stretched from southernmost Ecuador to central Peru near Lima.

The urban traits we have seen developing are now at an apex: monumental architecture, corporate labor, population density, social .stratification, and craft specialization.

The city is composed of a central core of buildings out of which monumental architecture radiates for more than 20 square kilometers. (Moseley, 1975c) The core city is dominated by ten large rectangular compounds.

{Figure 7) These compounds are formed by massive adobe I brick walls that often reach as high as nine meters, and stretch as far as 650 meters on a side. The compounds served as residences for the various kings of Chimor, as well as for the elite that helped him govern the empire and the servants that administered to the needs of the king. r i i ' I 31 ' ,· ackey and 11 oseley) I .

• \-

I f 32

The typical compound of the Chimor king is a highly planned, rigidly sectioned and compartmentalized unit.

As can be seen by this map of Ciudadela Rivero (Figure 8) , the compound is divided into three basic parts: the north sector, the central sector, and the canchone.

As one looks at the map of Cuidadela Rivero, one can get a feeling of the maze-like quality of the Chimu compounds. Here, incorporated in the architecture of

Chan Chan, is the same tendency toward separating the elite from the ruled that we first noticed in the raised platforms and narrow stairways of Caballo Muerto. The walls of Chan Chan are truly massive structures. It seems unlikely, since Chan Chan was the center of the empire, that these walls would function in any way for defense. Massive walls built parallel to and within a few feet of other massive walls create long, narrow passageways, and circuitous entries in these passageways seem designed to impede direct movement through the cuidadela. The elite are effectively separated from the ruled.

Looking now at the map of Cuidadela Rivero (Figure 8), one notes certain architectural features. Spacious entry courts or plazas occupy a prominent position in the

Northern Sector. Another oblique passageway leads from ------

Figure 8 (After Mackey and Moseley)

NORTH SECTOR

CENTFAl SECTOR 34

the entry court into a series of rooms called "audiencias".

Audiencias are U-shaped structures with niches in their interior walls. "The buildings are called audiencias because they are reminiscent of small, elevated u-shaped structures occupied by one principal personage holding

'audience' with individuals positioned in front of the structure. There are at least 178 such buildings in nuclear Chan Chan and more than 30 have been excavated."

(Moseley,l975c)

Because of their design, size and location, it is inferred that these audiencias were the "offices" from which the empire was governed. Associated with the I audiencia are the corporate storeroom complexes, similar to those first seen at Galindo. The audiencia is always positioned in such a way as to control access to the storerooms. In the central sector the ratio of audiencias to storerooms changes, and there are relatively fewer audiencias and more storerooms.

The largest structure associated with the compounds is the burial platform. (It is located within the compound in the central sector.). Refer to Figure 9 for a drawing of an excavated burial platform. Moseley (1975c) describes this burial platform, Huaca Avispas, as follows:

The summit is reached by a complex ramp 35

. !

t•

c;:::==='=' ==i1'1 ~

r1 I

0 s 10 15 20 25 ~ · metus

A drawing of Huac::~. Avispas, one of the smaller buri:~l platforms, shows th:: enclosing court :anti r:amp system at the north end of the mound. Opening to the summit arc internal cells cont:~inin~ re mains of looted grave ·goods and female interments. Centrally located, the larg~ T-shapetl c:h;lllllh!r is believed to have conlain~d the l,oJy of a Chimor monarch.

I' "•

Figure 9 (After Moseley) 36

system in the north. From here, openings lead

down to rectangular cells incorporated within

the platform. These are regularly positioned

around an oversized T-shaped chamber. This

central chamber witnessed particularly heavy

looting, and in some platforms, it is com-

pletely destroyed.

In Huaca Avispas, along with quantities of artifacts, were found the remains of 91 young female skeletons.

(T.G. Pozorski, 1974) Because of the similarity of age

and sex, these are considered to be sacrificial burials.

The Chimu King went to his grave with great quantities of

I gold, ceramics and sacrificial females.

The third sector of the compound is called the

Canchone. It usually contains a walk-in well and was generally thought to house the servants or retainers

that administered to the needs of the elite of the first

two sectors.

Outside the walls of the compound are·two distinct classes of architecture. The first type, often called

"intermediate", are constructed of adobe and are well planned and well made. They feature some of the architectural canons of the compounds, but on a smaller scale.

(Figure 10) It seems likely that this intermediate archi- 37

•

0 . s 10 15 2 0 2 5 ~:uus;:;;;:;,;,.~ meter~ The outlines of a unit of inter mediate orchitccture with U-shaped stru~ tures. · storage facilities. and a single kitch:n situated in the southeast. The for mality of !Jrout seen in the compounds {see Fig. 2) is diminished, but the stru.; turc is more spacious than are tho: resi dences of Chan Chan's common citizenry.

Figure 10 (After Moseley)

.• 38

tecture housed the lesser dignitaries or the petty bureau crats of the Chimu empire.

The next class of architecture found at Chan Chan is

small, irregular, agglutinated rooms, often referred to

as the "SIAR." It was this type of architecture that housed the majority of the population of Chan Chan.

(Figure 11)

These haphazardly built structures were made of cane and reed matting with cobblestone or adobe base walls, and were packed together in peripheral areas out

side the walls of the compounds. These cobblestone and cane houses are very similar to those in use today in the less affluent sections of Trujillo.

The inhabitants of the SIAR were predominantly craftsmen. Metal working implements, weaving implements, and evidence of lapidary work and \'lOOdworking have all been found. (J. Topic, 1970) Most of the inhabitants of

the SIAR were not directly engaged in cultivation and only a minor amount of fishing gear points to marine exploita

tion. (Moseley, 1975c) The tenants of the cobblestone

and cane houses were industrial producers that created

the wealth and splendor of the luxury goods used by the

elite inhabitants of the compounds.

A rural population produced the food that sustained 39

_ The quarters of a prolc::t:uiat f:~mily. Built of cane and mud walts with rock or adobe footin£:5, the sm:~!!cr rooms were roofed v.hilc others rcmJined open. There is a sin£!-IC' hearth and grinJing 5toncs for fcod prep:~ration. Lng:: po!s, brick bins, and subfioor pits \\ere- used for storJ.>;c. PJckc:d t0gcther in peripheral areas, similar small quarters housed the:: majority of Ch:1n Chan's resident popul;~tion.

Figure 11 (After Moseley) 40

the urban population of Chan Chan. The rural site of

Cerro la Virgen gives us an idea of how the economic system functioned. The storage facilities at Cerro la

Virgen seem to be designed for bulk storage of foodstuffs, while within the SIAR, most bins were used for storing non edible commodities. The rural population was orientated toward food production, the urban population was orientated toward industrial production. (J. Topic, 1970) Since there is a lack of evidence for a market economy, a state controlled redistributive system has been postulated, with the elite inhabitants of the compounds in control of that system.

The rural population also provided a labor force for the construction of the monumental architecture in the city of Chan Chan. The compounds, as well as other state building projects, were constructed by distinct work parties drawn from different communities outside the capi tal, and mobilized by means of a labor tax system.

(Moseley,l975c) This is the same type of iabor organiza tion that we saw in detail at the Moche pyramid site, and this form of labor organization continues into Inca and

Colonial times.

The Chimu empire ended with the armies of the Inca in 1476. The Incas removed the Chimu king to Cuzco and 41

set up a puppet government. Chan Chan continued to function as a city during this time, but in a diminished capacity.

Seventy years later, the Spaniards conquered Peru and a new urban center, Trujillo, was established.

Trujillo is a typically Spanish urban center in design, but it has retained a number of characteristics seen at

Chan Chan. Social stratification is reflected in the architecture, including the same cobblestone and reed housing that has served the needs of the lower classes throughout our history of urbanism. The city is still supported by a rural farming population, although the system of redistribution has now changed. Occupational specialization and monumental architecture are also present at Trujillo. The system of labor management seen at Chan Chan lasted into the ColoniaL era, but has been replaced by taxation utilizing a money economy.

Urbanism has had a long and traceable history in the

Meche Valley. It did not spring up suddenly as a result I of spacemen or Huari invasions, but grew progressively, step by step, through time on the North coast of Peru. 42

SECTION II

URBANISM

The Ancient Cities of the Peruvian North Coast

(An Archeological Film Study)

Script of Film 43

URBANISM

The Ancient Cities of the Peruvian North Coast

Picture: Narration:

Shots of street, buses Titles/music.

Shot of street with This is Trujillo, a modern Trujillo sign urban center with all the at-

tendant problems of urban

centers throughout the world.

Cut of map of South Trujillo is located in the America Moche Valley on the North

Coast of Peru.

Cut to shot of desert In this coastal desert valley and cane fields called Moche, urbanism has a

long traceable history. There

are over 1,000 archeological

sites in the valley ..••

Aerial shot of •••• including one of the Chan Chan largest urban centers in South 44

America -- Chan Chan -- capital

of the Chimu Empire. Because

of the desert climate of the

Peruvian coast, the preserva

tion in these sites has been

excellent; thus we have an un

interrupted archeological

record in which we can study

the development of urbanism.

Time chart Our study of urbanism focuses

mainly on bwo important cul

tures: First, the Early

Intermediate Period Culture of

Moche which continues into the

succeeding time period of the

Middle Horizon, and second, the

Chimu Culture with its begin

ning in the latter part of the

Middle Horizon. However,

urbanism was developing in the

beginning of the Early

Intermediate Period with the

Salinar Culture. And even 45

before Salinar, we can see the

developing elements of urbanism

in the Early Horizon -

Cupisnique Culture and the

Preceramic.

Sa lavery In this Preceramic beach site,

we see a subsistence factor

that provided the basis for

early population density. The

cold Humbolt current creates

climactic conditions that pro

vide rich marine resources. As

can be seen from this midden

excavation, fish, mollusks,

crustacenas, sea otters and

birds could be obtained by the

most basic technology. Through

out the development toward

urbanism, these marine re

sources provided a protein

source and a supplement to de

veloping agriculture. 46

Reed sequence The coast provides other re sources such as the Totora reeds shown drying and growing here. Reeds supply a cheap, readily available material with numerous uses.

Totora boat sequence The Totora reed boats or cab allitos are a good example of a modern use of reeds with an ancient history ..• These small boats are found depicted in the pottery of various periods, a fact that tells us the import ance of the sea as a food sup plier ••. Today, these boats still.supply the city of Trujillo with fish.

Mat maker In the past, reeds woven into mats were used for house walls or siding, supplying inexpensive housing to the growing popu

lation in the newly developing 47

cities. Reed mats are used in the same manner today. These technologies have survived be cause they are functional in the desert coastal environ ment. Even now they aid in housing large numbers of people.

Map During the Early Horizon which is called Cupisnique on the coast, there is a movement away from total reliance on the sea, and a shift toward irriga tion agriculture. Sites of Coming around farm this phase such as Caballo Muerto are found in the neck of the valley, 17 kilometers away from the seacoast. The pat tern of settlement is now one of scattered rural sites which are unified by a large cere- (Men through cornfields) menial center. 48

Huaca de la Cruz We are now entering the site of

Huaca de la Cruz, one of eight

ceremonial mounds in the Caballo

Muerto Complex.

The platform under excavation

here is built into the side of

a large hill, utilizing the

natural terrain to add height

and impressiveness to the

structure.

The monumental nature of the

architecture, the accuracy of

the measurement, and the in

tricacy of design is truly

amazing considering that this

complex dates to 1500 years

before Christ.

What trends to future urbanism

can we discern in these plazas,

stairways, and walls that are

now being uncovered? .•.. 49

From the size and complexity of this platform mound, we can in fer tha·t a considerable amount of labor had to be organized to build it.

This organized or Corporate labor develops in scale as we approach urbanism. Corporate labor or inita labor as it is called in Inca times means con scripted labor -- a method of paying taxes by working on state-directed projects.

Architecturally, all of the Caballo Muerto mounds are simi lar: a main mound with a pair of lower wing structures form (shot across to Reyes) ing a "U" pattern.

Drawing This architectural drawing of Huaca de los Reyes shows the "U"-shaped structure and gives 50 ,, .

an idea of the complexity and architectural sophistication that is present at Caballo Muerto.

Pan - Huaca de The largest plaza at Huaca de los Reyes los Reyes is now a corn field, but the basic "U"-shape still remains visible.

This construction embodies an idea which becomes elaborated with each step toward urbanism. It is a systematic process in which the elite are separated from those they ruled. It is manifested by raised platforms, and narrow stairways and en- Various shots trances.

This concept of limited access becomes more prevalent with each consecutive site in the Moche Valley. 51

Heads Massive adobe heads with the

characteristic jaguar fangs

show us the presence of skilled

artist-craftsmen during this

Early Horizon-Cupisnique perio~

Craft specialists working for

the elite become increasingly

characteristic of developing

urbanism.

Friezes, figures Elaborate standing figures and

intricate murals further attest

to the architectural and art-

istic achievement of the Early

Horizon.

River Sequence To un~erstand the development (Shot showing desert) of urbanism in the Meche Valley,

we must understand the ecolog-

ical system. The valleys of

the North Coast are essentially

deserts broken up by rivers

flowing out of the Andes. 52

Up Valley The Meche Valley is essentially

wedge-shaped for following its

river back •.•• into the rugged

Mountains heights of the Andes. Down

Waterfall from the snow-capped Andes

River rapids rushes the life-giving water

that feeds the desert coast.

Because of the Humboldt cur

rent, there is no appreciable

rain, and therefore life is tot

ally dependent on this water.

Canals, corn, etc. Since water is necessary in

order to farm this desert land,

it becomes a crucial factor in

the development of social org

anization. To utilize this

water, irrigation canals had to

be built, and in order to build

and maintain the ancient can

als, it was necessary to orga

nize and control a labor force.

Ancient canals The ancient canals that can be

seen running along the edge of 53

the hills are still in use today and supply the water to the fields that feed the city of Trujillo.

Irrigation developed to such a degree of complexity that in Chimu times we see such tremendous undertakings as the La Intervalley canal Cumbre Intervalley Canal which connected with the Chicama River in the next valley.

Map with arrows to The Salinar site of Cerro Arena Cerro Arena and Cerro Orejas and the Gallinazo site of Cerro Orejas exhibit the foundations for urbanism that were developing in the Early Intermediate Period.

Hillside Orejas This dense nucleated settlement Aerial - ground of Cerro Orejas contains both domestic and corporate {labor) architecture, and the site ex- 54

tends for over 3 kilometers.

Building on terraced hillsides

conserved usable bottom land

for farming.

Houses on hills This practice, as we can see by

this modern settlement located

on the edge of a cane field, is

still in use today.

Map: Meche From the terraced hillsides of

Cerro Orejas, the main center

of population now moves to the

L.S. of Sol Meche pyramids, one of the

major sites of the Early

Intermediate Period.

This is the Huaca del Sol, a

terrace adobe brick pyramid

which measures at least 342

meters by 159 meters at the

base and rises to a height of

41 meters. 55

Pan of Sol Huaca del Sol is the largest

pyramid in the valley and among

the largest of buildings in all

of South America.

Urban characteristics noted in

their infancy in Cupisnique, are

now full grown in Moche times.

Monumental architecture as evi-

denced by Huaca del Sol and its

sister pyramid, Huaca de la

Luna, is now fully developed.

Sol from other side Prior to the Moche Pyramid site,

we have seen platform mounds as

monumental architecture, and . . densely nucleated populations.

The difference now is quanti-

tative. The pyramids overwhelm

us with their size, as does the

complexity of the site which

houses all classes of archi- 56

tectural units and contains evidence of intensive craft specialization.

Bricks Both Huaca del Sol and Huaca de la Luna are constructed of adobe bricks like these modern bricks that are drying near Huaca del Sol.

Sol It is estimated that Huaca del Sol alone required 143,000,000 bricks and millions of man- hours of labor to produce these bricks, transport them, and set them.

These·bricks are laid down in vertical segments. Each brick within a segment bears a similar brickmaker's mark and is of the same soil type. From this, it various shots of is deduced that specific groups bricks - pyramids of people were assigned the 57

task of building one or more segments of a particular con struction stage.

This same group had to produce, transport and lay its own bricks. This is the principle of labor organization called mita labor or paying a tax in the form of labor. Seen first in its infancy in Cupisnique, this form of labor organization continues into Chimu, Inca, and even Colonial times.

This Meche Pyramid site was the capital of an emerging state. What kind of society built these pyramids ·and lived in this new urban center?

Cut to pottery The Meche pottery gives us a _good 'description. 58

High status persons Social stratification, first seen in the elite of Caballo Muerto, is now very evident. High status personages are de picted with ornate headbands, often with gold armbands and ear plugs.

Man on dais They are shown sitting in raised platforms.

Warriors A warrior class, important to the new expansionistic state, is very much in evidence. This class now is necessary to main tain Meche's control over neighboring valleys. Often warriors are shown capturing prisoners.

Common man The average citizen is also por trayed. Agricultural products Pepino,' lobster, etc. as well as lobsters, crabs, and crayfish molded by the potter 59

tell us of the subsistence base for the city.

Deer Beautiful pottery such as this deer make us aware of the pres Chino ence of craft-specialists that functioned much like the potter we see here.

Chino Eduardo Calderon makes pottery in a manner almost identical to that used during Moche times.

His pottery, in fact, is so sinr ilar to that produced by the Moche potters that the two are often confused. Calderon faces many of the same technical prob lems as the ancient craftsmen.

Chino Scarcity of fuel on the desert coast necessitates the use of

dung for the process of firing~ 60

Craftsmen like Calderon formed

a specialized group which con-

gregated around the growing

urban center of Moche and made

up a considerable part of its

population.

Shot of Sol-Luna Social stratification is evi- plain dent in the difference in bur- 35 nun slides ial patterns. In this plain

between Sol and Luna, were un-

covered many high status bur-

ials such as this man found

with gold and copper alloy

spools and numerous grave goods.

Sol with sun spot Social stratification is also

reflected in the architecture.

The elite were housed in rooms

built on top of the pyramids.

Slides of excavation To the south of Huaca del Sol,

well-constructed domestic archi-

tecture was excavated. This 61

probably housed personnel of

high status but of lower rank

than the residents of the

pyramids.

Pan from Luna In contrast to the higher status

architecture, are the remains

of small rooms with cobblestone

foundations and walls of reed

matting.

The extent of habitation as evi

denced by the potsherd debris

was considerable. Archeologi

cal deposits have accumulated

to a depth of over 9 meters

Before its abandonment around

600 A.D. the site was one of

the largest population centers

on the Andean coast.

Map: Galindo Durin'g Moche Phase V the pyramid 62

site is abandoned and the new

center is located in the neck

of the valley at Galindo.

Aerial Galindo is a large urban set-

tlement almost 6 square kilom-

eters in-surface area.

Compound At this site we see new urban

features that we will find

later fully developed at the

Chimu site of Chan Chan.

Mound within Perhaps the most indicative of Compound things to come is this adobe-

walled compound with a platform

mound in it.

At previous sites, the dominant

feature has been the ceremonial

mound. Now, it is still pres-

ent, but it is reduced in size

and incorporated into a comple'x

of adobe walls that also func- 63

tion to house the elite. As

in previous sites, domestic and

non-domestic architecture are

present, as well as different

status architecture.

Wall A massive adobe wall separates

a lower status residential area

on the hill from the higher

status area below.

Various shots Another architectural feature

found at Galindo is the large

cluster of structures used pri

marily for storage. Here we

see the beginnings of the com

plex pattern for the redistribu

tion of goods found later at

Chan Chan.

Industrial sites testify to an

ever increasing number of

craftsmen-specialists.

All architectural forms at 64

Galindo are rigidly planned

with the internal functional

segments being strictly defined

and separated from each other.

Map: Chan Chan At the end of the Middle

Horizon, the major urban center

shifts toward the coast.

Aerial - Chan Chan This is Chan Chan, one of the

largest of the Pre-Columbian

cities. It was the capital of

the powerful Chimu Empire which

in its prime extended from the

border of Ecuador to the Chillon

Valley near Lima, Peru, a dis

tance of over 1,000 kilometers.

The urban traits we have seen

developing are now at an apex.

Monumental architecture, corp

orate labor, population dens

ity, social stratification,

craft specialization are all

present in Chan Chan. 65

Cut to map of The city is located on the compounds north side of the Meche Valley

next to the sea. The civic

center is dominated by ten

large rectangular compounds.

Cut to walls Each is bounded by massive

adobe brick walls which reach

9 meters in height and stretch

as far as 650 meters on a

side.

Map of compound The typica~ compound of a

Chimer king is a highly

planned, rigidly sectioned

and compartmentalized unit.

It is divided into three basic

parts: the north sector, the

central sector, and the

chanchone.

Wooden Statues The entry into the North

Sector is symbolically guarded

by wooden statues such as

these. 66

Inner Passageway The walls and the maze-like

indirect passageways serve to

isolate the compounds from the

rest of the site, thus sue-

Miguel through cessfully separating the rul- Passageway ing elite from those they

ruled. Narrow passageways

controlled access to the com-

pounds.

Plaza These led to spacious entry

courts such as this one.

Entry courts occupy a promi-

nent position in the Northern

Sector of most of the com-

pounds.

Shot of walls The walls of the compound are show bricks built in segmented sections

similar to those noted in the

Moche Pyramids. Each section

corresponds to a work-tax

unit -- a tradition that has

become progressively more 67

developed since the Early

Horizon.

Passageway Another passageway leads us Japhet from the entry court into a

series of rooms called

audiencias.

Audiencias An audiencia is a "U"-shaped

structure with niches in its

interior walls. "U"-shaped

structures containing a

person of high status have

been depicted in pottery since

the Early Intermediate Period.

The position of the audiencia

is always such as to control

access to the storerooms.

This relationship of audiencia

to storerooms is repeated

again in the Central Sector,

but with relatively fewer ~-'

diencias and more storerooms. 68

Various shots of The location of the audiencia audiencia tells us that its elite inhabi-

tants were concerned primarily

with control of the goods in

the storerooms.

Audiencias functioned as ad-

ministrative offices for the

collection and redistribution

of_ goods and as governmental

offices for the Empire. These

intricately decorated rooms

also served as the residence

for the king and certain mem-

bers of the nobility.

Burial Platforms Most important and distinctive

to the Central Sector are the

ruins of a burial platform.

Centuries of looting testify

to the tremendous wealth bur-

ied with the King of Chimor. 69

The burial platform is a mound

containing multiple prepared

cells entered by a ramp. A

single T-shaped chamber is

surrounded by a variable number

of smaller cells.

Ritual human sacrifice on a

large scale is evident from

the fact that the majority of

skeletons are young females.

Slide on Funeral When the Chirnu king died, vast

quantities of offeratory goods

were buried with him, including

Gold objects . gold artifacts, fine pottery Pottery Spondylus and whole and ground spondylus

shells the symbol of royal-

ty.

Walk in well The third sector of the corn-

pound,called the Canchone,con-

tains a walk-in well and the 70

remains of servant or re-

tainer's quarters. This last

sector housed the population

that served the needs of the

elite of the first two sectors.

Cut to outside Outside the compound walls wall shot were two other distinct types

of domestic architecture.

Intermediate This is what is termed Inter-

mediate architecture. It

follows many of the basic pat-

terns found in the upper

status compounds, however, on

a much smaller scale. These

dwellings probably housed the

lesser nobility of the Empire.

Drawing The craftsmen's dwellings are

densely packed outside the

walls. Built with cobblestone

foundations with reed and cane

matting for siding, these 71

dwellings were almost identi

Cut to modern cal to those in use today.

SIAR These buildings housed the

artisans and traders that made

up the majority of the popula

tion of Chan Chan.

Living outside the walls, this

class produced the goods and

services for the nobility

within. It is speculated tha·t

this class had a social orga

nization like the medieval

craft guilds.

Pit Population estimates vary, but

in this test pit we can see a

refuse deposit·over three

meters in depth -- certainly a

testimony to a dense popula

tion.

Walls - SIAR The craftsman class living 72

outside the walls were not

agriculturalists.

Cerro la Virgen Various rural sites such as

this site Cerro la Virgen

supplied food and raw mater-

ials. Peasant populations at

these scattered rural sites

contributed to the subsistence

of the urban population of

Chan Chan.

• C-I beach site This beach site, located next

to the Chimu Empire's coastal

highway, supplied the resources

of the sea. The sea, as it

had from early Preceramic ·

times, continued to be a source

of food for the ever-increasing

urban population.

Huaca El Dragon Corporate labor architecture

exists outside the main center

of Chan Chan in this rural 73

site at Huaca El Dragon. Here

we are able to see clearly

some of the beautiful Chimu

friezes that adorned these

structures.

Modern architecture Many of these Chimu motifs

still decorate the buildings

of today.

Cut back to The Late Horizon arrived with Time Line the Inca armies a mere 65 years

before the Spanish Conquest.

The Incas removed the king of

Chimor to Cuzco and set up his

son as a puppet ruler. The

Chan Chan city of Chan Chan continued

for at least one generation.

Shots of Spanish In 1535, the Spaniard, houses Francisco Pizarro, conquered

the Inca Empire and founded

the city of Trujillo. 74

Cut to buses Trujillo is now a modern urban

center like many urben centers

throughout the world. How

ever 1 in the Moche 1 urbani~sm has had a long and very unique

history.

END TITLES 75

SECTION III

BIBLIOGRAPHY 76

BIBLIOGRAPHY

GENERAL

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Strong, W.D. and C. Evans, Jr. 1952 "Cultural stratigraphy in t.he Viru Valley, Northern Peru." Columbia Studies in Archa~ology and Ethnology, 4. New York: Columbia University Press. 79

Tello, J.C. 1942 "Origen y desarrollo de las civilizaciones pre historicas andinas," Aetas y Travajos Cientificos, 27th International Congress of Affier1can1sts, L1ma Session, 1939. Vol. 1, Pp. 598-720, Lima.

Willey, Gordon R. 1971 An Introduction to American Archaeology, Vol. II: South America. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice Hall .

. ;· 80

BIBLIOGRAPHY

ECOLOGY, TECHNOLOGY, AND SETTLEMENT PATTERN

THEORIES OF URBANISM

Adams, R~M. 1956 "Some Hypotheses on the Development of Early Civilizations," in: American Antiauity, Vol. XXI, No. 3.

Beardsley, R.K. et al 1956 "Functional and Evolutionary Implications of Community Patterning," Seminars in Archaeology, R. Wavehope, ed., 1955 Memoir No. 11, Pp. 129-157. Society for American Archaeology, Menasha, Wisconsin.

Childe; V.G. 1951 Man Makes Himself. New York: Mentor Books.

1952 New Light on the Most Ancient East. London: Routledge and Kegun Paul.

Collier, Donald 1955 nDevelopment of Civilization on the Coast of Peru," in Irrigation Civilizations: A Comparative Study, in: Pan American Union, Social Science Monography. Julian Steward, ed. Washington.

1961 Agriculture and Civilization on the Coast of Peru, in: The Evolution of Horticulture Systems in Native South lunerica: Causes :=!nil C.onseguences, Caracas.

Farrington, I.S. 1974 "Irrigation and Settlement Pattern: Preliminary Research Results from the North Coast of Peru," Downing, T.E. and Gibson, M., eds. Irrigation's Impact on Society, University of Arizona Press,

Hardoy, Jorge 1968 Urban Planning in Pre-Columbian America, New York.

Kidder II, Alfred 1956 "Settlement Patterns-Peru," in: Prehistoric Settlement Patterns in the New World. G.R. Willey, ed., Pp. 148-155, Viking Fund Publications in Anthropology, No. 23. New York: Wenner-Gren Foundation. 81

Kus, James S. 1974 "Irrigation and U~banization in Pre-Hispanic Peru: The Meche Valley" in: Yearbook, The Association of Pacific Coast Geographers, Vol. 36, Corvallis, Oregon, Pp. 45-53.

Mackey, Carol J. 1976 "Llama Herding in the Chimu State." Paper pre sented to the School of American Research, Advanced Seminar, "The Desert City and its Hinterland in Coastal Peru", Santa Fe, New Mexico.

Mackey, C.J. and M.E. Moseley 1972 "Peruvian Settlement Pattern Studies and Small Site Methodology, in:American Antiquity, Vol. 37, No. 1 (January).

Meigs, Perevil 1966 "Geography of Coastal Deserts." Arid Zone Research (UNESCO), No. 28, Liege.

Morse, Richard M. 1971 "Trends and Issues in Latin American Urban Research 1965-1970", Latin American Research Review. Vol. VI, No. 1.

Moseley, Michael E. 1968 Prehistoric Urban-Rural Relationships on the North Peruvian Coast. (Mimeograph) Peabody Museum, Harvard University. Cambridge (USA).

1969 "Assessing the Archaeological Significance of Mahamaes" in:American Antiquity, 34 (1), Pp. 485-7.

1972 "Subsistence and demography: an example of inter action from prehistoric Peru", Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 28: Pp. 25-49.

1974 "Organizational Preadaption to Irrigation: the evolution of early water management systems in coastal Peru" in Downing, T.E. and M. Gibson, Irrigation's Impact on Society, University of Arizona Press, Pp. 77-82.

1975a "Prehistoric Principle of Labor Organization in the Meche Valley, Peru", American Antiquity, Vol. 40, No. 2, Pp. 191-196.

1975b The Maritime Foundations of Andean Civilization. Menlo Park, Calif.: Cummings Publishing Company. 82

Moseley, Michael E. 1979 "The Land in Front of Chan Chan, Agararian Expansion, Reform, and Collapse in the Moche Valley" in:The Andean Desert City, K. Day and M.E. Moseley, eds. Albuquerque: The University of New Mexico Press for the School of American Research.

Moseley, Michael E. and Carol J. Mackey 1973 "Prehistoric Urban-Rural Relationships on the North Peruvian Coast," Proposal to the National Science Foundation, Xerox, California State University, Northridge.

Parsons, J.R. 1968 "The archaeological significance of mahamaes cultivation on the coast of Peru" in:American Antiquity, 28 (3) Pp. 372-8.

Patterson, T.C. and E.P. Lanning 1964 "Changing Settlement Patterns on the Central Peruvian Coast," Nawpa Pacha, Vol. II, Pp. 113-123, Institute of Andean Studies, Berkeley, California. Posner, Gerald s. 1954 "The Peru Current." Scientifip American, Vol. 190, No. 3, Pp. 66-71, New York.

Price, Barbara 1971 "Prehistoric irrigation agriculture in Nuclear America" in:Latin American Research Review, Austin, Texas, Vol. VI, No. 3, Pp. 3-60.

Rodriguez Suy Suy, V.A. 1973 "Irrigacion prehistorica en el Valle de Moche" Bcletin Chiquitayap, 1, ano 1, part 3.

Smith, H.T.U. 1955 "Geomorphic Evidences of Recent Climactic Fluc tuation in the Peruvian Coastal Desert." Science, No. 122, Pp. 418-419. Washington.

Steward, Julian 1955 The Irrigation Civilizations: A symposium, Pan American Union, Washington, D.C.

Steward, J.H. et al 1955 Irrigation Civilizations: A Comparative Study in:Pan American Union, Social Science Monographs, Washington. 83

Topic, T. 1971 "Preliminary Studies of Selected Field Systems, Moche Valley, Peru.: Unpublished B.A. thesis, Department

Towle, Margaret A. 1961 The Ethnobotany of Pre-Columbian Peru, Viking Publications in:Anthropology, No. 30. New York: Wenner-Gren Foundation fcir Anthropological Research, Inc.

West, Michael 1970 Community Settlement Patterns at Chan Chan, Peru. Ain:erican Antiquity, Vol. 35, No. 2, Pp. 74-86.

Wilbert, J. 1961 The Evolutions of Horticultural Systems in Native South America, Causes and Consequences. LaSalle, Caracas: Sociedad de Ciencias Naturales.

Willey, Gordon R. 1952 "Prehistoric Settlement Patterns in the Viru Valley, Peru." Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 155. Washington.

Wittfogel, Karl 1955 "Developmental Aspects of Hydraulic Societies," in: Steward, J.D. ed. Irrigation Civilizations, Pp. 43, Washington, D.C.: Pan Arner1can Union. 84

BIBLIOGRAPHY

PRECERAMIC

Bird, Junius B. 1948 "Preceramic Cultures in Chicama and Viru," in: A Reappraisal of Peruvian Archaeology. Wendell C. Bennett, ed. Memoirs of the Society for American Archaeology, No. 4, Pp. 21-28, Menasha, Wisconsin.

1963 "Preceramic Art from Huaca Prieta Chicamana Valley," Nawpa Pacha, Vol. I, Pp. 29-34, Institute of Andean Studies, Berkeley, California.

Donnan, C.B. 1964 "An Early House from Chilca, Peru," American Antiquity, Vol. 30, No. 2, Pp. 137-144, Salt Lake City.

Engel, Frederic 1957 "Early Sites in the Peruvian Coast," Southwestern Journal of Anthropology, Vol. 13, Pp. 54-68, Albuquerque, New Mexico.

1963 A Preceramic Settlement on the Central Coast of Peru: As1a, Un1t I, Transact1ons of the Airier1can Philosophical Society, LIII, Part 3. Philadelphia.

Kelley, David H. and Duccio Bonavia 1963 "New Evidence for Preceramic Maize on the Coast of Peru," Nawpa Pacha, I, Pp. 39-41.

Lanning, Edward P. 1963 "A Preagricultural Occupation on the Central Coast of Peru," American Antinquity, Vol. 28, No. 3, Pp$ 360-371, Salt Lake C1ty.

1965 "Early Man in Peru," Scientific American, Vol. 213, No. 4, Pp. 68-76, New York. 85 ll '

BIBLIOGRAPHY

THE EARLY HORIZON: CHAVIN, CUPISNIQUE

Bennett, W.C. 1943 "The Position of Chavin in Andean Sequences," Proceedings of the :American Philosophical Society, Vol. 86, Pp. 323-327, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.

1944 The North Highland of Peru: Excavations of the Callejon de Huayalas and at Chavin de Huantar, Anthropological Papers, Vol. 39, Part 1, American Museum of Natural History, New York, New York.

Carrion Cachet, Rebecca 1948 "La Cultura Chavin, Dos Nuevas Colonias, Kuntur Wasi y Ancon," Revista !1useo Nacional de Arithropologia y Arqueologia, Vol. 2, Pp. 97-172. Lima.

Della Santa, Elizabeth 1959 "Les Cupisniques el l'origine des Olmeques" Revue de l'Universite de Bruxelles, Vol. 5, Pp. 340-363. Brussels.

Engel 1 Frederic · 1956 "Curayacu a Chavinoid Site," Archaeology, Vol. 9, NOe 2, Pp. 98-105, Archaelogical Institute of America, New York.

Izumi, Seiichi and T. Sono 1963 Andes 2: Excavations at Kotosh, Peru, 1960. Tokyo: Kadokawa Publishing Co.

Kroeber, A.L. 1953 Paracas, Cavernas, and Chavin, University of Caiiforn1a Publ1cat1ons 1n Amer1can Archaeology and Ethnology, Vol. 40, No. 8, Berkeley, California.

Lareo Hoyle, Rafael 1941 Los Cupishiques, Casa Editora, La Cronica y Variedades, Lima.

Lothrop, S.K. 1941 "Gold Ornaments of Chavin Style from Chongoyape, Peru," American Antiquity, Vol. 6, Pp. 250-262, Menasha, Wisconsin. 86

Lothrop, S.K. 1951 "Gold Artifacts of the Chavin Style," American Antiquity, Vol. 16, Pp. 226-240, Menasha, W~scons~n.

Lumbreras, L.G. , 1968 "Para Una Revaluacion de Chavin," Ms. Presented to the Dumbarton Oaks conference on Chavin, University of Illinois, Urbana, Illinois.

Moseley, Michael E. and Luis Watanabe 1974 "The Adobe Sculpture of Huaca de Los Reyes," Archaeology (July, 1974), Vol. 27, No. 3, Ppt 154-161.

Pozorski, Thomas 1976 "Caballo Muerto: A. complex of Early Ceramic sites in the Moche Valley, Peru." Unpublished Ph.D. ·o_iss~r tation. University of Texas, Austin.

Rowe, John H. 1971 "The Influence of Chavin Art on Later Styles." Dumbarton Oaks Conference on Chavin, E. Benson, ed., Pp. 101-124, Washington, D.C.

Tello', J.C. 1943 "Discovery of the Chavin Culture in Peru," American Antiquity, Vol. 9, Pp. 135-160, Menasha, Wisconsin.

1956 Argueologia del Valle de Casma. Culturas: Chavin, Santa o Huaylas Yunga y Sub-Chimu, Publicacion

Antropologica del Archive "Julio c. Tello," Vol. 1 1 Universidad de San }1arcos, Lima.

1960 Chavin, Cultura Matriz de la Civilizacion Andina. Primera Part~, Publicacion Antropologica del Archive "Julio c. Tello," Vol. 2, Universidad de San Marcos, Lima. I Willey, G.R. 1962 "The Early Great Styles and the Rise of the Pre Columbian Civilizations," American Anthropologist, Vol. 64, No. 1, Pp. 1-14, Menasha, Wisconsin.

Willey, G.R. and J.M. Corbett 1954 Early Ancon and Early Supe Culture: Chavin Horizon Sites of the Central Peruvian Coast, Columbia University Studies in:Archaeology and Ethnology, Vol. 3, Columbia University Press, New York. · 87

BIBLIOGRAPHY

THE EARLY INTERMEDIATE PERIOD

Benson, Elizabeth 1972 The Mochica, A Culture of Peru. New York: Praeger.

Brennan, Curtiss T. 1977 "Investigations at Cerro Arena 1974-75: The Salinar Occupation of the Moche Valley." Peru. Paper prepared for the Seventeenth Annual Meeting, Institute of Andean Studies, January, 1977. Berkeley.

Donnan, Christopher 1965 "Moche Ceramic Technology." Nawpa Pacha 3. Institute of Andean Studies, Berkeley.

1973 "Moche Occupation of the Santa Valley, Peru." University of California Publications in Anthropology, Vol. 8. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Hastings, C.M. and M.E. Moseley 1975 "The Adobes of Huaca del Sol and Huaca de la Luna." American Antiquity, Vol. 40, No. 2, Pp. 196-203.

Kroeber, Alfred L. 1925 "The Uhle Collections from Moche." University of California Publications in American Anthropology and Ethnology, Vol. 21, Pp. 191-234.

Larco Hoyle, Rafael 1938 Los Mochicas, Vol. I. Lima: Casa Editora.

1939 Los Mochicas, Vol. II. Lima: Casa Editora. 1 1944 Cultura Salinar. Buenos Aires: Sociedad Geografica Americana.

1946 "The Mochica Culture." Handbook of South American Indians, Vol. 2, Pp. 161-175, Smithsonian Institution, BAE Bur'l. 143. J. Steward, ed. 88

Rowe, J.H. 1967 "Form and Meaning in Chavin Art." In: Peruvian Archaeology, Selected Readings, J.H. Rowe and Dorothy Menzel, ed., Pp. 72-103. Palo Alto, California: Peek Publications.

Topic, Theresa Lange 1974 "Continuity and Growth at Moche." Paper pre sented to 39th meeting of the Society for American Archeology, Washington, D.C.

1976 "Moche and Chimu: Continuity and Change." Paper for the School of American Research, Advanced Seminar: The Desert City and its Hinterland in Coastal Peru. Santa Fe, April 1976. 89

BIBLIOGRAPHY

THE MIDDLE HORIZON

Bawden, Garth 1976 "Galindo: A Study in Cultural Transition." Paper for School of American Research, Advanced Seminar: The Desert City and its Hinterland in Coastal Peru. Santa Fe.

Mackey, Carol J. 1979 "The Middle Horizon as viewed from the Meche Valley," in: The Andean Desert City, K. Day and M.E. Moseley, eds. Albuquerque: The University of New Mexico Press for the School of American Research.

Menzel, Dorothy 1964 "Style and Time in the Middle Horizon." Nawpa Pacha, No. 2, Pp. 1-106. Institute of Andean Studies, Berkeley.

Stumer, L.N. 1956 "Development of Peruvian Coastal Tiahuanaco Styles," in: American Antiquity, Vol. 22, No. 2, Pp. 59-68, Salt Lake City. 90

BIBLIOGRAPHY

THE LATE INTERMEDIATE PERIOD

THE CHIMU EMPIRE AND CHAN CHAN

Andrews, Anthony P. 1975 "The U-shaped structures at Chan Chan, Peru." Journal of Field Archaeology 1:241-264.

Conrad, Geoffrey W. 1974 "Burial platforms and related structures on the north coast of Peru: some social and political impli cations." Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Harvard University.

Day, K.C. 1972 "Urban Planning at Chan Chan, Peru," in: Ueko, P.J., Tringham, 0., and Dirnbleby, G.W., Man, Settlement and Urbanism. Pp. 927-930. London.

1974a "Architecture of Ciudadela Rivero, Chan Chan, Peru~ Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Hatvard University.

1974b "Walk-in wells and water management at Chan Chan, Peru." In: The Rise and Fall of Civilizations: An Archeological Reader, Lamberg-Karlovsky, c.c., Sabloff, J.A., eds., Pp. 182-194. Cummings Publishing Co.

Griffis, Sheila 1971 "Excavations and analysis of midden material from Cerro la Virgen, Meche Valley, Peru." Unpublished B.A. thesis, Harvard University.

Holstein, Otto 1927 "Chan Chan: Capital of the Great Chimu." Geographic Review, Vol. 27, Pp. 36-61. New York.

Keatings, Richard W. 1973 "Chimu ceramics from the Meche Valley, Peru: a computer application to seriation." Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Harvard University.

1975 "Urban settlement systems and rural sustaining communities: an example from Chan Chan's hinterland," Journal of Field Archeology, 2:215-227. 91

Klymyshyn, Alexandra M. Ulana 1974 "Urban growth at Chan Chan, on the basis of data from intermediate architecture." Paper read at the annual meeting of the Society for American Archeology, Washington, D.C.

McGrath, James 1973 "The Canchones of Chan Chan, Peru: evidence for a retainer class in a pre-industrial urban center." Unpublished B.A. thesis, Harvard University.

Moseley, Nichael E. 1975c "Chan Chan: Andean alternative of the pre-indus trial city." Science 187(4173): Pp. 219-225.

Platt, Simon 1970 "Mapping Chan Chan." The Illustrated London News. No. 6856, Vol. 257, Pp. 23-25, December 26. London.

Pozorski, Thomas G. 1971 "Survey and excavations of burial platforms at Chan Chan, Peru." Unpublished B.A. thesis, Harvard University.

Rodriguez Suy Suy, V.A. 1968 "Chan Chan, Ciudad de adobe. Observaciones sabre su base ecologica." Aetas y Memorias del XXXVII Congreso Internacional de Arnericanistas. Tomo 1, Pp. 133-52, Buenos Aires, Argentina.

Rowe, J.H. 1948 "The Kingdom of Chimor". In: Acta Americana, January-June 1948, Vol. VI, Pp. 26-59. Scheele, Harry and Thomas c. Patterson 1966 "A Preliminary Seriation-of the Chimu Pottery Style." Nawpa Pacha, Vol. 4, Pp. 15-30, Berkeley.

Topic,.John R. 1970 A lower class residential area of Chan Chan: initial excavations. Unpublished B.A. thesis, Harvard University.

West, Michael 1970. "Community Settlement Patterns at Chan Chan_, Peru .• American Antiquity, Vol. 35, No. 2, Pp. 74-86. 92

BIBLIOGRAPHY

HISTORICAL

Bandelier, Adolf F. 1893 "Journal of 1893." Ms. on file at the American Museum of Natural History. New York.

Cieza de Leon, Pedro de 1864 The Travels of Pedro de Cieza y Leon A.D. 1542-1550, Contained in the First Part of his Chronicle of Peru. Hakluyt Society, No. 33. London.

1880 Segunda Parte de la Cronica del Peru. Biblioteca Hispano-Ultra Marine, Vol. 5. Madrid.

Montesinos, Fernando de (1642 1930 "Memorias Antiguas, Historiales y Politicas de Peru." Colleccion de Libras y Documentos Referentes a la Historia del Peru. Vol. 6. Lima.

Peet, Stephen D. 1903 "Ruined Cities in Peru. 11 American Antiquarian, Vol. 25, Pp. 151-174.

Rivero, Mariano Edward and John James Tschudi 1853 Peruvian Antiquities. New York.

Squier, E.G. 1877 Peru: Incidents of Travel and Exploration in the Land of the Incas. New York: Harper and Brothers.

Tschudi, John Jacob 1947 Travels in Peru. London.