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PHRYGIANS IN ROME / ROMANS IN PHRYGIA PHILIP HARDIE In Roman literature of the late Republic and early Empire ‘Phrygian’ is both a label for the Trojan origins of Rome and a term for the barbarian Other. Attic tragedy appears first to have made the identification between Trojan and Phrygian, as part of what Edith Hall calls ‘inventing the barbar- ian’1. What is curious about the Roman reception is that, so far from sup- pressing the negative connotations of ‘Phrygian’, or dropping the term as a badge of ethnic origin, the ‘non-Roman’ meanings of the name are allowed, even encouraged, to play within myths of national origin and identity2. This is perhaps less surprising when one reflects on other tensions within the Ro- mans’ myths of national identity, such as the paradox that the site of Rome, the Capitol, immovable home of the gods, is also a place of exile and immi- gration, the asylum of Romulus3. It is worth remembering that Catullus 63, the Attis poem, is a central text for the Virgilian and post-Virgilian version of the Roman myth not just because it dramatizes a contrast between the values of Greco-Roman civilization and oriental barbarianism, but because it does so through a narrative of exile: Attis, the hyper-civilized Greek youth, travels into exile in wild Phrygia, the place from which future jour- neys into exile will be undertaken by the Trojan Aeneas and by the Magna Mater herself, in the service of the creation and preservation of the western civilization of Rome. Attis is not the only paradoxical Phrygian who finds a place in the repre- sentation of Roman identity. Another Phrygian who suffered an even greater diminution than Attis through an act of cutting, but who occupies a literally central place in Rome, is Marsyas. Punished for his presumption in chal- lenging Apollo to a contest of music, he was flayed alive4. In the Roman Fo- rum stood a statue of a silenus with a wine-skin, called Marsyas (Hor. Sat. 1.6.120). Copies of this statue were set up in liberae ciuitates in Italy. If, as 1 HALL (1989). 2 BEARD (1994); WISEMAN (1984). 3 See EDWARDS (1996) ch. 5; DENCH (2005). 4 Ov. Fasti 6.703-708; Met. 6.382-400. 94 Philip Hardie Coarelli argues, the early third-century BC bronze statue of Marsyas from Paestum is one of these copies, bondage and liberty were symbolized by, re- spectively, fetters on his ankles and a royal diadem around his head. A com- plicated, and perhaps plausible, reconstruction of the story behind this stat- ue sees links between a Phrygian king Marsyas, the gens Marcia, and the struggle of the Roman plebs for freedoms and rights at the end of the fourth and beginning of the third centuries BC5. The satyr humiliated, bound, stripped of his physical identity is at the same time the symbol of Roman and Italian rights and liberties. There is another way in which ‘Phrygian’ functions as a shifting signifier, through the fluidity of the term as a geographical label6. The geographers distinguish between ‘Great Phrygia’, the one-time kingdom of Midas, and ‘Small Phrygia’, including the Troad and the region around mount Olym- pus; they also comment on the difficulty of distinguishing the boundaries of Phrygia, Mysia, and Bithynia (Strabo 12.8.2: ⁄rgon dior∂sai cwrπj ta\ Musîn kaπ Frugîn o` r∂smata)7. Strabo’s source Apollodorus appears to have debated the limits of Phrygia at length, underlining the contradictions on the subject8. Catullus, in poem 46.4 in eager anticipation of his homeward journey from Bithynia, is glad to leave the fields of Phrygia: linquantur Phrygii, Ca- tulle, campi. These Phrygii campi are the same as the Bithynian fields which he can scarcely believe that he has left in poem 31.5-6: uix mi ipse credens Thuniam atque Bithunos | liquisse campos. The geography of poem 31 is complicated by the fact that Catullus returns to a place that itself has origins in Asia Minor (13-14): uosque, o Lydiae lacus undae, | ridete quidquid est do- mi cachinnorum (‘and you Lydian waters of the lake, laugh with whatever laughter you have in stock’). The allusion to the origin of the Etruscans has been found obtrusive in this context of the simple joy of returning home, and editors have attempted to emend it away. One commentator sees here a joke in the fact that the waves of Catullus’ home are just as much travellers as is Catullus9. But given Catullus’ interest elsewhere in origins and homes, I would see something rather more than just a joke, a sophisticated awareness of the historical contingencies of what counts as home. 5 COARELLI (1985), 91-119, referring to VEYNE (1961); TORELLI (1982), 102-106; WISEMAN (2000), 273-274; WISEMAN (2004), 68-69. 6 On the difficulty of distinguishing boundaries between Bithynians, Phrygians, Mysians, Do- liones, Mygdonians, Trojans, and especially between Phrygians and Mysians see LAMMINGER-PASCHER (1989), 9-11; INNOCENTE (1995); MUNN (2006), 66-68. The PAULY - WISSOWA entry is useful. 7 Cf. also Strabo 10.3.22 (Troad called Phrygia), 12.4.4. 8 LASSERRE (1981), 130 (on Strabo 12.82). 9 GODWIN (1999) ad loc. Phrygians in Rome / Romans in Phrygia 95 Juxtaposition of near and far here dissolves into laughter; elsewhere the location of the familiar in an alien setting takes on a tragic note, in Catullus’ journey to distant Troy to find the tomb of his brother, in poem 101. In this foreign landscape Catullus will make the offerings traditional at home (7-8): prisco quae more parentum | tradita sunt tristi munere ad inferias (‘those things which in the ancient custom of our forefathers I have presented, a sad gift, for my offering’). In poem 68.97-102 Catullus compares his own unhappy journey to Troy with that of the Greeks, in language that empha- sises that for both parties this is a journey of exile: quem nunc tam longe non inter nota sepulcra | nec prope cognatos compositum cineres | sed Troia obsce- na, Troia infelice sepultum | detinet extremo terra aliena solo. | ad quam tum properans fertur lecta undique pubes | Graeca penetralis deseruisse focos (‘you who now are laid to rest so far away, not among the tombs you know, nor beside the ashes of your family, but buried in sinister Troy, in ill-omened Troy, a foreign land keeps you in soil at the end of the world; whither they say that a band chosen from all over Greece hurried in those days, abandon- ing the hearths of their homes’). Ruurd Nauta has suggested that Catullus’ audience may already have made the connection between Troy and the Phrygian Magna Mater that is explicit in Virgil’s and Ovid’s allusions to Cat- ullus 6310. If so, poem 63’s narrative of exile and alienation in Phrygia will interact both with Catullus’ own journey to Troy, and with the Roman myth of foundation through exile from Troy, or Phrygia. In connection with the association of Phrgyia, and of Phrygian Troy, with Roman myths of exile and migration, we might also bear in mind that the Phrygians themselves are said originally to have migrated into Asia Minor from Europe. According to Strabo (14.5.29; see also 7.3.2-3), Xanthus the Lydian said that the Phrygians came from Europe after the Trojan War. From this point of view the migration of the Trojan ‘Phrygians’ to Italy and their transformation into Romans is part of a larger story of wanderings and uncertain boundaries. In the rest of this paper I focus on Ovid’s handling of the theme of Phry- gians in Rome, looking once more at the contradictions and contrasts within the representation of Phrygia and the Phrygians. Before turning to the Meta- morphoses, a few words on the role of Phrygia in Ovid’s account of the Mega- 10 NAUTA (2004), 622-625. On the question of whether Virgil first associated Cybele with the Tro- jan legend see AUSTIN (1964) on Aen. 2.788. Does Catullus’ aue atque uale (101.10) echo behind Creusa’s iamque uale (Aen. 2.789)? Catullus has come as an Odyssean wanderer to Troy to say his last goodbye to his brother; Creusa, detained in Troy by the Magna Mater, says farewell to her husband as he is on the point of setting off on his ‘Odyssean’ wanderings. iamque uale is also addressed to Aeneas by the ghost of Anchises at Aen. 5.738; when they next meet in book 6, Anchises will echo Cat. 101.1-2 in his opening words to his son, Aen. 6.692-693. 96 Philip Hardie lesia in Fasti 4. Nauta has pointed to the ambivalence in the contrasting char- acters of the two Phrygians in Ovid’s complex of narratives: the Phryx puer in siluis (223), Attis, whose story is one of furor, madness and self-mutilation, and the Phryx pius (274), Aeneas, the founding-hero of a new civilization11. In Ovid’s version of the Attis story, Cybele cuts down the tree whose life is coextensive with that of the nymph with whom Attis has been unfaithful to Cybele. This tree-felling leads to Attis’ delusion that his wedding chamber is collapsing, and his flight to the summit of mount Dindymus. Aeneas’ journey from Troy to Italy is undertaken with ship-timbers felled in the same sacred mountain-top pine forests that will furnish the ships to transport the Magna Mater to Rome in 204 BC. This contrast between the savage and the civilized is also effected through a juxtaposition of what were for Ovid, as for us, the two chief earlier Latin poetic accounts of the worship of the Magna Mater, by Catullus and Lucretius.
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  • Indo-Europeans in the Ancient Yellow River Valley

    Indo-Europeans in the Ancient Yellow River Valley

    SINO-PLATONIC PAPERS Number 311 April, 2021 Indo-Europeans in the Ancient Yellow River Valley by Shaun C. R. Ramsden Victor H. Mair, Editor Sino-Platonic Papers Department of East Asian Languages and Civilizations University of Pennsylvania Philadelphia, PA 19104-6305 USA [email protected] www.sino-platonic.org SINO-PLATONIC PAPERS FOUNDED 1986 Editor-in-Chief VICTOR H. MAIR Associate Editors PAULA ROBERTS MARK SWOFFORD ISSN 2157-9679 (print) 2157-9687 (online) SINO-PLATONIC PAPERS is an occasional series dedicated to making available to specialists and the interested public the results of research that, because of its unconventional or controversial nature, might otherwise go unpublished. The editor-in-chief actively encourages younger, not yet well established scholars and independent authors to submit manuscripts for consideration. Contributions in any of the major scholarly languages of the world, including romanized modern standard Mandarin and Japanese, are acceptable. In special circumstances, papers written in one of the Sinitic topolects (fangyan) may be considered for publication. Although the chief focus of Sino-Platonic Papers is on the intercultural relations of China with other peoples, challenging and creative studies on a wide variety of philological subjects will be entertained. This series is not the place for safe, sober, and stodgy presentations. Sino-Platonic Papers prefers lively work that, while taking reasonable risks to advance the field, capitalizes on brilliant new insights into the development of civilization. Submissions are regularly sent out for peer review, and extensive editorial suggestions for revision may be offered. Sino-Platonic Papers emphasizes substance over form. We do, however, strongly recommend that prospective authors consult our style guidelines at www.sino-platonic.org/stylesheet.doc.