The Parliamentary System of Denmark

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Parliamentary System of Denmark THE PARLIAMENTARY SYSTEM OF DENMARK INTRODUCTION TO DANISH DEMOCRACY CONTENTS Preface ..............................................................3 General elections ................................................5 System of government ........................................6 Work in the Chamber ..........................................9 The Committees: parliamentary workshops ........ 12 Political parties ............................................... 14 THE PARLIAMENTARY SYSTEM OF DENMARK 3 PREFACE Denmark received its first free constitution in 1849. Open democracy also implies freedom of the press The present constitution is from 1953 and lays and its right to keep a watchful eye on politicians by down the basic values on which the Danish society reporting on as well as controlling the political is built and to which all laws are subject. The system. Therefore, the press has free access to the constitution specifies that Denmark has a Danish Parliament, its politicians and relevant Parliament whose Members are elected on the documents. principle of free and equal suffrage, and a Government that must be accepted by a parlia- As I am proud of the democratic tradition we have mentary majority at all times. in Denmark, I wish to use this publication to spread the word about our democracy and explain how the The constitution specifies the division of powers in Danish Parliament works. society by stipulating the separation of the legislative, executive and judicial branches of Enjoy your reading! power. This safeguards a better balance of power and prevents any one person or body from becoming too powerful. Mogens Lykketoft Speaker of the Danish Parliament The constitution also stipulates that all Danish citizens enjoy a range of basic rights, such as freedom of speech, freedom of assembly and freedom of political activity. These rights are essential in a healthy, open democracy. Distribution of seats in the Danish Parliament at September 2014 The Chamber The Conservative Liberal Alliance The Red-Green Alliance Greenland Party The Social Liberal The Social Democratic The Liberal The Faroe Islands Party Party Party The Danish People’s The Socialist People’s The Government Outside the Groups Party Party 1) In Greenland, one Member has been elected from Inuit Ataqatigiit and one Member from Siumut. In the Faroe Islands, one Member has been elected from Sambands- flokkurin and one Member from Javnaðarflokkurin THE PARLIAMENTARY SYSTEM OF DENMARK 5 GENERAL ELECTIONS Denmark’s electoral system account of factors like population size and density A central element of Denmark’s democracy is the in the distribution of seats. A political party must division of legislative, executive and judicial powers. win at least 2 % of the vote in a general election to These three powers are independent of one secure a seat in the Danish Parliament. another and at the same time control one another to prevent the abuse of power. Together with the Following a parliamentary election, the newly Government, the Danish Parliament exercises elected Parliament holds a vote to approve the legislative power and is the only branch of power election. This takes place at the second sitting of authorised to adopt legislation. Parliament, approximately two weeks after the election. Subsequently, a Speaker and four Deputy Denmark is a representative democracy, which Speakers are elected. They jointly constitute the means that Danish citizens elect representatives to Presidium of the Danish Parliament. The Speaker is sit in the Parliament and make daily political elected by a vote, whereas the four Deputy decisions on the organisation of society. Speakers are appointed by the four largest political parties, excluding, however, the Speaker’s party. The Danish Parliament comprises 179 Members. Of these, 175 are elected in Denmark, two Members Each new Member of Parliament (MP) must sign a are elected in Greenland and two are elected in the statement declaring that he or she will comply with Faroe Islands. the constitution. New MPs may not become members of committees or take part in parliamen- The Prime Minister must see to that parliamentary tary debates or votes before signing the statement. elections are held at least once every four years. However, elections may be held more often, as the Status of MPs Prime Minister is empowered to call general A Member of the Danish Parliament may not be put elections at any time. on trial in criminal proceedings or imprisoned without the Parliament’s consent, unless the MP is All Danish citizens of voting age residing in the caught in a criminal act. This provision aims to Danish realm have the right to vote in general ensure the Danish Parliament’s independence of elections, unless they have been declared legally criminal prosecution by the Government. However, incompetent. The voting age for elections to the with the Parliament’s permission, an MP may be put Danish Parliament is established by law and is set at on trial or imprisoned in a criminal case. Since the 18 years. Any person entitled to vote in a parlia- mid-1900s, there have been no instances of the mentary election is eligible for the Danish Parlia- Danish Parliament refusing to consent to criminal ment, unless he or she has been convicted of an prosecution of an MP. offence that, in the public opinion, makes him or her unworthy of being a Member of the Danish Furthermore, an MP may not be held liable for Parliament. statements made in the Parliament, e.g. in a libel suit, without the Parliament’s consent. Thus, MPs Members of the Danish Parliament are elected by have an extended form of freedom of speech when means of direct secret ballot. The constitution they speak in Parliament. In practice, the Danish stipulates that specific rules concerning the Parliament never consents to holding MPs liable for exercise of suffrage must be established by law. statements made in the parliamentary Chamber. Therefore, the Act on Danish Parliamentary Elections includes a number of provisions which safeguard equal representation of different opinions among the electorate, and which take 6 THE PARLIAMENTARY SYSTEM OF DENMARK SYSTEM OF GOVERNMENT Minority governments In principle, the Constitution gives the monarch of and formation of government Denmark the authority to appoint the Government. The Danish system of government is known as Thus, formally, when a new Government is formed, negative parliamentarism, which means that the two representatives of each political party meet Government may never have a majority against it in with the Queen and advise her on whom she should the Parliament, but it is not required to have the invite to lead negotiations on forming the new support of an actual majority. In fact, most Danish Government or who should be the new Prime governments have been minority governments. Minister. The new Government is formally appointed Minority governments often consist of several by the Queen following the conclusions of the political parties, with one or more parties suppor- negotiations between the political parties. ting the Government while not actually forming part of it. In this way, the Government will not have Other forms of control of the Government a majority against it in the Parliament. The Danish Parliament elects an Ombudsman to monitor the public administration, e.g. by proces- If the Parliament no longer has confidence in a sing complaints from citizens concerning public minister, the minister must resign. If the Parliament authorities. The Ombudsman may criticise loses confidence in the Prime Minister, the whole authorities and recommend that they reprocess a Government must resign, or the Prime Minister case and possibly change their decision, but the must call a general election. The Parliament Ombudsman is not authorised to make decisions. expresses its lack of confidence in a minister or the The Ombudsman may consider legal matters, but Prime Minister by passing a vote of no confidence. not issues which require other specialist know- ledge. THE DANISH SYSTEM OF GOVERNMENT IS According to the Constitution the Parliament may also set up parliamentary commissions consisting KNOWN AS NEGATIVE PARLIAMENTARISM, of MPs to investigate important issues. However, WHICH MEANS THAT THE GOVERNMENT MAY this option is rarely used. Instead, when a matter NEVER HAVE A MAJORITY AGAINST IT IN THE needs to be investigated, the Government and the PARLIAMENT, BUT IT IS NOT REQUIRED TO HAVE Parliament frequently set up a commission of THE SUPPORT OF AN ACTUAL MAJORITY inquiry headed by a judge. The Constitution includes no provisions on the formation of a Government. However, the no-confi- dence provision described above is interpreted to mean that a newly formed Government must not be expected to be met with a vote of no confiden- ce when it presents itself to the newly elected Prime Minister Parliament. Helle Thorning-Schmidt THE PARLIAMENTARY SYSTEM OF DENMARK 9 WORK IN THE CHAMBER The course of the year The political parties in Parliament enter into in the Danish Parliament so-called pairing agreements. Pairing agreements A parliamentary year always begins on the first between the parties aim to allow a number of MPs Tuesday in October and ends on the same Tuesday from each party group to be absent from voting in of the following year. On this date, the MPs meet at the Chamber without this affecting which parties 12 o’clock for the first sitting in the Parliament, and have a majority in Parliament. Usually, the group the Prime Minister gives a speech, known as the secretary of each parliamentary group coordinates opening speech, addressing the current situation in the distribution of pairings and makes sure that the Denmark and the Government’s plans for the group is able to present the agreed number of MPs coming year. At the opening of the Parliament, at votes in the Chamber. Queen Margrethe and the royal family are present, together with representatives of the courts. MANY DIFFERENT KINDS OF DEBATES TAKE Two days after the opening of Parliament, there is an opening debate where MPs and the Prime PLACE IN THE CHAMBER, INCLUDING DEBATES Minister debate the content of the Prime Minister’s ON BILLS AND PROPOSALS FOR PARLIAMENTARY opening speech.
Recommended publications
  • 15 AY2019 Rasmussen.Pdf
    Roskilde University The desecuritization of Greenland’s security? How the Greenlandic self-government envision post-independence national defense and security policy Rasmussen, Rasmus Kjærgaard Published in: Arctic Yearbook Publication date: 2019 Document Version Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record Citation for published version (APA): Rasmussen, R. K. (2019). The desecuritization of Greenland’s security? How the Greenlandic self-government envision post-independence national defense and security policy . Arctic Yearbook, 2019, 287-304. https://arcticyearbook.com/images/yearbook/2019/Scholarly-Papers/15_AY2019_Rasmussen.pdf General rights Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the public portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. • Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the public portal for the purpose of private study or research. • You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain. • You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the public portal. Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact [email protected] providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Download date: 03. Oct. 2021 The desecuritization of Greenland’s security? How the Greenlandic self-government envision post- independence national defense and security policy Rasmus Kjærgaard Rasmussen President Trump’s “offer” to purchase Greenland has placed the country at the heart of world affairs and great power rivalry in the Arctic.
    [Show full text]
  • Appeal to the Greenlandic and Danish Governments Not to Abolish the Uranium Zero Tolerance Policy in the Danish Realm 1
    Appeal to the Greenlandic and Danish governments not to abolish 1 the uranium zero tolerance policy in the Danish realm Nuuk and Copenhagen, 26 April 2013 The following statement has been signed by 48 NGOs The newly elected Greenlandic government and the Danish government have given notice that they intend to abolish the uranium zero tolerance policy which has been in effect in the Danish realm for twenty-five years and was carried unanimously in the Greenlandic parliament. Hence, there could be several uranium mining projects underway in Greenland in the near future. The mining project in Kuannersuit at Narsaq in Southern Greenland could alone make Greenland the fifth largest uranium exporter in the world. In addition, there are uranium deposits at Illorsuit, Puissattaq, Ivittuut and Motzfeldt Lake in Southern Greenland, Sarfartoq, Nassuttooq, Qaqqaarsuk and Attu in Western Greenland and Randbøldal and Milne Land in Eastern Greenland, and there might be deposits that have not yet been discovered. WE APPEAL to the Greenlandic and the Danish governments not to abolish the uranium zero tolerance policy, because uranium mining could contaminate the vulnerable Arctic environment and lead to nuclear proliferation. WE APPEAL to the Greenlandic and the Danish governments to prevent the combination of rare earth elements and uranium mining and to work proactively to promote renewable energies and energy efficiency in the Danish realm, the European Union and the rest of the world. WE ALSO APPEAL to the Greenlandic and the Danish governments to discourage nuclear proliferation and promote global nuclear disarmament. THE REASONS FOR OUR APPEAL ARE THE FOLLOWING: In addition to substantial chemical pollution from sulphuric acid, uranium mining leaves behind millions of tonnes of tailings containing radioactive materials.
    [Show full text]
  • Parliamentary Strengthening and the Paris Principles: Tanzania Case Study
    Parliamentary Strengthening and the Paris Principles Tanzania case study January 2009 Dr. Anthony Tsekpo (Parliamentary Centre) and Dr. Alan Hudson (ODI) * Disclaimer: The views presented in this paper are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the views of DFID or CIDA, whose financial support for this research is nevertheless gratefully acknowledged. Overseas Development Institute 111 Westminster Bridge Road London SE1 7JD UK Tel: +44 (0)20 7922 0300 Fax: +44 (0)20 7922 0399 www.odi.org.uk i Parliamentary strengthening and the Paris Principles: Tanzania case study Acknowledgements We would like to thank all of the people who have shared with us their insights and expertise on the workings of the Parliament of Tanzania and about the range of parliamentary strengthening activities that take place in Tanzania. In particular, we would like to thank those Honourable Members of Parliament who took the time to meet with us, along with members of the Secretariat and staff members from a number of Development Partners and from some of the key civil society organisations that are engaged in parliamentary strengthening work. Our hope is that this report will prove useful to these people and others as they continue their efforts to enhance the effectiveness of Tanzania’s Parliament. In addition, we gratefully acknowledge the financial support provided by the UK’s Department for International Development (DFID) and the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA). ii Parliamentary strengthening and the Paris Principles: Tanzania
    [Show full text]
  • Professional and Ethical Standards for Parliamentarians Background Study: Professional and Ethical Standards for Parliamentarians
    Background Study: Professional and Ethical Standards for Parliamentarians Background Study: Professional and Ethical Standards for Parliamentarians Warsaw, 2012 Published by the OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR) Ul. Miodowa 10, 00–251 Warsaw, Poland http://www.osce.org/odihr © OSCE/ODIHR 2012, ISBN 978–92–9234–844–1 All rights reserved. The contents of this publication may be freely used and copied for educational and other non-commercial purposes, provided that any such reproduction is accompanied by an acknowledgement of the OSCE/ODIHR as the source. Designed by Homework Cover photo of the Hungarian Parliament Building by www.heatheronhertravels.com. Printed by AGENCJA KARO Table of contents Foreword 5 Executive Summary 8 Part One: Preparing to Reform Parliamentary Ethical Standards 13 1.1 Reasons to Regulate Conduct 13 1.2 The Limits of Regulation: Private Life 19 1.3 Immunity for Parliamentarians 20 1.4 The Context for Reform 25 Part Two: Tools for Reforming Ethical Standards 31 2.1 A Code of Conduct 34 2.2 Drafting a Code 38 2.3 Assets and Interests 43 2.4 Allowances, Expenses and Parliamentary Resources 49 2.5 Relations with Lobbyists 51 2.6 Other Areas that may Require Regulation 53 Part Three: Monitoring and Enforcement 60 3.1 Making a Complaint 62 3.2 Investigating Complaints 62 3.3 Penalties for Misconduct 69 3.4 Administrative Costs 71 3.5 Encouraging Compliance 72 3.6 Updating and Reviewing Standards 75 Conclusions 76 Glossary 79 Select Bibliography 81 Foreword The public accountability and political credibility of Parliaments are cornerstone principles, to which all OSCE participating States have subscribed.
    [Show full text]
  • Towards the Kalmar Union
    S P E C I A L I Z E D A G E N C I E S TOWARDS THE KALMAR UNION Dear Delegates, Welcome to the 31st Annual North American Model United Nations 2016 at the University of Toronto! On behalf of all of the staff at NAMUN, we welcome you to the Specialized Agency branch of the conference. I, and the rest of the committee staff are thrilled to have you be a delegate in Scandinavia during the High Middle Ages, taking on this challenging yet fascinating topic on the futures of the three Scandinavian Kingdoms in a time of despair, poverty, dependence and competitiveness. This will truly be a new committee experience, as you must really delve into the history of these Kingdoms and figure out how to cooperate with each other without sending everyone into their demise. To begin, in the Towards the Kalmar Union Specialized Agency, delegates will represent influential characters from Denmark, Norway and Sweden, which include prominent knights, monarchs, nobles, and important religious figures who dominate the political, military and economic scenes of their respective Kingdoms. The impending issues that will be discussed at the meeting in Kalmar, Sweden include the future of the Danish and Norwegian crowns after the death of the sole heir to the thrones, Olaf II. Here, two distant relatives to Valdemar IV have a claim to the throne and delegates will need to decide who will succeed to the throne. The second order of business is to discuss the growing German presence in Sweden, especially in major economic cities.
    [Show full text]
  • Bi-Cameralism Under the New Constitution the Legislature: Bi-Cameralism Under the New Constitution
    Constitution Working Paper Series No. 8 The Legislature: Bi-Cameralism under the new Constitution The Legislature: Bi-Cameralism under the new Constitution The Legislature: Bi-Cameralism under the new Constitution Kipkemoi arap Kirui and Kipchumba Murkomen SID Constitution Working Paper No. 8 ii The Legislature: Bi-Cameralism under the new Constitution The Legislature: Bi-Cameralism under the new Constitution Constitution Working Paper No. 8 Published by: Society for International Development (SID) Regional Office for East & Southern Africa Britak Centre, First Floor Ragati/Mara Road P.O. Box 2404-00100 Nairobi, Kenya Tel. +254 20 273 7991 Fax + 254 20 273 7992 www.sidint.net © Society for International Development (SID), 2011 ISBN No. 978-9966-029-07-2 Printed by: The Regal Press Kenya Ltd. P.O. Box 46166 Nairobi, Kenya Design & Layout: Sunburst Communications Ltd. P.O. Box 43193-00100 Nairobi, Kenya Email: [email protected] SID Constitution Working Paper No. 8 The Legislature: Bi-Cameralism under the new Constitution iii Abstract The aims of this paper are threefold. First, the paper retraces the history of the Kenyan legislature before and after independence tracking the various transformations spanning a century of its existence. These transformations have been largely characterised by two competing forces: one epitomized by a strong executive seizing power from other arms of government, and the other by pro-reform forces pushing for an expanded democracy, better governance and accountability, and the promotion of rule of law. They agitated for electoral, legislative and constitutional reforms resulting in the reduction of the powers of the president, the re-introduction of multiparty democracy and the expansion of people’s democratic space and shifting power from the presidency back to other arms of the state, including parliament, and by extension to the people.
    [Show full text]
  • Models of Bicameral Parliaments. a Comparative Approach a Comparative Parliaments
    POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS AND ACTIVITIES AND INSTITUTIONS POLITICAL Zbigniew Machelski Models of bicameral parliaments. A comparative approach Regardless of any structural properties “chambers of reflection” that were to ensure and internal differences (unicameralism vs. full optimisation and high standard of the bicameralism), the parliament defines the legislative process. This is a reference to the formal framework within which other or- tradition of the Republican Rome, whose Se- ganisations and institutions in society are to natus (literally council of elders) has become operate. The aim of the article is not so much a nearly universally recognised role model1. to analyse but to classify bicameralism. Each The reference to tradition is important, but classification has its strengths and weakness- it does not explain all contemporary polit- es. First, as in the case of most tools used in ical phenomena, which are the domain of comparative methods, it carries with it a risk political science. Studies conducted in the of simplifications, without which, howev- mid-1990s confirmed that 126 legislatures er, formal modelling is impossible. Second, in various geographical regions of the world making comparisons is associated with easy were unicameral, while 56 were bicameral2. manipulation of some variables. This often In the initially bicameral system, unicamer- stems from political scientists’ own prej- alism has clearly become dominant. udice, when they try to examine political The discussion about the sense of the phenomena in accordance with their own bicameral system keeps coming back from preferences. In analyses of bicameralism, time to time, also in Poland3. Critics of bi- this is manifested in a tendency to attribute cameralism are trying to demonstrate that rationality only in the case of federal or large the bicameral structure of the parliament is states.
    [Show full text]
  • The Parliamentary Mandate
    THE PARLIAMENTARY MANDATE A GLOBAL COMPARATIVE STUDY THE PARLIAMENTARY MANDATE A GLOBAL COMPARATIVE STUDY Marc Van der Hulst Inter-Parliamentary Union Geneva 2000 @ Inter-Parliamentary Union 2000 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the Inter-Parliamentary Union. This book is sold subject to the condition that it shall not be a way of trade or otherwise, be lent, re-sold hired or otherwise circulated without the publisher's prior consent in any form or binding or cover other than that in which it is published and without a similar condition including this condition being imposed on the subsequent publisher. ISBN 92-9142-056-5 Published by INTER-PARLIAMETARY UNION Headquarters Liaison Office with the United Nations Place du Petit-Saconnex 821 United Nations Plaza C.P. 438 9th Floor 1211 Geneva 19 New York, N.Y. 10017 Switzerland United States of America Layout, printing and binding by Atar, Geneva Cover design by Aloys Robellaz, Les Studios Lolos, Carouge, Switzerland (Translated from the French by Jennifer Lorenzi and Patricia Deane) t Table of Contents FOREWORD ix ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS xi INTRODUCTION l PART ONE: NATURE AND DURATION OF THE PARLIAMENTARY MANDATE I. NATURE OF THE PARLIAMENTARY MANDATE 6 1. The traditional opposition between national sovereignty and popular sovereignty 6 2. The free representational mandate 8 3. The imperative mandate 9 4. A choice motivated by pragmatic rather than ideological considerations? 10 II. DURATION OF THE PARLIAMENTARY MANDATE..
    [Show full text]
  • Congressional Membership and Appointment Authority to Advisory Commissions, Boards, and Groups
    Congressional Membership and Appointment Authority to Advisory Commissions, Boards, and Groups Updated February 12, 2021 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov RL33313 Congressional Membership and Appointment Authority to Advisory Bodies Summary Over the past several decades, Congress, by statute, has established a wide array of commissions, boards, and advisory bodies to provide it with assistance in meeting various legislative, investigative, and administrative responsibilities. Some of these entities are temporary and created to serve specific functions, such as studying a discrete policy area or performing one-time tasks. Others are permanent, serving an ongoing purpose, such as overseeing an institution or performing a regular administrative function. The majority of these congressional bodies provide that Members of Congress, particularly the leadership, be intimately involved in the appointment process, either through direct service on a commission, or by appointing or recommending candidates for membership. The choice of a particular mechanism for membership appointment may have implications for the ability of these entities to fulfill their congressional mandates. Examination of the statutory language creating these bodies reveals several common approaches to membership selection. Each alternative schema has its advantages. For example, a commission or board composed entirely of Members permits a high degree of congressional control over the entity’s operations. Bodies composed mainly of qualified private citizens or executive branch appointees may provide a broader expertise than Member-only bodies. Assemblages of mixed membership provide some of the advantages of both Member and citizen-only appointment schemes. This report contains a compilation of existing commissions and boards that demonstrates the range of alternative membership-appointment structures.
    [Show full text]
  • Factsheet: the Danish Folketinget
    Directorate-General for the Presidency Directorate for Relations with National Parliaments Factsheet: The Danish Folketinget 1. At a glance Denmark is a Constitutional Monarchy and a parliamentary democracy. The Folketinget is a unicameral Parliament composed of 179 Members. The two self-governing regions, Greenland and the Faeroe Islands, each elect two Members. Of the other 175 Members, 135 are elected from ten multi-Member constituencies on a party list, proportional representation system using the d'Hondt method. The remaining 40 seats are allocated to ensure proportionality at a national level. Elections of the Folketinget must take place every four years, unless the Monarch, on the advice of the Prime Minister, calls for early elections. The general election on 5 June 2019 gave the "Red Bloc" a parliamentary majority in support of Social Democrats leader Mette Frederiksen as Prime Minister. The coalition comprises the Social Democrats, the Social Liberals, Socialist People's Party, the Red– Green Alliance, the Faroese Social Democratic Party and the Greenlandic Siumut, and won 93 of the 179 seats. The Government, announced on 27 June, is a single-party government. 2. Composition Results of the Folketinget elections on 5 June 2019 Party EP affiliation % Seats Socialdemokraterne (Social Democrats) 25,9% 48 Venstre, Danmarks Liberale Parti) (V) (Liberals) 23,45% 43 Dansk Folkeparti (DF) (Danish People's Party) 8,7% 16 Det Radikale Venstre (Danish Social Liberal Party) 8,6% 16 Socialistisk Folkeparti (SF) (Socialist People's Party) 7,7% 14 Red-Green Alliance (Enhedslisten) 13 6,9% Det Konservative Folkeparti (Conservative People's Party) 6,6% 12 The Alternative (Alternativet) 3% 5 The New Right (Nye Borgerlige) 2,4% 4 Liberal Alliance (Liberal Alliance) 2,3% 4 Others <1 % 0 Faroe Islands Union Party (Sambandsflokkurin) 28,8% 1 Javnaðarflokkurin (Social Democratic Party) 25,5% 1 Greenland Inuit Ataqatigiit (Inuit Community) 33,4% 1 Siumut 29,4% 1 Forward 179 Turnout: 84.6% 3.
    [Show full text]
  • Greenland Last Ice Area
    kn Greenland Last Ice Area Potentials for hydrocarbon and mineral resources activities Mette Frost, WWF-DK Copenhagen, September 2014 Report Greenland Last Ice Area. Potentials for hydrocarbon and mineral resources activities. The report is written by Mette Frost, WWF Verdensnaturfonden. Published by WWF Verdensnaturfonden, Svanevej 12, 2400 København NV. Denmark. Phone +45 3536 3635 – E-mail: [email protected] WWF Global Arctic Programme, 275 Slater Street, Ottawa, Ontario, K1P 5L4. Canada. Phone: +1 613 232 2535 Project The report has been developed under the Last Ice Area project, a joint project between WWF Canada, WWF Denmark and WWF Global Arctic Programme. Other WWF reports on Greenland – Last Ice Area Greenland Last Ice Area. Scoping study: socioeconomic and socio-cultural use of the Greenland LIA. By Pelle Tejsner, consultant and PhD. and Mette Frost, WWF-DK. November 2012. Seals in Greenland – an important component of culture and economy. By Eva Garde, WWF-DK. November 2013. Front page photo: Yellow house in Kullorsuaq, Qaasuitsup Kommunia, Greenland. July 2012. Mette Frost, WWF Verdensnaturfonden. The report can be downloaded from www.wwf.dk [1] CONTENTS Last Ice Area Introduction 4 Last Ice Area / Sikuusarfiit Nunngutaat 5 Last Ice Area/ Den Sidste Is 6 Summary 7 Eqikkaaneq 12 Sammenfatning 18 1. Introduction – scenarios for resources development within the Greenland LIA 23 1.1 Last Ice Area 23 1.2 Geology of the Greenland LIA 25 1.3 Climate change 30 2. Mining in a historical setting 32 2.1 Experiences with mining in Greenland 32 2.2 Resources development to the benefit of society 48 3.
    [Show full text]
  • Greenland's Project Independence
    NO. 10 JANUARY 2021 Introduction Greenland’s Project Independence Ambitions and Prospects after 300 Years with the Kingdom of Denmark Michael Paul An important anniversary is coming up in the Kingdom of Denmark: 12 May 2021 marks exactly three hundred years since the Protestant preacher Hans Egede set sail, with the blessing of the Danish monarch, to missionise the island of Greenland. For some Greenlanders that date symbolises the end of their autonomy: not a date to celebrate but an occasion to declare independence from Denmark, after becoming an autonomous territory in 2009. Just as controversial as Egede’s statue in the capital Nuuk was US President Donald Trump’s offer to purchase the island from Denmark. His arrogance angered Greenlanders, but also unsettled them by exposing the shaky foundations of their independence ambitions. In the absence of governmental and economic preconditions, leaving the Realm of the Danish Crown would appear to be a decidedly long-term option. But an ambitious new prime minister in Nuuk could boost the independence process in 2021. Only one political current in Greenland, tice to finances. “In the Law on Self-Govern- the populist Partii Naleraq of former Prime ment the Danes granted us the right to take Minister Hans Enoksen, would like to over thirty-two sovereign responsibilities. declare independence imminently – on And in ten years we have taken on just one National Day (21 June) 2021, the anniver- of them, oversight over resources.” Many sary of the granting of self-government people just like to talk about independence, within Denmark in 2009.
    [Show full text]