The Internal Decision Making Structure of the Federal New
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Hon. Stanley H. Knowles Fonds MG 32, C 59
LIBRARY AND BIBLIOTHÈQUE ET ARCHIVES CANADA ARCHIVES CANADA Canadian Archives and Direction des archives Special Collections Branch canadiennes et collections spéciales Hon. Stanley H. Knowles fonds MG 32, C 59 Finding Aid No. 1611 / Instrument de recherche no 1611 Prepared by Colleen Dempsey and David Préparé par Colleen Dempsey et David Ross. Ross. Revised in 1991 by Geoff Ott for the Révisé en 1991 par Geoff Ott pour le service Political Archives Service. des archives politiques. -ii- TABLE OF CONTENTS Pages Index Headings .............................................................. ii Guide to the Finding Aid ...................................................... .xii Political Series vols. 1-349 ......................................................... 1-256 vols. 398-402 ..................................................... 293-295 vols. 412-485 ..................................................... 300-359 vols. 488-494 ..................................................... 361-366 vols. 502-513 ......................................................... 371 Canadian Labour Congress vols. 350-389 ..................................................... 256-288 vol. 513 ............................................................. 380 Personal Series vols. 390-397 ..................................................... 288-293 vols. 403-411 ..................................................... 295-300 vols. 486-487 ..................................................... 359-361 vols. 495-502 .................................................... -
The Aboriginal Vote in 2000
The Aboriginal Vote in 2000 Achieving an equitable position for Aboriginal Peoples in Canadian society Summary of Results ✔ 8 ridings will have Aboriginal voting age populations of 10,000 or more. ✔ 29 ridings will have Aboriginal voting age populations of 5,000 or more. ✔ 45 ridings will have Aboriginal voting age populations in excess of 5% of total vote. ✔ In 22 ridings, the size of the Aboriginal vote exceeded margin of victory in the last election. Note: The data contained in the following is based on Statistics Canada special runs. Population numbers represent eligible voters. The figures underestimate population by at least 18%. Regional Distribution Aboriginal People account for 8.9% of all voters in Manitoba, 8.0% of the vote in Saskatchewan, 4.9% of voters in Alberta and 4.4% in British Columbia. In the North, Aboriginal People represent 56.7% of the electorate in the Northwest Territories, 21% in the Yukon, and 19.9% in Labrador. In northwestern Ontario and northwestern Quebec, they form close to 20% of the voting populations. Aboriginal Voting Strength by Province REGIONAL DISTRIBUTION OF VOTING AGE POPULATION, 2000 TOTAL VOTING ABORIGINAL ABORIGINAL REGION POPULATION VOTE VOTE AS % # % # % OF TOTAL Newfoundland 465,075 2.1% 9,185 1.3% 2.0% Prince Edward Island 104,690 0.5% 1,270 0.2% 1.2% Nova Scotia 743,810 3.3% 15,335 2.2% 2.1% New Brunswick 597,340 2.7% 9,250 1.3% 1.6% Quebec 5,720,120 25.5% 103,770 14.8% 1.8% Ontario 8,315,000 37.1% 175,855 25.0% 2.1% Manitoba 886,035 4.0% 79,070 11.2% 8.9% Saskatchewan 784,660 3.5% 62,405 8.9% 8.0% Alberta 2,027,965 9.0% 98,845 14.1% 4.9% British Columbia 2,711,735 12.1% 120,135 17.1% 4.4% Northwest Territories* 41,650 0.2% 23,615 3.4% 56.7% Yukon 22,025 0.1% 4,630 0.7% 21.0% TOTAL 22,420,105 100.0% 703,365 100.00% 3.1% SOURCE: Special Run on 1991 Census Database Nunavut statistics are included in the Northwest Territories data. -
Liberalism, Social Democracy, and Tom Kent Kenneth C
Liberalism, Social Democracy, and Tom Kent Kenneth C. Dewar Journal of Canadian Studies/Revue d'études canadiennes, Volume 53, Number/numéro 1, Winter/hiver 2019, pp. 178-196 (Article) Published by University of Toronto Press For additional information about this article https://muse.jhu.edu/article/719555 Access provided by Mount Saint Vincent University (19 Mar 2019 13:29 GMT) Journal of Canadian Studies • Revue d’études canadiennes Liberalism, Social Democracy, and Tom Kent KENNETH C. DEWAR Abstract: This article argues that the lines separating different modes of thought on the centre-left of the political spectrum—liberalism, social democracy, and socialism, broadly speaking—are permeable, and that they share many features in common. The example of Tom Kent illustrates the argument. A leading adviser to Lester B. Pearson and the Liberal Party from the late 1950s to the early 1970s, Kent argued for expanding social security in a way that had a number of affinities with social democracy. In his paper for the Study Conference on National Problems in 1960, where he set out his philosophy of social security, and in his actions as an adviser to the Pearson government, he supported social assis- tance, universal contributory pensions, and national, comprehensive medical insurance. In close asso- ciation with his philosophy, he also believed that political parties were instruments of policy-making. Keywords: political ideas, Canada, twentieth century, liberalism, social democracy Résumé : Cet article soutient que les lignes séparant les différents modes de pensée du centre gauche de l’éventail politique — libéralisme, social-démocratie et socialisme, généralement parlant — sont perméables et qu’ils partagent de nombreuses caractéristiques. -
88309 Rwanda Omslag
Assessment of the Impact and Influence of the Joint Evaluation of Emergency Assistance to Rwanda Lessons from Rwanda – Lessons for Today Rwanda – Lessons for Today Lessons from Following the 1994 Genocide in Rwanda the Danish Ministry of Foreign Affairs initiated a comprehensive evaluation of the international response. The findings were highly critical of nearly all the international actors. Ten years after the genocide the Ministry commissioned this assessment of the impact and influence of the evaluation. It concludes that the evaluation con- tributed to increased accountability among humanitarian organizations and that it had important influences on several major donor policies. But, despite a greater willingness by the international community to intervene militarily and to undertake more robust peacekeeping missions, these remain the exception rather than the rule where mass killings of civilians threaten or are even underway. The evaluation’s main conclusion – that “Humanitarian Action cannot substitute for political action” – remains just as December 2004 valid today as 10 years ago. Lessons from Rwanda – Lessons for Today ISBN: 87-7667-141-0 Lessons from Rwanda – Lessons for Today Assessment of the Impact and Influence of Joint Evaluation of Emergency Assistance to Rwanda John Borton and John Eriksson December 2004 © Ministry of Foreign Affairs December 2004 Production: Evaluation Department, Ministry of Foreign Affairs Cover: Kiure F. Msangi Graphic production: Phoenix-Print A/S, Aarhus, Denmark ISBN (report): 87-7667-141-0 e-ISBN (report): 87-7667-142-9 ISSN: 1399-4972 This report can be obtained free of charge by contacting: Danish State Information Centre Phone + 45 7010 1881 http://danida.netboghandel.dk/ The report can also be downloaded through the Ministry of Foreign Affairs’ homepage www.um.dk or directly from the Evaluation Department’s homepage www.evaluation.dk Responsibility for the content and presentation of findings and recommendations rests with the authors. -
The NDP's Approach to Constitutional Issues Has Not Been Electorally
Constitutional Confusion on the Left: The NDP’s Position in Canada’s Constitutional Debates Murray Cooke [email protected] First Draft: Please do not cite without permission. Comments welcome. Paper prepared for the Annual Meetings of the Canadian Political Science Association, June 2004, Winnipeg The federal New Democratic Party experienced a dramatic electoral decline in the 1990s from which it has not yet recovered. Along with difficulties managing provincial economies, the NDP was wounded by Canada’s constitutional debates. The NDP has historically struggled to present a distinctive social democratic approach to Canada’s constitution. Like its forerunner, the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation (CCF), the NDP has supported a liberal, (English-Canadian) nation-building approach that fits comfortably within the mainstream of Canadian political thought. At the same time, the party has prioritized economic and social polices rather than seriously addressing issues such as the deepening of democracy or the recognition of national or regional identities. Travelling without a roadmap, the constitutional debates of the 80s and 90s proved to be a veritable minefield for the NDP. Through three rounds of mega- constitutional debate (1980-82, 1987-1990, 1991-1992), the federal party leadership supported the constitutional priorities of the federal government of the day, only to be torn by disagreements from within. This paper will argue that the NDP’s division, lack of direction and confusion over constitution issues can be traced back to longstanding weaknesses in the party’s social democratic theory and strategy. First of all, the CCF- NDP embraced rather than challenged the parameters and institutions of liberal democracy. -
The New Democratic Parly and Labor Political Action in Canada
^ •%0k--~* ^'i'^©fc: s $> LABOR RESEARCH REVIEW #22 The New Democratic Parly and Labor Political Action in Canada • Elaine Bernard Political humorist Barry Crimmins recently remarked that the Perot phenomenon in the last Presidential election showed the depressing state of U.S. politics. "Who would have thought/' shrugged Crimmins, "that the development of a third party would reduce political choice?" Many U.S. union progressives have envied their Canadian counterparts' success in building an enduring labor-based political party—the New Democratic Party (NDP). They look to Canada and the NDP as proof that labor and democratic socialist ideas can win a wide hearing and acceptance in North America. As U.S. activists learn about Canada's more progressive labor laws, the national system of universal publicly funded single-payer health care coverage, and the more generous and extensive entitlement programs, they naturally look to labor's political power and the role of the labor-supported New Democratic Party in winning many of these reforms and promoting progressive social change in Canada. Yet most activists in the U.S. know little about the 33-year history of the NDP, the struggles that took place within the Canadian labor movement over the party's creation, and the continuing evolution of • Elaine Bernard is the Executive Director of the Harvard Trade Union Program. Before moving to the U.S. in 1989, she was a longtime activist and the president of the British Columbia wing of the New Democratic Party of Canada. 100 Labor Research Review #21 the relationship between organized labor and the party. -
Core 1..156 Hansard (PRISM::Advent3b2 7.50)
CANADA House of Commons Debates VOLUME 138 Ï NUMBER 112 Ï 2nd SESSION Ï 37th PARLIAMENT OFFICIAL REPORT (HANSARD) Thursday, June 5, 2003 Speaker: The Honourable Peter Milliken CONTENTS (Table of Contents appears at back of this issue.) All parliamentary publications are available on the ``Parliamentary Internet Parlementaire´´ at the following address: http://www.parl.gc.ca 6883 HOUSE OF COMMONS Thursday, June 5, 2003 The House met at 10 a.m. national security. As parliamentarians, we have a duty to the people of Canada to represent, to serve and to debate. As a minister I have a responsibility to inform and that is my purpose here today. Prayers We live in a world still scarred by the events of September 11, 2001. Since then, the world and Canada have taken great strides to enhance security. Terrorist networks have been disrupted, but they ROUTINE PROCEEDINGS are still capable of striking. The attacks in Bali, Saudi Arabia and Morocco are proof of this. That is why it is more important than ever Ï (1005) to ensure we do whatever we can to protect Canadians, our countries, [English] and our friends from the threat of terrorism. That is why it is as INTERPARLIAMENTARY DELEGATIONS important to understand what is going on halfway around the world as it is to understand what is happening in Canada. The Speaker: I have the honour to lay upon the table the report of the Canadian parliamentary delegation concerning its visit to Morocco and Egypt from April 13 to 23, 2003. Canada is not immune from the threat of terrorism. -
Alternative North Americas: What Canada and The
ALTERNATIVE NORTH AMERICAS What Canada and the United States Can Learn from Each Other David T. Jones ALTERNATIVE NORTH AMERICAS Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars One Woodrow Wilson Plaza 1300 Pennsylvania Avenue NW Washington, D.C. 20004 Copyright © 2014 by David T. Jones All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, scanned, or distributed in any printed or electronic form without permission. Please do not participate in or encourage piracy of copyrighted materials in violation of author’s rights. Published online. ISBN: 978-1-938027-36-9 DEDICATION Once more for Teresa The be and end of it all A Journey of Ten Thousand Years Begins with a Single Day (Forever Tandem) TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction .................................................................................................................1 Chapter 1 Borders—Open Borders and Closing Threats .......................................... 12 Chapter 2 Unsettled Boundaries—That Not Yet Settled Border ................................ 24 Chapter 3 Arctic Sovereignty—Arctic Antics ............................................................. 45 Chapter 4 Immigrants and Refugees .........................................................................54 Chapter 5 Crime and (Lack of) Punishment .............................................................. 78 Chapter 6 Human Rights and Wrongs .................................................................... 102 Chapter 7 Language and Discord .......................................................................... -
Report the 2016 Saskatchewan Provincial Election: The
Canadian Political Science Review Vol. 13, No. 1, 2019-20, 97-122 ISBN (online) 1911-4125 Journal homepage: https://ojs.unbc.ca/index.php/cpsr Report The 2016 Saskatchewan Provincial Election: The Solidification of an Uncompetitive Two-Party Leader-Focused System or Movement to a One-Party Predominant System? David McGrane Department of Political Studies, St. Thomas More College, University of Saskatchewan – Email address: [email protected] Tom McIntosh Department of Political Science, University of Regina James Farney Department of Political Science, University of Regina Loleen Berdahl Department of Political Studies, University of Saskatchewan Gregory Kerr Vox Pop Labs Clifton Van Der Liden Vox Pop Labs Abstract This article closely examines campaign dynamics and voter behaviour in the 2016 Saskatchewan provincial election. Using a qualitative assessment of the events leading up to election day and data from an online vote compass gathered during the campaign period, it argues that the popularity of the incumbent Premier, Brad Wall, was the decisive factor explaining the Saskatchewan Party’s success. Résumé Ce texte examine de près les dynamiques de la campagne et le comportement des électeurs lors des élections provinciales de 2016 en Saskatchewan. On fait une évaluation qualitative des événements qui ont précédé le jour du scrutin et une analyse des données d’une boussole de vote en ligne recueillies au cours de la campagne électorale. On souligne que la popularité du premier ministre Brad Wall était le facteur décisif qui explique le succès du le Parti saskatchewannais . Key words: Saskatchewan, provincial elections, Saskatchewan Party, Brad Wall, New Democratic Party of Saskatchewan, CBC Vote Compass Mots-clés: Saskatchewan, élections provinciales, le Parti saskatchewannais, Brad Wall, le Nouveau parti démocratique de la saskatchewan David McGrane et al 98 Introduction Writing about the 2011 Saskatchewan election, McGrane et al. -
Oral History Transcript T-0217, Interview with David Burbank
ORAL HISTORY T-0217 INTERVIEW WITH DAVID BURBANK INTERVIEWED BY NOEL DARK SOCIALIST PARTY PROJECT NOVEMBER 29, 1972 This transcript is a part of the Oral History Collection (S0829), available at The State Historical Society of Missouri. If you would like more information, please contact us at [email protected]. My name is Noel Clark. I am a graduate student at the University of Missouri-St. Louis. The date is November 29, 1972. I am going to talk this evening to Mr. David Burbank about the Socialist Party in the State of Missouri. CLARK: Mr. Burbank, would you mind, first of all, saying your name? BURBANK: Yes, I am David Burbank. CLARK: ...and your address. BURBANK: My address is 300 Mansion Center, St. Louis. CLARK: Okay. Mr. Burbank, would you mind giving us a short history on the Socialist Party as you first became acquainted with it? BURBANK: Well, I think I might start out by giving a little bit of background. As you probably know, the Socialist Party was greatly reduced after World War I. The Red scares and the Communist split reduced it nationally to very little. There were several cities where they had originally been very strong before World War I and even during World War I. St. Louis was one of them. There was a very large German population and this party here was, to a very large extent, a German organization. It had been so for a long time. The German Socialists were active in various German Unions, like the brewery works, the carpenters, machinists and so on, and exercised considerable influence in these unions. -
James W. Orr, Saint John, New Brunswick, 1936-2009
The Making of a Labour Activist: James W. Orr, Saint John, New Brunswick, 1936-2009 by Ryan Stairs Bachelor of Arts, University of New Brunswick, 2011 A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the Graduate Academic Unit of History Supervisor: David Frank, PhD, Department of History (Supervisor) Examining Board: Gregory S. Kealey, PhD, Department of History W. Thom Workman, PhD, Department of Political Science David Charters, PhD, Department of History This thesis is accepted by the Dean of Graduate Studies THE UNIVERSITY OF NEW BRUNSWICK July, 2014 © Ryan Stairs, 2014 ii Abstract James W. Orr (1936-2009) was one of a number of rank-and-file labour militants in the city of Saint John, New Brunswick who bore witness to, and had some hand in, a number of upheavals in the local labour movement. Growing up in a working-class neighborhood in west Saint John, he came of age at the time of the momentous Canadian Seamen’s Union strike of 1949, which had a permanent impact on his outlook. Leaving school at sixteen to work for the Canadian Pacific Railway, he then joined the navy before going on to become a lifelong union man on the docks. As a member of Local 1764, International Longshoremen’s Association, he helped lead the 1974 strike against the Maritime Employers’ Association. He was one of the organizers of the 1976 Saint John General Strike on 14 October against the federal government’s wage controls. Orr was also a key organizer of the 1979 NO CANDU campaign that closed the port in support of civil rights for workers in Argentina. -
CCF) in New Brunswick, 1940-1949 Laurel Lewey
JOURNAL OF NEW BRUNSWICK STUDIES Issue 3 (2012) A Near Golden Age: The Cooperative Commonwealth Federation (CCF) in New Brunswick, 1940-1949 Laurel Lewey Abstract This history of the Cooperative Commonwealth Federation (CCF) in the 1940s in New Brunswick adds to a growing body of literature that challenges the misperception that the CCF scarcely existed east of Ontario. However, in spite of a host of historical (and later) social conditions that called out for the CCF, the 1940s was the only decade when the movement showed considerable promise in New Brunswick. This article will suggest that the failure of the movement to gain permanent traction was attributable to several factors: the political strength of the Liberal political machinery and Premier John B. McNair; anti-labour sentiments and the anti- CCF campaign in the media; organizational challenges within the party; social and economic conditions within the province; and the divergent agenda of Francophone and Anglophone New Brunswickers. Résumé Cette histoire de la Fédération du Commonwealth coopératif (FCC) dans les années 1940 au Nouveau-Brunswick s’ajoute aux nombreux écrits qui dénoncent la fausse perception que la FCC a rarement existé à l’est de l’Ontario. Toutefois, malgré une foule de conditions historiques, et plus tard sociales, qui ont favorisé la FCC, les années 1940 ont été la seule décennie pendant laquelle le mouvement a suscité un espoir considérable au Nouveau- Brunswick. Cet article démontrera que la faillite du mouvement à atteindre une croissance permanente était attribuable à plusieurs facteurs : la force de la machine politique du Parti libéral et du premier ministre John B.