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Copyright © Leonard Sellers, 2000

ISSN. 1368-499X

The R.N.D. is produced and designed at Honeysuckle House, 17A Bellhouse Road, Eastwood, Leigh-on-Sea, Essex. SS9 5NL.

Telephone:- 01 702 521550.

E Mail:- [email protected]

The frontcover picture has been made possible by Mr Phil.Tomaselli of Bristol. I would like to express to him, my appreciation for his kind gift. THROUGH THE GATE OF HORN

(A quite ImaginaryMisfortune)

By Lieutenant A.P. Herbert. Hawke Battalion.

In that darkhour beforethe dawn comes thronging, When people die and soldiers stand to arms, I lay and wrestled with a wicked longing To yield ungrudgingly to Lethe's charms. I weighed it well; forin Battalion Orders High Powers had registered theirawful aim:­ Allsubalterns to be unwinking warders Throughout that period. But all the same There are some times one simply has to keep For certain things. This was the time for sleep.

I said' There stands a great unwrit tradition, Which kills of Colonels and makes Generals grey, That none who holds His Majesty's Commission Shall nod by night or be at rest by day; But in this middle time, when all is quiet, When shells are silent and no flies intrude, When no sun scorches and no rifleriot, And even my platoon requires no food, Shall I not slumber and the king forgive ?

1355. 'And, if the Staff suspects the man von Sanders Of swift offencesand the use of gas, I might remind them we are not in Flanders (Where one, it seems, may be that sortof ass), But nigh to Troy, where men employed no vapours Nor made attacks at this unnaturaltime, And Troy's traditions shall forbidsuch capers While cultured Turks possess the classic clime: These haunts of chivalry shall still condemn The least activity at three AM.'

But anyhow, I slept. And then like thunder Big clouds of battle burst about my head. Methought a sentry made some hideous blunder; The Turk came creeping and the ground was dead; Softover Dardanus the sun stood staring; On Achi Baba paled the startled moon, When Islam's gallantest, with sounds like swearing, Drove back the pagans of the tenth platoon. A man called Ismail, in dirty blue, Stood kicking me. I woke - and it was true.

The time is tedious in Constantinople; Meanwhile I pen this melancholy screed To friendlyneutrals, and perhaps the POPE'll Be touched and intervene and have me freed. Haply my lines, like some distressfulpennant, Shall flutter forthto that embattled Strait And reach and teach some drowsy Sub-Lieutenant To me more dutiful.At any rate The British fleetwill know that I am there, And not bombard without the greatest care.

Lieutenant A.P. Herbert.

* * * * * *

Published in 'Half Hours at Relles.' By B.H. Blackwell, Broad Street. 1916. I would like to thank A.P. Watt on behalf of Crystal Gale & Jocelyn Herbert for permission to reproduce this poem.

1356. ROYAL NAVAL DIVISION PERSONALITY.

Sub Lieutenant A. P. Herbert.

1890-1971.

Hawke Battalion.

By

John Bailey

As readers of the R.N.D. are aware I have been republishing A. P. Herbert's war poetry, which is well written and descriptive so that it highlights his experience of war and in so doing creates the atmosphere of the time. Now I have the additional pleasure of reproducing John Bailey's 'A Centennial Biography' of this larger than life character. It first appeared in 1990 in the Newsletter of the Essex branch of the Western Front Association that is called' If You Want The Old Battalion'. At that time John was the Hon. Editor.

Alan Patrick Herbert, or APH as he was called all his life, was bornon the 24th September 1890, the eldest of three sons of Patrick Herbert, of Co Kildare a clerk in the Indian Office, forwhich position he had moved to London in 1872. This is the now accepted record of his parentage, although he does not go into his family on his father's side very much in his Autobiography. Certainly A.G. Macdonell a fellow Wykehamist, suggested that APH's real name was Hertzog. APH took much pleasure all his lifein 'laying the ghosts' of his forebears, and referring to his 'very peculiar nose'. APH's nose was to give him trouble formost of his life in more ways than one.

Readers will know of this extraordinary man from his voluminous writings, and as the creator of Albert Haddock the scourge of the English Legal System. Those that have been divorced will, or will not, hold him in high regard forpushing The Matrimonial Causes Act through Parliament.

Lovers of musical comedy will remember the lyricist of 'Bless The Bride' - written with Vivian Ellis-which had such a long run in the West End, and those with the wander-lust will never enjoy a book more than 'The Water Gypsies'.

1357. Income tax payers will revere him forhis lifelong and very witty campaign against the Inland Revenue, - who can forgetthe drawer ofcheques on an unboiled egg, (the Bank had to boil it, to cleat it ! ), on a table cloth, and perhaps the most celebrated of all, on the side ofa cow. But for the article let us look at APH - the Soldier/Sailor.

APH leftWinch ester in 1909, and went up to New College, Oxfordin 1910. In his last year at Winchester he had won the King's Gold Medal forEnglish Verse, and the King's Silver Medal forEnglish Speech, and as an Exhibitioner (receiving £40 a year)at New College he was forced to continue with the Classics and to take Honour Moderations. Escaping to the Law, he finishedwith a good First in the Honour School ofJurisprudence, was still 'a swot', as he put it, played school, lawn tennis, cricket, ran with the Beagles, (the Prince ofWales was inthe same pack), spoke at the Union, became Secretary (Harold Macmillan was Librarian,) and all in all had a very enjoyable time at Oxford.

But it was to be the last 'Golden Summer' that of 1914. The Union speakers had said; "Participation in the struggle is the only valid activity, there must be involvement". Poignantly APH in a visit to Oxford many years later recalled; "When I walk through the Garden Quad today I cannot remember all the names that bounded out fromthe staircases or sat in the windows. But those that I do remember were all extinguished in the war."

One of the lasting memories, he tells us, was ofRonnie Poulton, the great three-quarter, snaking through enemy forwards, the ball well ahead ofhim, as ifhe were an invisible man. Even a Greek Scholar, who had never kicked a ball, could scarce forbear to cheer. Ronnie was 'Oxford', so was the Greek scholar, thinkingof Sparta ....

It was during 'that pregnant July' of1914 that he met and fellfor Gwendolen Quilter, the feelingwas mutual, and it was to be a whirlwind romance, and wedding.

APH was attending the OxfordHouse Mission in Bethnal Green, - he had promised them a year - beforehis Bar exams, but his friendswere joining up, and two weeks later he bicycled to Lambethand enlisted as an Ordinary Seaman in the R.N.V.R. His younger brothers, Owen and Sidney had already joined the Army and Navy respectively - Owen was killed at Mons, and Sidney was to be lost in a later War on HMS Hood - 'and it was the desire to be with Sidney that led me to jointhe Royal Navy!' APH became engaged to GWEN H. Quilter in December 1914 and they were married in the frrst week ofJan, 1915, at Bethnal Green, the bride in white and he 'resplendent in his bluejackets uniform sporting on his sleeve the red anchor ofan Acting Leading Seaman. This anchor gave him as much pleasure as his First Degree in Law.

At HMSCrystal Palace he received his Commission in the RNVR as Sub Lieutenant and was posted to Hawke Battalion ofthe recently formedRoyal Naval Division, which was training at Blandford Camp, Dorset. Hood Battalion, commanded by Colonel Arnold Quilter, (1) APH's cousinby marriage, were also training there, fullof kindred spirits fromUnive rsity:­ Rupert Brooke, Charles Lister, Douglas Jerrold, Arthur Asquith, Denis Brown, F. S. (Cleg) Kelly, Patrick Shaw Stewart, Vere Harmsworth and Bernard Freyberg among them; - only

1358. September 1914. Crystal Palace 1915. Sub-Lieutenant, As Ordinary Seaman. Hawke Battalion.

Lieutenant William Ker, R.N.V.R. Lieutenant C.S. Codner, M.C., Transport Officer, Hawke Battalion. 1359. three of whom were to survive the War - and one can believe that APH enjoyed the Mess Evenings with the 'Graduate' young Officers ofDrake, Hood, Howe and Hawke around etc.

In late spring of 1915 'C' and 'D' Companies of Hawke embarked for Gallipoli to join the Battalions of the RND - or what was left of them- which were already ashore, and arrived at the Island ofLemnos on the 1? 111 May. APH was given command ofNo 11 Platoon, of 'C' Company, comprised ofTynesiders who spoke what to him was a foreigntongue and which became theircomplaint when he spoke to them ! He had, in fact, in his Platoon men from remote Durham villages whose dialect baffled their 'ship mates' fromNorthumber land.

His closest friendon Gallipoli was Lieutenant William Kerr, (to be killed at The Ancre in November 1916), whose letters home fromGallipoli were to so enhance the Hawke Battalion History, (2) written by Jerrold, who was also to write the History of The Royal Naval Division in the Great War, (3) Sadly APH's letters of 1915 do not survive, but his first War Poetry 'Half Hours at Relles' (4) and the first three chapters of 'The Secret Battle' (5) with their vivid pictures ofthe Peninsula, show us how much APH was scarred by his experiences there.

"The snipping was terrible. In that firstweek we lost twelve men each day. They fellwithout a sound in the early morning as they stood up from their cooking at the brazier, fellshot through the head, and lay snoring horribly in the dust; they were sniped as they came up the communication trench with water, or carelessly raised their heads to look at the ships in the Bay; and in the night there were sudden screams where a sentry had moved his head against the moon."

APH had to endure a furtheraffliction, as if 'the Seven Plagues' were not enough, He had a recurrence ofa complaint fromhis youth, hay fever, brought on no doubt by the clouds of pollen from poppy and cornflower which adorn the Peninsula.

One night he was ordered to take a two man patrol out to reconnoitre the Turkish line, and although he nearly refused because has was sneezing 'all the way to the front line and back' he feared the thoughts of his men more than the patrol, so he crawled out with his two Tynesiders. Groping through the dusty scrub when about forty yards out, Sub Lieutenant Herbert was seized by a bout of sneezing. The Turks responded with a machine-gun and one of the scouts was hit in the femoralartery ... "I remember terribly how the other scout and I dragged the poor fellow back through the hole in the wire into the fronttrench. He died later. Hey Fever is no joke to me."

This sad episode was still painfullyrecalled fifty years afterthe event. Lieutenant Ker reported on the 3rd July 1915 that 'Herbert unfortunately developed a temperature of 103.5 - he has been unwell all along - and has been taken to hospital and out ofmy ken.' APH was not to return to the Dardanelles.

Afterthe evacuation fromthe Peninsula in January 1916, the RND found itselftransferred to the Western Frontin May 1916. APH 'Fit for light duty' had a wasted but humorous period

1360. at the Dept of Naval Intelligence, in Whitehall, during which time he and Gwen bought their house in Hammersmith Terrace, on the Thames, 'which was to be a fixed point of domestic and social felicity forthe next 50 years.

He rejoined the Hawke in the July of 1916, to findthat the RND had been 'militarised', and that the Officersurvivors - all too few - fromGallipoli, and his 'Geordies', had become unduly concerned with their appearance, and with drill, two things that had never concerned the RND overmuch inthe Dardanelles.

Whathappened in that summer of 1916 was to change the structure of the Division, but not its independent spirit. Their much loved and respected Commander, Major General Archibald Paris had been struck down by shell fire and an Army man had been given the command. Not just anArmy man but a Rifleman, and a martinet to boot.

At this time a poem by APH circulated, which as a song was sung through the Divisional Mess Rooms. As it was hilariously funnybut rudely critical of the new Commander, Major General Cameron Dean Shute (6) it was soon picked up by the Royal Naval Division's marching troops to the tune of 'Tarpaulin Jacket'.

The General Inspecting the trenches Exclaimed with a horrifiedshout 'I refuse to command a division Which leaves its excreta about

But nobody took any notice, No-one was prepared to refute, That the presence of shit was congenial Compared with the presence of Shute.

And certain responsible critics Made haste to reply to his words, Observing that his staffadvisers Consisted entirely of turds.

For shit may be shot at odd corners And paper supplied there to suit, But a shit would be shot without mourners If somebody shot that shit Shute. (7)

1361. Another of APH poems of the period was in answer to a rumour that beards would be banned in the Division on Shute's orders The Transport Officerof the Hawke Battalion, Sub Lieutenant Codner had a fine 'set' and as Jerrold reports; "If we had lost Codner's beard, for it soon became far more ours than his, we lost everything". The whole Division laughed their heads offwhen this work appeared in 'Punch' with a slight name change. (See R.N.D. issue 8 page 624/625 forthis poem 'The Battle of Codson' s Beard'. )

Herbertwas one of those fortunate officers of the Division who was kept with the Reserve, when the RND mounted their famousattack on Beaucourt in November 1916. The losses were appalling, Cleg Kelly and Vere Harmsworth and his friend William Ker were to fall on those blood-soaked Heights of the Ancre. A furtherincident involving a young officer of the Nelson Battalion stayed with APH and was to 'so upset him, that he tried to resolve his crisis of feelingafter the War in a novel'. This was 'The Secret Battle'; surely one of the best three 'novels' to be written by participants in the War. "My friendHarry was shot for cowardice and he was the bravest man I ever knew."

APH was to survive Gavrelle and the war to publish his War Poems 'The Bomber Gipsy'; (8) to have terrible nightmares, but to give to Prose and Poetry all his rich talent forthe humorous, and always be the champion of the lost cause.

John Bailey.

References :-

1) Colonel Arnold Quilter:- Please see R.N.D. issue 3. Pages 145/146 and issue 6 page 423.

2) 'Hawke Battalion' by Douglas Jerrold, published in 1925 by E. Benn.

3) 'The Royal Naval Division' by Douglas Jerrold 2nd Edition published by Hutchinson & Co in 1927. Note:- Has recently been republished by 'The Naval & MilitaryPress' PO Box 61, Dallington,Heathfield, TN21 9ZS.

4) 'Half Hours at Relles' published by B.H. Blackwell, Broad Street, in 1916.

5) 'The Secret Battle' published by Methuen & Co Ltd in 1919.

6) Major General Cameron Dean Shute please see R.N.D. issue 12, page 1060.

7) Has also been reproduced in 'The Hood Battalion' by Leonard Sellers, published by Leo Cooper Pen & Sword Books Ltd in 1995. ISBN O 85053 386 9. Pages 171/172.

8) 'The Bomber Gipsey' by A.P. Herbert published in 1919 by Methuen & Co. Ltd.

1362. Notes:- On Officer'sService. (1) Sub Lieutenant Alan Patrick Herbert. :- Born 24/09/1890. Next of Kin wife, Mrs Gwendoline Herbert of 12, Hammersmith Terrace, London W. Formally Lon. Z/159. R.N.V.R. Temp Sub Lieutenant 20/3/1915 at C1ystal Palace. M.E.F. to Gallipoli with Hawke Battalion May 1915. Invalided Home with Enteritis 2/8/1915. Blandford5/5/1916. B.E.F. with Hawke Battalion 7/7/1916. Mentioned in DespatchesDardanelles Supplement London Gazette No 29664 dated 13/7/1916, page 6953. Aqjutant Hawke on 15/11/1916. Wounded on duty 23/4/1917 with Gun Shot Wound to left Buttock. 24/4/1917 to 14th General Hospital Boulogne. 27 /4/1917 to England. Q.A. Hospital, Mill field Lane, Highgate, London 27/4/1917. Medical Board P of Wales Hospital 22/6/1917. Fit forGeneral Service in 2 months. Terminated in R.N.D. 9/9/1917 to H.MS. President.

Above detail from the record book R.N.D. 'Record of Officer'sService' ROS 182. Voll. Page 233. Admiralty Library, Great Scotland Yard, London.

(2) Lieutenant William Ker. :- Born 14 October 1892. Next of Kin:- Father- Charles Ker of Easterton, Milngavil, Scotland. Age at Commission1h 22 years ands three months. Temporary Sub Lieutenant. R.N.V.R. 19/01/1915 at Crystal Palace. Blandford 9/3/1915. May 1915 M.E.F. to Gallipoli with Hawke Battalion. Promoted to Lieutenant 15/11/1915. B.E.F. 26/5/1916. Killed in action 13/11/1916.

Above detail fromthe record book R.N.D. 'Record of Officer'sService' ROS 182. Vol 2. Ad Lib. Admiralty Library, Great Scotland Yard, London.

(3) Sub Lieutenant CliffordSquires Codner. MC. Born 10/7/1885. Next of Kin- William Squires Codner. Promoted fromthe ranks was a P.O. with Hawke Battalion. Temporary Sub Lieutenant 22/10/1915 with Hawke Battalion. To Gallipoli with M.E.F. Hawke Battalion 22/10/1915. 1 st Field Ambulancewith R.N.D. Imbros 26/3/1916 with problems with legs. Hawke Battalion with B.E.F. 23/5/1916. Mentioned in Despatches Dardanelles- Supp Lon Gazette No 29664-13/7/1916. Mentioned in Despatches G.O.C. in C. 7/11/1917. "Deserving Special Mention" 4 Supp Lon Gazette 11/12/1917, page 12908. At Blandford 4th Reserve Bn 15/11/1917. Qualified 1s1 Class - Revolver Course Wareham 14/12/1917. To B.E.F. from 2"d Reserve Bn with Hawke Battalion 20/4/1918. Awarded M.C. 'MilitaryCross' London Gazette 15/2/1919., page 2373. "During the operations at Niejnies on 8th October 1918, this officerfinding the Brigade bridge over the L'Escaut Canal badly damaged by shell fireand with transp011 stranded half way across climbed along a narrow plank at the side of the bridge and lashed the broken spars together. He then saw the transport over the bridge and safelyconducted the Battalion transport to the assembly position. This gallant act was accomplished at night under heavy shell fire.He had previously done good work for his battalion. (London Gazette 30/7/10919, page 9723.) Demobilised on 6/5/1919 at Crystal Palace.

The Above detail from the record book RND 'Record of Officer'sService' ROS 182. Voll. Ad Lib. AdmiraltyLibrary, Great Scotland Yard, London.

1363. NOTES FROM THE FRONT.

ROYAL NAVAL DIVISION's MEMORAMDUM

FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY. AUGUST 1915.

PART 4 :- INSTRUCTIONS FOR DEFENCE AGAINST ASPHYXIATING GAS.

1. The employment of gas in offenceis only effectivewhen it results in panic amongst the defenders.

2. The following instructions, if complied with, will prevent panic and enable the defenders to remain in their trenches unharmed, though in some cases men will feeldeadly sick.

3. All men in firingand support trenches should be provided with a respirator, chemically prepared, to neutralise asphyxiating gas, which is chieflycomposed of chlorine. This is a heavy gas which settles in hollows, trenches and dugouts, even afterthe gas cloud has passed, carried away by the wind. It is thereforedangerous to lie down in a trench or to remain in hollows, if it is possible to climb on to higher ground.

4. Gas can only be used when a gentle wind is blowing fromthe enemy towards the defenders. When these conditions prevail Battalion Commanders are responsible that masks are inspected.

5. The natural inclination on meeting poisoned gas is to run away fromit; to do so is fatal. The gas travels as fast as a man can run, and he remains in the cloud instead of it passing over him. Moreover, when running the man finds he cannot breathe through the pad and so removes it, with fatalresults.

6. The best defence, on seeing the thick yellowish cloud coming is to put on the mask. If no mask is available, urine on a handkerchief or sponge has proved equally effective. Equal partsofScrubb's or other ammonia and water if kept in a small bottleand sprinkled on the mask is a strong stimulant and preventative of nausea.

All men must stand up in the trenches and keep up a rapid fire over the parapet to disperse the cloud and prevent the enemy advancing. To retire or lie down is fatal. If forany reason men areunable to tolerate the gas it is better to fix bayonets and charge the enemy, as by

1364. advancing the gas cloud is left behind. The effect of the gas passes over the trench in a quarter of an hour, but for some time after this the heavy gas remains in trenches and hollows and men must be kept standing. To lie down is just as fatal as to retire. The masks should not be removed even when men feelsick and unable to breathe.

With these precautions, although some men, especially heavy smokers -feeldeadly sick, the results are not fatal and pass offafter an hour or two.

Should any man find himself without a mask, a puttee or sponge damped with water, or better with urine, and held to the mouth and nostrils is of great assistance, but it is not as effective asa mask chemically prepared.

To Sum Up.

1. There is nothing to be feared if you correctly use these new respirators

2. Do not try to run away fromthe gas as it travels faster than you can.

3. Do not lie down. The gas being heavy stays close to the ground.

4. Probably the best thing to do is to charge forwardthrough it.

5. The gas will only be used by the enemy when the wind is blowing from him and towards us.

Reference:- From a Royal Naval Division booklet. Reference (12) 29908 Wt21385 -P1252 1000 9/5 E & SA. At the Admiralty Library, Mezzanine3, Great Scotland Yard, London.

Series to be continued.

1365. GALL/POLL

CASUALTIES OF THE ROYAL NAVAL DIVISION WITH NO KNOWN GRAVES.

Names appear on the Belles Memorial.

From the Database of the Commonwealth War Graves Commission.

Holroyd, Sergeant, James, P0/13688. Portsmouth Bn. R.M.L.I. Died 6 h May 1915. Panel 2 to 7. 1 Hood, Lieutenant, TheHon. Maurice Henry Nelson, HoodBn. R.N.V.R. Died 7th June 1917. Age 34 years. Only son of the late 2nd Viscount Bridport and Viscountess Bridport; husband of theHon. Mrs M. H. Hood (now Eileen Viscountess Bridport), of 28, NorfolkSquare, Hyde Park, London. Panel 8 to 15.

Hope, Private, Joseph, P0/339(S). PortsmouthBn. R.M.L.I. Died 61h May 1915. Panel 2 to 7.

Hopkin,Able Seaman,Robert, Clyde l/2015. Anson Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 6th May 1915. Age 20 years. Son of William and Jessie Hopkin, of 27, Bruce St., Greenock. Panel 8 to 15.

th Hornsby, Stoker l st Class, Walter, SS/105652. (RFR/CH/B/8892) Hood Bn. Died 4 June 1915. Panel 1 and 2.

Horrell, Petty Officer, Percy, Sussex s/271. Howe Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 6th June 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

Hough, Private, James, P0/755(S). Portsmouth Bn. R.M.L.l. Died 61h May 1915. Age 26 years. Son of Annie Hough, of 18, Snowden Street, Rose Grove, Burnley. Panel 2 to 7.

Houghton, Able Seaman, T, Mersey Z/245. HoodBn. R.N.V.R. Died 5th May 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

Howard, Able Seaman, Arthur, KW/206. Nelson Bo. R.N.V.R. Died 61h June 1915. Age 38. Brotherof Mr J.J. Howard, of 58, New St., Hill Top, West Bromwich. Panel 8 to 15.

Howard, Able Seaman, David Robertson, Clyde 4/2507. Nelson Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 13th July 1915. Age 18 years. Sonof William and Jessie Robertson Howard, of 61, Houston St., SouthSide, Glasgow. Apprentice blacksmith.Panel 8 to 15.

Howard, Private, John Thomas, CH/18670. Deal Bn. R.M.L.l. Died 3n1 May 1915. Age 19 years. Son of Catherine Ogram, of 27, North St., York. Panel 2 to 7.

Howell, Able Seaman, WalterKP/736. Anson Bn. R.N.V.R Died 4th June 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

1366. t t1 Howse, Stoker 1 s Class, David Edward, 295083. (RFR/DEV/B/4319) Nelson Bn. Died 19 , June 1915. Age 32 years. Son of Hannah Rawlins (formerly Howse), of 22, Dean St., Bedminster, Bristol, and the late David Howse. Panel 1 and 2. Hoy, Able Seaman, James, Tyneside Z/135. Nelson Bn. R.N.V ..R. Died 13t1, July 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

Hudson, Private, George, PLY/123 (S). Plymouth Bn. R.M.L.I. Died 10t11 May 1915. Age 24 years. Son of Charles and Hannah Hudson, ofScaftworth, Bawtry, Yorks. Panel 1 to 7.

Hughes, Petty Officer, Edwin, Mersey Z/137. Collingwood Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 4th June 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

Hulme, Able Seaman, Humphrey, Z/259. Nelson Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 6th June 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

Humble, Private, George, P0/607(S). Portsmouth Bn. R.M.L.I. Died 6th May 1915. Panel 2 to 7.

Humphrey, Able Seaman, William, Tyneside Z/1440. Nelson Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 2°ct May 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

Hunt, Able Seaman, Charles George, Sussex 3/244. Howe Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 4th June 1915. Age 21 years. Son of George and the late Rose Ann Hunt, of 8, Hydney St., Eastbourne. Panel 8 to 15.

Hunt, Private, James, PLY/169(S). Plymouth Bn. R.M.L.I. Died 3r

Hunter, Able Seaman, James Thomas, Tyneside Z/915. Hawke Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 20th June 1915. Age 20 years. Son of John George and Phoebe Hunter, of19, Park Terrace, Bleach Green, Winlaton-on-Tyne. Panel 8 to 15.

Hunter, Able Seaman, Richard, Clyde 2/2179. Anson Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 4t1, June 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

Hurford,Able Seaman, JohnJoseph, Bristol Z/209. Collingwood Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 4t1, June 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

Hutcheson, Petty Office, Gregory, Clyde 5/2522. Collingwood Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 4th June 1915. Age 21 years. Son of Gregory Hutcheson, of 9, Rockdove Gardens, Tollcross, Glasgow. Panel 8 to 15.

t th Hutchings, Petty Officer, 1 s Class. AlfredErnest, 170030. Drake Bn. R.N. Div Royal Navy. Died 6 May 1915. Panels 1 and 2 and Additional Panel.

Hutchinson, Able Seaman, Ernest,KP/811, Anson Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 4th June 1915. Age 21 years. Son of George and Elizabeth Hutchinson, of 35, DurhamRoad, Tudhoe Grange, Speenymoor, Co. Durham. Panel 8 to 15.

Hutchinson, Private, George, P0/205(S), Portsmouth Bn. R.M.L.I. Died 13th July 1915. Age 35 years. Son of the late Charles and Selina Hutchinson, of 25, Ratcliffe Gate, Mansfield. Panel 2 to 7.

Hutchinson, Able Seaman, G. A. KP/305. Hawke Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 15t1t June 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

Hutchinson, Able Seaman, Stephen, KP/669. Anson Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 4th June 1915. Age 21 years. Son ofWilliam Hutchinson, of36, Dunn Terrace, Byker, Newcastle-on-Tyne. Panel 8 to 15.

Hutton, Prvate, Thomas, P0/16336. Deal Bn. R.M.L.I. Died 1ot1t May 1915. Panel 2 to 7.

Hyland, Second Lieutenant, John Edward. Portsmouth Bn. R.M.L.I. Died lOth May 1915. Panel 2 to 7.

1367. The grave of The Hon Kenneth Robert Dundas. 111. B.9.

In Lala Baba Cemetery, Su Iva, looking towards 'C' Beach.

And views fromthe cemetery across the Salt Lake taken by Len Sellers in May 1998.

1368. GALL/POLL

EXTRACTS FROM LE'fTERS FROM AN OFFICER IN THE COLLINGWOOD & ANSON BATTALIONS.

K. R. DUNDAS.

The Hon. Kenneth Robert Dundas, Lieutenant, R.N.V.R.

Killed by a shell in the landing at Sulva Bay on August i\ 1915. Born in May, 1882. Fourth son of Viscount Melville. Educated in Germany, Norway and Cambridge. Entering the Colonial Civil Service; he was appointed Assistant Collector in British East Africaunder the Foreign Officein 1094, and in 1906 was Political Officer with the Nandi Field Force, receiving the medal and clasp. In 1909 he married Claudia, daughter of Capt. C.E. Foot, R.N., and left one son. He received his commission as a Sub Lieutenant in the R.N.D. on March 21•t 1915. He was attached to the Collingwood and promoted to Lieutenant in April. Appointed Transport Officer,which post he held t11 until the CoUingwoods were broken up on June 8 , when he was appointed to the Anson. The Anson was the only Battalion to take part in the new landing at Sulva Bay. (1)

May 30th 1915.

As I told you we duly arrived at our base and arn now at what is called our "Rest Camp". As a matter of fact it is rather less restful than the actual firing line, as we lie in a very exposed position and are pretty constantly shelled by the Turkish artillery. On these occasions we all lo bb into our dug-outs where we eat and sleep.

Guns are going offall the time, but no heavy bombardmentha<; taken place since we arrived here. About once an hour a heavy gun goes offon the Asiatic side and a big shell comes singing over; it is known as "Annie fromAsia".

Overhead aeroplanes buzzincessantly and it is quite interesting to watch their being shelled by the enemy.

Our rations are not very grand as yet, but we have not commenced to shake down properly. To-night the Battalion goes into the trenches, and my job will be to get them there and keep them supplied when there.

1369. The Turkish snipers are a holy terror, and do much damage amongst the officers. Beyond this we do not seem to be suffering very heavily.

You never saw such a conglomeration of differentnations and tribes and races of which the Allied Armies are made. All accounts agree in the absolutely "berserk" fury of the Australian attack on the Turks, and after seeing the position they had to assault it certainly seems a most remarkable feat to have got there at all.

May 31st 1915.

Yesterday I took a transport down to the trenches and went in for about an hour to have a look at them.

Got back safelyto camp again, where I am busy digging myself in. During the night sleep was impossible as a fairly heavy bombardment was going on. There are a number of French guns in our rear, which go offat odd times and make a tremendous noise.

The country here is hot, dry, dusty and barren, and very like Africandesert but, thank Heaven, there is plenty of fairly good water about. The nights are not cold in factthey are just right. Of the Turks of course I have seen none.

1 st June 1915.

Yesterday was uneventful, very little shelling went on and we had a quiet night, as far as the Artillery was concerned, though a heavy rifle fire was kept up. In the evening I took a couple of fellowsdown to the trenches to show them the roads; everything was very quiet though whilst we were there one man was hit inthe jaw.

To-day there has been a rather lively bombardment and we have been much worried by shrapnel; fivemen have been knocked out in the next camp, but, though plenty have exploded here, they have done no damage. Going down to the trenches we were shrapnelled rather severely, but got through safely.

Last night I visited an Australian Battery and stopped there about half an hour, watching the effect of their fireand that of two six inch guns a little to our left. They are very fine men, intelligent and pleasant to talk to; on my way back I stopped at a British Battery and yapped with them.

There are all sorts of buzzesgoing round, but we cannotget any informationof them, and news of what is happening out here and in France is very meagre. In factwe know less of what is happening in the Dardanelles then you do at home. Please send me out the following :- 200 cigarettes. Ash. Some plain chocolate. A couple of small tinned cakes. A bottle of whisky. Some pencils forwriting.

1370. 2°d June 1915.

Last night we were subjected to a most vigorous shrapnel fireand I woke up several times to the report ofone bursting close beside me. Next morning when I went down to the trenches we were once more shrapnelled and when later we went down to draw supplies we were really badly shelled. About four high explosive shells burst all around us and numbers of common shell too. Returning the same thing happened, altogether a most unquiet 24 hours.

There is no news; nothing happens except this shrapnelling and the record as well as the experience gets very monotonous.

The Battalion came out ofthe trenches this evening, and I went down to bring them up.

The road was very crowded and the Artillery got into us and dropped 20 lyddite shells amongst us. We got covered in earth and mud and hurried, but no damage done. Corning back the same thing happened. It was with the Skipper and the Adjutant and shells burst all around-three men of the Benbow Battalion were outed.

3rd June 1915.

Last night was very quiet and up to now (11 am) we have been pretty well leftin peace. I went down to the Base and saw the hulk of the Majestic sticking where she was torpedoed; the ram is right out of the water and she is only a cables length fromthe shore.

Yesterday morning who do you think I knocked up against ? Colonel Paterson, who wrote "The Man Eaters ofTsavo". Also I foundthat the Officerin chargeof our supplies is another old East Africanthough beforemy day. His name is Holmes, and he came from New Zealand.

I hope you are keeping fit and well and happy. I am feeling extraordinarily fit and am quite unworried and cheery.

5th June 1915.

I am afraidthe glory of war is gone and the only record leftis a long list ofcarnage. My battalion is almost wiped out, I have been wandering round ever since yesterday morning trying to collect our wounded and do what I can.

Everywhere you go are bullets whistling, our officersAnnand, Tucker, Mcleod, Church, Plunkett, Freyberg, Lowe, Hart, Bolton, are killed; Badharn, Watts, Oldridge, West, Milroy and heaven knows how many more are wounded. P.O. Thom, P.O. Charles etc. are all dead.The Battalion went into the trenches 900 strong, and as a fighting forceit has almost ceased to exist. All in 24 hours. Colonel Oldfieldis wounded, and I took him down last night to Hospital. It is as near an approach to an artificialhell as it is possible to imagine.

This letter may appear to you very gloomy, but it is depressing to see 900 men march off in the highest spirits and a few hours afterto hear that they are almost annihilated.

1371. The skipper died most gallantly, and Talworth thinks it was better that he should not have survived. He was so proud of his Battalion that it would have broken his heart had he survived it.

They are shelling us now in camp, and along the road when I wanted to get down to the trenches; so I shall wait a little longer and retire to the snugness of my dug-out.

You must not be frightenedby what I write. Remember that everything you read in my letters relates to events that are done with and also that these battles do not occur every day, but only perhaps once a month.

It is curious how the lesser worriesof life fade into absolute insignificance.

We are pigging it in a manner that I have scarely known was possible and I hardly notice it. I have not had my boots offfor a week.

If only we could take the present Turkish positions we should be all right and I think as not they would cave in; but their position is too strong a one.

The Australians and Manchesters did a wonderful work yesterday.

I have just been down again to the trenches and I findour Casualty list as follows :-

Out of28 Officerswho went into the firingline. 13 are killed. 4 missing (probably killed). 9 are wounded. Leaving two alive and well. Out of 900 rank and file some 300 are left.

I am going to try and send you a wire to let you know I am all right, but it will be difficult.

7th June 1915.

We are down in our Rest Camp, and as the Battalion only musters 300 men and 3 officers, we are to be split up and join the other Battalions.

The net result of the recent fighting is that our Brigade only amounts to about 1 OOO men instead of4000.

There is a rumour about that Austria has caved in, which if true will mean that the Turks too will probably cave in soon. Let us hope that this will be the case and that I may be back again with you both soon.

The Turks seem to have got a new supply of ammunition, and are blazing away with shell and shrapnel, but it is very poor stuffand does little damage.

1372. 9111 June 1915.

Though we are in what is called our rest camp, we are never really at rest, as shells etc., are always liable to turn up. These however you get used to, though I cannot help thinking that sooner or later they get on one's nerves.

I am feelingremarkably fitand well and am not disturbed by what has happened.

The Turkish position still stares us in the face, nor does it look in the least likely that it will surrender and fall into our hands for many a long day, but you never know what may happen, and perhaps before long we shall have peace. When peace comes we shall appreciate it far more highly because we have both done our duty, and feelwe are entitled to shareit's benefits, which would not be the case had we not a personal interest in it. You understand what I mean, had I sat at home and remained content with the refusal of the C.O. to let me come out here, the constant relief fromthe anxieties of all these weeks and months perhaps ahead ofus would have had no significance. I foel though that yours is by far the hardest part to bear, waiting at home fornews that never comes and fullof constant anxiety.

I have leftmy Battalion and joined up with another. Today has been a beastly day. All the country is cut up by the thousands of troops marching over it, and carts and horses traversing it in all directions. In addition there is scarely an acre that is not dug up for shelter fromshells, it is therefore inches deep in dust, and a strong wind blows to-day and your eyes, ears, nose and mouth are fullof grit. I do not mind it much however, as it is so like what I have always been used to and, were it not forothers remarking on it I should scarely notice it.

Today we had steak ofmule and everybody complained about it being tough, but do you know what I was thinking myself that it was rather tender, and had we had it at Kismayn we should have patted ourselves on the back and thought ourselves lucky, as you know so well.

The heat here is just nice, not too hot and not too cold; the sun is warm but not fierce as in Africa, altogether the climate seems to me ideal.

I would have been jolly however had there been a population and gardens. I should have liked to have seen something of the people and to have talked to them, and learnt all about them; probably one would find that they were quite simple, harmless folk, when not excited by the atmosphere of war.

I am extremely and horribly dirty andfeel quite unclean. From head to footI am enveloped in dirt and dust and flies are buzzing round me, but I have known plenty of worse places, and it really does not worry me.

Yesterday I went down to the beach for a bathe, the water is not as pleasant as at Kismayn, but it is quite refreshing.Afterwards I took a stroll through the French lines and yapped with some of them in bad French. We get no news fromthe outside world and I am longing for the Weekly Times you promised to send me.

1373. th 10 June 1915.

After our losses which I think are almost unique in the history of war, our Battalion has been split up, andI am now in command of a Company in the Anson Battalion. Frowen is my second in command. I had a job to get him, but succeeded in the end. He is a very good fellow. He is married to an Italian and her address is Brede Place, Sussex. If you write to her perhaps you might arrange to meet some day. She is I believe very charming.

The Turks seem to have dug out a new gun which drops shells among us very liberally, and we have thereforedug down deeper till now I am six feet below ground.

We get no news fromthe outside world and I am wearying for a letter fromyou. We hear many and all sorts of rumours constantly, but they all prove to be rumours only.

It has been blowing a very strong wind since yesterday morning and the dust is a great nmsance.

People here get very nervy, and are frequently invalided. Poor young Bolton is killed. I was very fond of him, and I keep trying to screw up my courage to write to his people. He was only nineteen and an absolute boy. It seems such a waste of life, but it is no use regretting, all around good lives are being wasted prodigiously and to what end it is difficult to conceive.

You must not worry about me however, I shall tum up all right. You must keep cheery and happy and wait formy return, when I think we shall be amply repaid forall the anxiety of these months by the joy of once more being together. I think after what we have passed through, life will never be quite the same again.

But whatever is in the futureI wantyou to realise that these events have their moral value, and that although wars may be horrible, misfortunes are not mere useless vexations if they teach us to appreciate more highly the good things of this life. In other words it is only by contrast that you can enjoy life and that you can learn to enjoy it in any way. This I am afraidis quite a homily, but you will forgive it.

Our men, such as are left, are very wretched, and I am afraidthey feel very acutely the loss of so many - that is of almost all - their officers, and feel almost that it is their fault. Poor beggars, it was not, they did their best, but forraw troops to go straight into action as they did, is an ordeal that few could pass through untouched.

Frewen is next to me excavating his dug-out and we have all sorts of ingenious ideas for making ourselves comfortable. The dug-outs are all six foot deep and about two footsix inches wide, with a mound of earth surrounding them.

There are plenty of flies about, but very few mosquitoes and no fever ones so far. We are covered in sand and dust but the sand is not dirty, and does not matter much.

Ford (my orderly) is very willing and looks afterme, but he is scared to death, and longs I am afraidfor his Mother and Tyneside.

1374. I censor my men's letters, and it is a revelation how fond they are of all their people and their homes. Poor fellows, I am afraidmany will never return. Many of them have wife and children at home, and are devoted to them. All their letters end thus

XXXXXXXXXX for Mary XXXXXXXXXX for little Willie XXXXXXXXXX formother XXXXXXXXXX For Sissie.

The crosses stand for kisses, like C.Y.K.

We have with our Battalion a Padre, who is an awfully good fellow, like so many of them. His job however must be very depressing in a way, no excitement, only much work connected with the effectsof fallen Officers and men.

It is not the combatant Officerswho have the worst time I always think. I am quite glad to be rid of the transport job. It was a dreadfully cold blooded game to have to go down two or three times daily to the trenches under shrapnel fire at a slow walk and unable to take cover, however thick the shells might be falling. To run at the charge through shrapnel is not so bad, you have the excitement and you are doing something, but in this case you could do nothing but move slowly. After arriving at the trenches there is a bit of open ground about 600 yards, across which bullets whizz incessantly, and over which the transport has to pass.

I used to make the men dismount and get behindthe mules. The brake man would get inside the limber under cover and then I, with my heart in my mouth would walk ahead of the carts. Often we were standing around in places where bullets were dropping forseveral hours and wondering when the next one would get you. The night the Battalion was cut up, we stood down near a gully waiting for wounded and it was a continuous "ping, ping" of bullets whizzing past.

All this is now over and I am once more a Company Officer. The country reminds me very much of places like Afmadu (Jubaland). There is the same clay soil, in which when you dig down, you get a good supply of water; it is, however very much cooler, and though the sun feelshot the temperature never rises above 80 degrees I should think, and a cool breeze blows most of the time.

In addition to our Padre, there is an R. C. priest forthe Romans and he seems very popular with his flock. These Padres are a great asset to people campaigning, and what is wise about them is that they don't ram religion down the men's throats. They are content to do useful work, and help where they can and in that way they have probably far greater influencethen would otherwise be the case. However, enough of Padres. I wish I had some news of you and knew how and where you are.

We will yet again be young and foolish though lifeis at present a serious game. I feel fortunate that I have seen the serious side of life for a good many years now, and can preserve my sane proportion and my sense of humour intact. Also though things may seem a little gloomy at times, the view over the Dardanelles is beautiful and I am back in

1375. the kind of countryI am so fond 0£ Life's little worries are thereforenot so great as might seem to be, and I am thoroughly used and accustomed to the mode of living here.

th 15 June 1915.

The Commander in Chief, Sir Ian Hamilton, is visiting our Camp this afternoon.He was coming the other day, but we were being heavily shelled so he put offhis visit.

Tonightat midnight I go down to the trenches fora few hours shiftthere.

Last night there was absolute peace all along our front,but all to-day we have been rather "hotted" by their artillery and particularly by "Annie fromAsia". One of her shells burst in the water and threw up a volume of spray about 250 feet high. When she strikes earth she usually throws up mud and stones to a height of 150 feet.

I amtucked away safely in my dug-out and am secure except froma direct hit, which I trust will not occur.

Your letters were nearly not delivered as I rescued them froma pile that were being returned as the addressees were killed !

I think myself that this show will be over by the end of August, although of course it may crack up at any moment; you never know where you are with the Turks.

Try and collect fromyour friends some Woodbine cigarettes for my men. Their one cry is forWoodbines.

The C-in-C, having kept us waiting three quarters of an hour in the open away fromthe dug-outs, now states he regrets he is unable to visit us !

I see in the "Mirror" lots of pictures fromthe Dardanelles, when I come home I hope to explain them all to you. 16th June 1915.

Last night was quiet, but all this a.m. they have been shelling our camp, but except for a few flying pebbles, it worries me little

I wore throughmy old pair of breaches yesterday anddrew a pair of Tommy's "Slacks", which fitme like a glove and are very comfy.

We are still in our "Rest Camp", but we have been under orders forsome days to go offon a holiday, and I expect we shall leave some time to-morrow night.

I am fairly hopefulof the futureand am inclined to think that the Turks may crack up sooner than people think. One good old Artillery bombardment and they will have little stomach left forfighting; as it is many would gladly surrender now, were they not afraid to do so, and also the Australians have choked them offby refusing to take any prisoners.

1376. I enclose a picture which shows you the spot where we landed on our arrival here.

The Turks are just dropping their new terror round us, the one fromAsia that arrives without warning and explodes with a scream; it is a big gun, probably a 9.2 inch. One has just fallen and killed two of our transport men. They are always throwing shrapnel and small high explosive shell at us. The French guns have now got to work on them, and will I hope shut them up.

17th June 1915.

Last night was peaceful; that is afterdark but this morningearly they announced their "hati" and have been at it ever since. One shell felljust behind our new dug-out but did no harm. At this moment the special terror from Asia is hard at it. I hope all this does not alarm you. I feel quite secure and very little frightened.

Frewen, myself and the Padre have started a special little Mess of our own in our dug-out, which is under the shade of a tree and very cool, fresh and comfy it is. Since yesterday we have been on slightly short rations, as the supply ship is said not to have tumed up.

We are anxiously waiting for news that Greece and Bulgaria have joined in. If they would the war would be over in a fortnightand we should all be able to get over to France, where everyone says it is altogether better and safer.

Last night it attempted to rain, but it was a failure for which I am thankful as I don't want to sleep in water ifl can help it.

The men are shouting foranything to read.

At present there is a continuous noise of guns going offand of explosions of inward and outward shells, but they seem to make more noise and dust than damage. I am afraid, my dearest, my letters consist of nothing but shells, shells, shells, but in fact there is little else to write about and little else happens.

1sth June 1915.

Last night we had to go down to the trenches to dig a new fire trench, and we were out in the open forfour hours with the bullets whizzing past, but took no harm. On the way down they just missed us with shrapnel. I stopped to help pull a water cart out of a rut with my men, and we had not moved more than a few yards, when shells came raining down on the spot where we had been standing.

Whilst digging the trenches you could hear every few minutes the dull boom of a warship's broadside on the Turkish trenches. I hope they got it hot.

h Today is the l 001 anniversary of Waterloo, and we are hoping that we shall celebrate it by an attack on the Turks.

1377. This morning we saw a scene that was strongly reminiscent of a cinematograph film. A cart with one horse in it was driving down the road, when the Turks dropped a shell on it. Two men darted out fromnowhere and picked up the driver , who was wounded, and carried him into shelter, as they did so more shells came down and they dropped him, and dived into dig-outs. Next came two stretcher bearers running down the road andcarried offthe wounded man, and two other men came up to the horse and took it out of the cart. The horse had a broken leg and suddenly a man came galloping up, jumped fromhis horse and shot the other horse dead.

The Turks have leftus very much alone to-day, but yesterday they dropped a big shell into the Base hospital and killed two men and wounded fourteenothers.

The calm is I think, however, only before the storm, I hope so anyway, and that we may to-day get a move on.

Last night when I got back I was feeling hungry, and I made a meal of your malted milk tabloids, you will be glad to hear.

Overhead at the moment three aeroplanes are buzzing, and I hope they denote our intention to bombard the Turkishpositions. I think we have had enough of sitting still, and it is time we turned our attention to them once more.

The Collingwoods are gradually getting back their nerve afterthe shaking up the other day, and I think we shall give a good account of ourselves when next we have the chance.

The weather of the last two days has been very fine, a cool breeze blowing and not too much dust about.

19th June 1915.

Last night there was a tremendous bombardment, fromsix to seven thirty p.m., but whether it was ours or the Turks I have not yet discovered.

The Turks attacked us and took some trenches and were driven out again.

Late in the night there was another bombardment, and again this morning early. The result is, I believe, nil.

I went up the brow of a hill to watch the evening bombardment and the whole country in one place seemed to be exploding like a volcano. I don't know what damage was done. I cleared out after a bit asthe Turks threw some big shrapnel straight at me, and fourmen standing just behind me were outed, so I came to the conclusion that it would be advisable to retire. A few minutes later they landed a ten inch shell down on the same spot, so I was well advised to clear.

I really believe that we are offfor a short holiday now either today or to-morrow, yesterdays business was a disappointment, we were expecting great results and nothing has happened, and so it goes on, but we can only hope.

1378. This morning everyone seems pretty well exhausted and things are quiet for the moment, although an occasional shrapnel bursts overhead. In the early days we heard great things of what the fleet would do, but it does nothing. I expect there will be another long list of casualties, but thank goodness we were out of it this time.

1 pm. Another bombardment has started, but for the life of me I cannot make out who is shelling, whether they us, or we them. Earth and mud can be seen flyingup in great heaps, but the two lines seem so close together that it is impossible to say in whose lines they are falling. A very big fire has just broken out somewhere in the Turkish lines. I hope it is doing some damage. The bombardment has practically ceased now, it was of very short duration this time.

4 pm. They are, and have been shelling us most vigorously forthe last half hour in our camp. It is curious how little impression it makes on you after a time. You can shout to the men a dozen times to get under cover, and as oftenthey come out again. The noise of the shells arriving and departing is unceasing mingled with it all is the constant buzz of aeroplanes flying overhead, and so it goes on endlessly. I should think there never was a case of an army camping under the domination of the enemy's guns to this degree. We sometimes wonder whether those in authority realise the position and its special needs and peculiarities, until they do, I doubt our taking Achi Baba fromthe Turks.

I have been forgetting always to tell you about our rations. In the morningwe have for breakfast, usually at 8 a.m., bacon, eggs when obtainable, (which we buy from the canteen) bread and jam and tea. Lunch, a dish of fresh meat, usually beef, onions, potatoes, bread, jam, cheese and tea. Dinner, a hot meat dish, bread, jam, cheese and tea. That is, tea with all meals; when fresh meat is unobtainable we get bully beef and what are called rations, which are tinned meat and vegetables, quite good. Sometimes fresh bread is unobtainable and then we have biscuits, very hard and tasteless, like dog biscuits. Twice a week we get a ration of rum and also occasionally lime juice. We also sometimes swap a tin ofjam with the French for some wine. The jams are mostly marmalade, plum and apple.

2oth June 1915.

Today is Sunday, and the Padre held an early morning service and which the Turks got into with shrapnel. Last night there was a very vigorous rifle fusillade, and early this morning a tremendous bombardment by Artillery. All is now quiet but forthe usual eternal shelling of the camps.

We heard last night that A Company of the Hawkes got badly chewed up in their attack. We can get, however little news of what has happened in the last 36 hours.

We have now enlarged our mess so as to include the Doctor and machine-gun officer. We are looked upon as most exclusive and are, I believe rather envied. Anyway ours is much the pleasantest mess. I have just been down to visit Colonel Paterson, he has constructed a most cunning dug-out below his original one, like a priest's hiding-hole. In one side of the old dug-out is a little(?) and in the floor a trap door. When this is pulled up you descend and find yourself in a most spacious apartment ten feet below the ground.

1379. The Turks have in the last 48 hours produced quite an unexpected number of big howitzers, with which to batter our camp and trenches; we never expected they had so many. Last night "Annie from Asia" was most busy.

Is it true that recruiting for the R.N.D. has been stopped in England? 21 June 1915. st

Since 4.30 a.m. there has been the biggest battle in progress since we landed. It was started by a most tremendous bombardment to which the Turks replied, and has gone on ever smce.

Rumours keep corningin oflarge surrenders ofTurks and of captured trenches, but we are sceptical knowing what happened on June 4th. In the meantime we have received orders to stand by ready to move at any time.

Our Battalion has been in reserve ever since we got so badly smashed up, and it will be a relief to have a go at them again, though I had sooner it were afterour returnfrom our holiday which has not come offyet.

The air is fullof projectiles of all kinds and sizes and the din is terrificand unceasing.

If we have success to-day it will I think be a great thing, as it will put new heart into our troopsand will depress the Turks comparatively, and they cannot afford any further losses. Once they become thoroughlydemoralised they will I am sure cave in quickly.

12.30 p.m. The bombardment still continues, the battle is mainly confined to the French right and very little of it can be seen, but if the Turks can stick the hammering they are getting, they must be pretty stout fellows.

A shell froma French 75 mm gun just in rear ofus exploded prematurely over our heads a few minutes ago, but did no damage. News has just come in that the French have taken three linesof trenches and that the Turks are on the run. Ifthis be true we may expect great things shortly. 22°d June 1915.

The bombardmentlasted yesterday from4 a.m. till 12 noon, it recommenced again at 6.30 p.m. and lasted until 8 pm. There were later spasmodic bombardments and there was another early this a.m. The net result is that the French took five Turkish trenches in their firstattack including one redoubt and in the later bombardment they took the other redoubt on their left.Altogether a successfulday.

They rushed the Turkish trenches under cover ofthe dust and smoke thrown up by the exploding shells and foundthe Turks cowering in them. They bayoneted all but 65 whom they took prisoners. On the right they retired but the Zouaves charged and drove back the Turks again. Their own losses in the charge were two killed and two wounded.

1380. Later about midday the Turks counterattacked and drove into the French. The French attacked again in the evening and consolidated their position. Although we were ordered to stand by we were not called out. This a.m. a German Taube appeared overhead and was chased. Later it returned and dropped some bombs near our camps. One killed and ten horses inone lot just behind the edge of our camp. Being bombed by aeroplanes is a most uncanny feeling. Most of the Battalion leftlast night fora rest and we hope to followon tonight.

23rd June 1915.

Yesterday at 2 p.m. we embarked for our rest, which is on a Greek inhabited island and a most delightfulspot. Here we are in tents close to the sea shore in a little bay, very reminiscent of the little bay of old Kiamayn. The only trouble is the water, which is scarce and bad. Here we are very much at peace and at rest after allthe shelling; only in the distance can we hear a faintrumble of big guns if we listen carefully.We came over in a trawler and landed afterdark and afterwe had been kept waiting forfour hours for boats to disembark us.

The population here is mainly, if not entirely, Greek and very primitive. They live in funnystone houses with red tile roofs kept on by stones. They possess herds of long legged she sheep with great long tails which are not cut short and trail about almost on the ground. There is a certain amount of cultivation here; vineyards, olive groves and wheat fields, and the main industryappears to be the by products of Turkey's many wars. Before the invasion it was in Greek occupation; Greece having taken it fromTurkey in the last war. One feelsone has entered Nirvana almost.

2 p.m. We have just made a discovery of a spring of the purest water bubbling out of the rock and probably in ancient days a Naiad lived there and made the place holy. On the island are ponies of the most minutedimensions, but beautifully made, with heads like Arabs. They also have mules and donkeys of similar small dimensions.

25th June 1915.

We have been here now two fulldays and hope to be here a bit longer, if the powers that be allow it; but already they are anxious to push us back again, as they want us to make an attack.

A big mail arrived to-day. This a.m. we were inspected by the C-in-C, Sir IanHamilton, andyesterday Major Churchill a brother of Winston's, came and called on me and Frewen. He is on the C-in-C's staff.

Here in this place we are getting all sorts of luxuries. Cigarettes, fruit, rather sour, but still fruit, freshvegetables of a kind and fresheggs.

This afternoonI am "joying" my Company and great is their satisfaction at having money to buy a few dainties. Tomorrow I am going on a route march the Company up to a village in the hills, where there is a hut and where you can get quite a good meal I am told.

1381. 7 p.m. Have just been down to the sea to bathe. The sea is a most perfect deep blue, and on the other side of the bay is a most fascinating lagoon, with boats, just like dhows floating on it.

I have seen a copy of the Daily Mail of June 11 th giving the full casualties of the R.N.D. and of the "Collingwoods" in particular. I hope you did not get a frightful shock when you saw them. You can imagine what those casualties meant to us out here and what the Battalion must have gone through. In the meantime we are safe here on our island, but for how long I do not know. They will doubtless throw us into the attack again very shortly, but you must not worry, my dearest. I am still safe and hope to returnagain to you one day fit and well.

The Hood Battalion here has a piper band, which plays every morning and evening and reminds one of Bonnie Scotland.

27th June 1915.

Yesterday was a great day for us, here on the island. I took my Company fora long march up to the Capital of the island, and we had a thorough outing and relief fromcamp, routine and war.

We left at 6.30 a.m. and breakfasted on the way in a little Nullah below a spring of purest water; later we dawdled on slowly to the capital, halting on the way to take a good look at the view. The road carries on up a very pretty valley for two miles, then it bends sharp to the right and carries on along the contour of the hills for three more miles, and then you come to the edge of the hills where you overlook a cup-shaped plain, with little towns on the inside edge, looking very picturesque. Away to the left the plain is bounded by big rocky hills, and on the right it spreads out into valleys running up into another range. The far side is bounded by the sea, and on the cliffsove rlooking the sea, a minute little townlet. The inhabitants are all Greek, the Turks having fledwhen Greece took over the island, and amongst them aremany refugees from Gallipoli and the Dardanelles.

In the town we founda Turkish mosque which the Greeks had destroyed. We also saw the Greek church and a very fineone it was considering the size of the place. We visited the Greek priests and their families, and tho' we spoke no Greek we had a very friendly conversation, and came away each with the present of a carnation. We saw also the blacksmith, the cobbler and various other arts and craftsmen. Lunch we had in a very funny little "pub" and it consisted of an omelette, cheese, two bottles of beer, and very good Turkish coffee. On arrival in the town, I let the Company dismiss, and they had a great time. They bought all sorts of indigestible foodand fruits. Then there was a hurdy gurdy, which they worked incessantly and to which they danced.

When we fell in again at 4 p.m. everybody was present, and no one had succumbed to a very good meal. The little children are very lively and very pretty, and some of the older girls are attractive too. The small girls caught up with the men and robbed them of pennies and all sorts of things. We marched back through the town headed by a very small and very ragged little boy wearing a white cap with "Collingwood" on it.

1382. 1 On our return we found mails for us, and I had your letter of June 6 \ later we had our issue of rum; altogether a memorable day. You ask how long this business will last, I cannot say, but I fear it will be a long business, though it may crack up quickly, but it is best to look things in the faceand not hope for too much. The longest war must come to an end, andwe hope this will be over by winter with luck. It does not, however, follow that I shall be out here all the time. The R.N.D. has done its job, and suffered tremendously, so it is quite conceivable that we may be withdrawn altogether from the fighting line later on. In the meantime we go back tomorrow and our holiday will be over.

Today is Sunday and we held a drum head Church Parade of the whole Brigade. I did a dreadful thing to-day, I summoned a barber frommy Company and had my head shaved, and now I look like a "Shaven Baboon"; but the conditions under which we live are so unclean and one's hair gets so full of grit and sand, that it is essential to keep it cropped; but it will grow nicely on the voyage home. Tomorrow we return to the Peninsula, and go into the trenches for a bit. It will be a change after such a pleasant surroundings, but it is high time we got to work again.

28th June 1915.

We have just embarked on board a trawler to returnto Gallipoli. Since early a.m. a tremendous bombardment has been in progress andI take it an attack is on, and that is the reason why we are hurrying back. Two nights ago a heavy bombardment took place, and during it there was a big explosion, and one of the forts took fire. I believe it was the fort that contained "Annie from Asia"; I hope so anyway.

Halfwayout to sea is an observation balloon, one of those sausage shaped things that is a mixture of aeroplane and airship. As we steamed out of harbour just now an extraordinary sight met us, the whole of the Turkish lines appeared to be a mass of smoke, flamesand dust and hundreds of shells must have been fallingin a minute. The sea is alive with destroyers, trawlers, warships and all manner of craft, and an incessant noise like thunder.

On arrival back at the Peninsula we were anchored forabout anhour just offthe shore and within hundreds of yards of one of our big batteries, which was shelling the Turks. They in turnreplied, and about twenty of their big shells fell in the interval. They were big ones and it was none too pleasant to have them dropping so near. We got back however to camp without encounteringa single shell and all is peace here afterthe bombardment of this a.m. It is very pleasant, though no doubt it will start in again presently.

8 p.m. I believe we have won a great success today; however, more of that in my next letter when we know more definitely;we are now standing by to go up to the trenches.

29th June 1915.

Last night there was anothertremendous spasm, since when all has been quite. The net result is that we have pushed forward, and taken fivetrenches, and are now in a most favourableposition, So much so, that it is almost looks as if the Turks could not hold on to Achi Baba much longer; whether afterthat they will continue their resistance is a question that Time will decide. 1383. This morninghas been hotter than we have had it so far, and as there is no shade of any kind, it is somewhat trying. There has been no shelling this a.m. until just now (12 noon) when Annie of Asia has just started in, I expect the Turks are too exhausted after yesterdays fighting. On the other hand a Taube visited us and dropped four bombs around us.

Yesterday's bombardment was a most wonderful sight, and the Turks caught it badly. Some of them broke and retreated in the open, and the French 75s got into them with shrapnel and did them in. It is said we took 27 machine guns and two big guns and of course a number of prisoners. We have now wheeled round into their flankpretty well, and their present position should become almost untenable shortly.

4 pm. The Turks are giving us a good old "hati" forthe moment, and there is much noise going on. They will quieten down later on I expect. Their shells are not up to much unless they fall close by you, and many never explode.

We are having a good deal of dysentry amongst both the Officersand men these days, and with the hot weather coming, and the great congestion that is here, it will not tend to mend; but we hope soon to be over the top of Achi Baba, and shall then have more elbow room.

2°d July 1915.

The last 48 hours have been quite exciting and the Turks for the time being really seem to have their tails down. The day before yesterday a most extraordinary scene was witnessed. Suddenly there was a tremendous commotion in one of the Turkish trenches and crowds of them swarmed out of the trench and began running up and down and backwards and forwards like a lot of chickens. These were shrapnelled and machine gunned and about 300 were killed. I think there can be little doubt that they are becoming demoralised, and that their resistance is weakening; every push forwardtherefore should be easier than the last. The other day we took fivetrenches, on arrival at them we met with no resistance and foundnot a living thing in them only arms, legs and heads strewn about.

Yesterday we had rather a dismal experience, a six inch shell fellinto the dug-out of two of my "Collingwoods", and killed them both.

The night before last we were digging and a good few bullets dropped around us, but no shell. On the previous nightthey had been dropping all around us.

The weather is now a bit cooler and there is a strong breeze blowing. The direction of the wind is also fortunatelyunfavo urable to gas attacks.

Our Doctor, Padre and machine gun Officer, who shared our mess with us, are all in hospital, so our mess is rather reduced in numbers, and consists of myself and Frewen. We have a new Doctor and a new Padre but I don't know much about them

4 p.m. Since one p.m. we have been back in the trenches in reserve. This is rather a dull business. You can take no gear with you, and it is thereforevery cold at night. Rations are difficultto get in sufficientquantities, and everything is very dirty and savours

1384. ofdead and mouldy corpses. It has its compensations however, asthere is a deal more of interest and uncertainty about it. Bullets whistle overhead and shells fly backwards and forwards and once in every while there is a call forstretcher bearers.

This afternoon we were sitting down in our dug-out and watching some shrapnel burst, when one knocked out 12 men of another regiment who were passing along a communication trench. A short way up the trench is a rise in the ground and from there you have a very fine view over the whole country, andthe enemy's positions, and when a bombardment takes place it will be interesting to observe what happens.

I expect we shall soon make another advance against the Turks and believe that it will be the last push perhaps before they cave in. If this is so we may be back in England by the autumn with luck, in time for plums and pears etc., though we may be kept back for a long time as garrison, andwe may eventually march on Vienna up the Danube! who knows? It is on the knees of the Gods. Beforeleaving for the trenches, and to my great joy, I got your letter ofJune 13t\ also a P.C. fromthe baby.

8 p.m. It is very peacefulhere for the moment in the trenches, there is a most beautiful sunset. Overhead are five aeroplanes buzzing away and the noise is varied by the firing and whistle ofrifle bullets and the deeper explosion of artillery, with now and then the deep boom ofa ships broadside, and so it goes on day and night, night and day, and then every now and then we gather ourselves together fora pounce and behold we findwe have bitten off a piece, and sometimes rather a bigger piece than we can chew.

What is so aggravating is that although you long to stand up and look about you, and get a little freedom and exercise fromyour cramped surroundings you dare not do so as you may pay the price with a bullet through you. I am therefore very cautious and very canny, and I see no reason why with the tremendous dangers we are running daily and hourly we should do anything towardsincreasing them in any way. I hope despite all difficultiesto returnto you alive at least - even though wounded.

3 rd July 1915.

Just afterdinner last night I was sent forto come up into the advanced trenches and we moved up accordingly and tried to settle down forthe night, but it started to rain and thunder, and the night was altogether a most uncomfortable one. My inside also took upon itselfto become troublesome, and by morning I was chilled and fedup with war. Now the sun is coming out and we shall warm up; we shall then have the pleasure of the millions of flies in the trenches. Please send out some cocoa soon - a cup now would be worth anything.

I am a most disreputable object, covered in mud and dust, unwashed and with fourdays growth of beard on my face, and my head closely cropped like a convict, in fact, anything but pleasing to look at.

12 noon. But for the plagey flieswe have passed a most peacefulmorning, very few shells and only an occasional bullet. The weather is also nice and cool afterlast nights rain, and if only my tummy were in order and I had a really good lunch well served waiting forme, I should be perfectlycontent forthe moment.

1385. 4th July 1915.

I got as faras above yesterday, when orders suddenly reached me to get up into the firing line, so I set offwith my Company, and am now back on the actual piece of ground where so many of the Collingwood Officers fell. It is a long time since I was in these trenches, and they are altered a lot. Not only are they a great deal further forward, but also they are much improved as regards construction, though daily they get fouler and the stench in the front row is frightful.

I think, however, that we are nearing the end of Achi Baba anyway, and probably the whole war in these parts, though it is a mistake to be too optimistic.

Today, I have a little dug-out in the rear of the main support trench to the firing line, and fromhere I have a very beautiful view over the sea and the islands etc. In the foreground is W beach with many ships afloatincluding three very fme hospital ships, one of which must be a private yacht I think. There is only one drawback about my dug-out, and that is, that it is in full view of the enemy's sharp shooters about a thousand yards off, against this I have to set the fact that the only other alternative dug-out contains a large collection of hand grenades, which if set going by a shell, would leave very little of me intact.

Just now a very large Turkish shell dropped about a hundred yards in rear of the trenches and made a terrificexplosion. Another Turkish shell goes offoccasionally which the men call "PuffmgBilly", and which puffsits way very much like a broken down steam engine, at a very low speed across the beach where it very rarely manages to explode.

th 5 July 1915. 9 a.m.

We have just had a most exciting time. I was lying down at about 7 a.m. when I heard a sudden burr, and looking round saw the whole of our right bolting. Things looked pretty bad, but we charged out and reinforced the right, and drove offthe Turks with heavy losses.

For the time being, however, there was a bad panic, and had we not stopped the Turks few us would be alive to tell the tale. I killed four Turks with my own fair hands, and I know my men accounted for a good few.

The Turks are now said to be massing for another spasm, and I hope they try it on again. We shell give them what for.

I was feeling very seedy this a.m. but this business has bucked me up properly. Our losses were very few.

It was wonderful that almost immediately after the attack began to see the French 75 mm guns get into them. And after they had bolted back into the trenches, the French continued to drop high explosives in with the greatest accuracy froma distance of 5000 yards.

1386. th 6 July 1915. 4 a.m.

After our big spasm in the morning yesterday, we were withdrawn, and I was ordered to move right down to the last trench. Scarely had we got down there, and arranged our weary selves, thanI got orders to move up at once half my Company - so I started off myself and came up again into the support trenches where we had stood about all night.

This is the fourthnight without sleep, and my inside is in a very bad state. Added to this we have been getting very little and very bad food, and since breakfastyesterday I have eaten nothing.

However, I believe we go back into our rest camp this afternoon. Our casualties during yesterday's business were remarkably small, but it was the closest thing I have ever seen. I never doubted at the time it was all up with us, with the Officersanyway; the men might have bolted but we would not of course. So here you have me alive and well despite all the fortunesof war, and thus I hope to remain. I am very pleased with things in general and enjoyed the fightyesterday.

After it was all over, I located a German Officer standing up in a trench about 500 yards off. I could just see his head. I put ten bullets all round him, but I do not think I got him, though eventually he disappeared.Had I my old Mauser rifle, he would not be alive now to tell the tale.

After the battle the parapetof the French trench was covered with dead Turks and the ground all round was dotted with the dead and dying.

About twenty Turks had collected in a little camp round the parapet of their trench behind a little bush, I spotted them and put a little shot amongst them, afterthat they began to get back into their trench, one at a time, and as each one dived over we let him have it, I think we accounted for at least ten in this way.

Just in front of our trench at one spot arebodies of a number of Collingwoods, who were killed on June 4th and have not been buried yet.

9 a.m. Got orders to move back again to leftat 7.30 a.m. and got back to the last line of trenches in time for some breakfast.This is a very long letter, so I must cease, and can only hope that you are able to read it. gth July 1915.

The last two days have been very quiet, and we are back in our Rest Camp. This morning the Turks got a couple of shells into us, andkilled two of our men with the second shell. I have just had your letter of June 20th, and am so glad you had such a pleasant visit to Stanstead. Thank the baby forhis post-card, and tell him I will send him one, only I have none, but I hope to make amends later. Things are moving but slowly here, but we are hoping forgreat things when Russia moves. It is not easy to writemuch here, and of news there is so little. I wish I could have seen the baby making his mud pies, how he must have enjoyed it. Please send me some political gossip and news of how the war in Flanders is supposed to be going on.

1387. We are not quite recovered from our spasm of the other day when the Turks broke our line. I still am amazed that we live to tell the tale; but all's well, and it really was the most exciting thing I have ever seen fora long time, and I thoroughly enjoyed it. We took a Turkish prisoner. He was slightly wounded, and our men invited him to come over the parapet and surrender; so he came up saying, "English, but he throw no bombs"; he was a brute however.

th 10 July 1915.

Yesterday I had a most interesting day, and was fora brief period the cynosure of all eyes, as say the Feniltons- What do you think it was? I was sent out with a Flag of Truce to parley with a Turkish StaffOfficer. I was woken up at 7 a.m. and told to proceed to Army Corps Headquarters. There I was given a very good breakfast and met - who do you think? Ashley, the Gabriel's servant. (In Jubaland) Next I was mounted on a charger, and in company with the G.O.C. and A. D. C. hurried offto the divisional headquarters, where we had drinks. From there I went up to Brigade Headquarters, and headed a stately and rather nervous procession of Colonels and Generals down the firetrench to a certain spot where I stuck up a Red Cross Flag.

The immediate reply was a bullet within half an inch of my head, so I waved my flagstill more energetically, and presently the bullets stopped, and a Turkish Red Crescent - their Red Cross Flag - appeared over the Turkish trenches. I then jumped out and walked rapidly forward so as to gain time on the other Gent :fromthe Turkish side, and get nearer to his trenches than he to ours, and met a Turkish StaffOfficer with whom I had a long conversation about "Shoes and ships and sealing wax" etc. and of course on business too.

The sight that met my eyes on getting near their trenches was marvellous, the right and left of me, for as far as I could see, were nothing but piles of Turkish corpses; the ground was so littered with them that we were standing on them during our interview, we could not stand on solid ground as there was no room.

It was nothing but a sea of corpses. He was really a very cultivated Turk, and spoke German perfectly,and when I gave him the time of day in Arabic, he was quite enthusiastic. We parted the best of :friendsand he gave me some cigarettes one of which I enclose as a souvenir.

Our conversation was marred by the factthat away on our right, some of our people kept up an incessant fire on us, and did not hit us. They were much relieved to see me return, as they thought perhaps it was a trap, and anyway it was a bit risky, but I knew it would be alright.

Back afterthat to Headquarters, where I had a most excellent lunch, and where my information greatly interested them. They arranged that I should go out again later on, but when the time came, a bloke fromSir Ian Hamilton's staffarrived, andsaid he had instructions to go out, so I said I would leave it to him, as one at a time was quite sufficient.

It has been blowing strongly here, and one shell dropped alongside my dug-out; but failed to explode. Ashley was most interested to meet me of course, and sent his salaams to you and the baby. He is a sergeant in charge of the Military Police at Army H.Q. 1388. 7 p.m. Both we and the Turks have been having a nasty "hati" this evening, and a few minutes ago a six inch shell dropped in the camp just beyond my dug-out. They seem to be getting the range of my quarters, and given it the benefit of anything that may be gomg.

Yesterday evening as I was going through the Drake lines a shell burst, and killed four men and wounded seventeen. Yesterday to get up into our left I travelled a couple of miles up a deep gully that runs almost parallel with the beach. Everywhere you look you saw nothing but the graves of British troops, all neatly kept with a little wooden cross to mark the spot. I am going to have a Cross made and am going to put it on the spot where all the Collingwood Officers and men fell, as soon as we advance beyond the next Turkish trenches.

I enclose a pair of glasses to be repaired, please have them done "ekdum" and send then out. Please also try to get me another similar pair, but with horn rims if possible, horn is more comfortable and lasts longer.

12•h July 1915.

Yesterday I had an interesting day. I went up and spent it in the trenches on our left flank, and studied the ground we took fromthe Turks on June 29th. Coming back I had a lovely dip in the sea and later a good view of a heavy bombardment that we commenced about 6 am.

This morning a heavy bombardment started in, and I think by now we have captured a good slice of Turkish trenches. Perhaps with luck we shall today see the Turks on the run; who knows?

The trenches on our left are very picturesque. They are situated along the cliffoverlooking the sea and you get a good view of the shipping. Everything however is dead, buried in the trenches, out in the open, and half buried in the parapets of the trenches. The Turks at the moment are bursting large shells close by a French battery but they are doing no harm.

I wish you could send me some cocoa please. Food is not easy to get a cup of coca makes all the difference.

12 noon. I have been watching the whole morning the bombardment of the Turkish lines which on this occasion incurred no risk as the Turks paid no attention to us, but concentrated on the frontline trenches.

2 p.m. All is now quiet and very peacefulafter the colossal noise of this morning; only occasionally do you hear some dull rumble in the far distance of a hand grenade or trench mortar. On the whole I think we have made substantial progress today, but I wish we could have got over to the other side of Achi Baba.

Some excitement prevailed, as during the action a white flagwent up in Krithia, but I do not know whether it meant anythingor whether any notice was taken of it. The weather is hot now andthe fliesare getting worse daily, so it will be a relief when we can push on, and cease staringall day long at this wretched hill in frontof us.

1389. 13th July 1915.

Yesterday afternoon at about 4 p.m. we started the most colossal bombardment of their centre, andit looked as if the whole ground had become a raging volcano. After about an hour of this I saw the infantry advance and then white flags began to go up. The infantry advanced over six trenches, and apparently met with no opposition.

On the right centre there was also an advance to take a small sector, andI saw the infantry turnthem out with the bayonet. The Turkish resistance was entirely broken down, and our men appeared to be able to walk about in the open in the most casual manner.

Beyond the party digging itself in was a covering party and this presently fellback on the digging party, and fromright up nearthe foot of Achi Baba, came running a party of about half a platoon, who had apparently gone on as an outpost. One of these was wounded, and I saw another man supporting him. Presently this man also got wounded, and the first man then picked him up and carried him in.

Meanwhile all the time great shells kept bursting on the summit of Achi Baba, which looked like a volcano in eruption. The Turks gave us a good deal of shelling yesterday and I had many narrow squeaks. They seem however now to be thoroughly demoralised.

After it was all over, and the guns had ceased to fire, the sun began to set and presently the whole peninsula was bathed in a golden splendour that included even the corpses lying thick upon the ground and it seemed a happy augury that the warriors had gone to Valhalla over the Rainbow Bridge.

7 p.m. There has been another big battle preceded by a big bombardment, and we have again advanced towards the foot of Achi Baba. The French have also advanced.

Afterwatching this forsome time the Turks began to turn their attention to us, and when six big shells had burst all around I though it wise to move off. I think we have gained a substantial success once more, and to-morrow being July 14th the French vow they will plant the Tricolour on Achi Baba. If they do it will be a great achievement, and I don't think the war will last much longer out here.

I am very sorry now that I did not get my photograph taken of my meeting with the Turkish officer under the flag of Truce. It would have been very interesting. There was I with the Flag with the Cross on it, a Turkish Officer with the Crescent, and all around a sea of corpses, with the British on one side and the Turks on the other.

I was down at the beach early this a.m. and coming back looked in to talk to Ashley. He gave me a welcome tin of cigarettes. It is blowing strongly today and the Turks will not be able to use any gases therefore,to try and drive us back. Yesterday to my great joy, three 1 1h h letters of yours arrivedall together, dated June 24 \ 25 and 2i . I am extremely fitand well and my nerves are much stronger, in fact I believe all this clash of shells and bullets does one good, and is like a tonic. I know that when others bolt into dug outs and duck in a panic when shells come, I scarcely notice them and do not bother about them at all. You have only to stand up to a shell once or twice and it loses its terror altogether.

1390. 15th July 1915.

The last four days battles have been raging, but today is quiet, and we can toll up the gains and losses, and on the whole I think we made a very successfuladvance, though with big losses.

The Turk is however steadily becoming more demoralised. The situation was undoubtedly saved by the R.N.D., who as always, have done great work. My Battalion was not engaged in the operations, and I am at the moment employed on special duty in the rear line of trenches, where bullets and shrapnel rarely cease from worrying you. The man who was employed on this job before me was killed by a bullet fired 1500 yards behind, but that was a piece of very bad luck. As usually down here the casualties are wounded not killed. Yesterday we lost an officer fromthe Battalion; he shot himself accidentally through the leg with a revolver; a quite unnecessary accident.

The trenches at the moment, that is the new ones taken, are most unsavoury; they are simply one great slaughter house and the stench is so great that in some cases the men occupying the trenches are vomiting.

Near by me is an observation station for the Australian Artillery, and there I visit occasionally, where I see the whole system of Turkish trenches. I must say looking at it, it is a big job to get through, and I wonder when it is going to be done.

The stench in the trenches is so dreadfulthat the men have to wear respirators, and one man ever went mad in the trenches yesterday. Another man went mad in my trench, andI had some difficultywith him. Generally the dirt and filth all over is indescribable. Everywhere you go you see rifles, bayonets, old cloths, empty and half empty tins and corpses lying about in the trenches, in the few small streams there are, and on the road, and over all is drawn a black curtain of flies; and the more we advance the worse it gets, as we have all the Turkish dirt as well as our own when we advance.

Of water forwashing there is none in the firing line and not much in the rest camps, however I hope now that it will soon be all over and that we shall soon have room to breathe more freely.

My inside is in a dicky condition, owing chiefly I think to the combination of dirt, flies sand and bad food.The weather now is getting very hot, and one longs forcold clean drinks and fruit,whereas all we get is Bully Beef, which is not an ideal not weather food. Wars do not come every day and when they do they must take precedence of everything else. You get tired aftera time of the continual roll of artillery and long for a little absolute peace. You never get it though; something is always exploding; it may be ours or theirs, and it may be rifle, shells, machine guns, aerial torpedoes or bombs, but something is always, always makinga noise.

The Turks have startedin again to shell us, and this morning quite a lot of shrapnel has been dropped but it has done us no damage so far."Gee Whizz"also had an innings last night on W Beach. There was a buzzgoing round that Bulgaria has presented Turkey with an ultimatum, I hope it is true.

1391. I don't think I have ever told you that Our Brigadier is Commodore Backhouse. He is a typical Naval man, and a very fine Officer, and extremely popular with everybody. He had as his Brigade Major, a Colonel Moorhouse, who is a P.C. on the West Coast of Africa, andwho was on leave; he had to go back some time ago, but he also was a really good fellow, and very popular. An old gentleman has just arrived out with the rank of Captain R.N.R. He was formerly a Rear Admiral in the R.N. I do not know what job he will take on.

We are panting forgood news from France and Russia and wondering how long this slaughter is still going to last. It is a most melancholy business. I cannot understand how it is we have not succeeded in licking the Turks, They are dreadfulstickers and it seems to take a good deal to get them on the run. The fliesare getting very troublesome, ifl have killed one, I have killed a million.

18tb July 1915.

I got back to the rest camp and rejoined my Battalion, and no sooner had I done so than to my great joy I got two letters fromyou dated 29th June and 1 st July, also the book (Dawn of History) and you could not have sent anything more suitable.

It is Sunday evening and the sun is just setting. Near by the Padre is holding an evening service and overhead an aeroplane is buzzing while every now and then a gun goes off with a crash anda roar.

This is the most peacefultime of the day, the flieshave ceased from tormenting and a cool breeze blows. It is also less unpleasant now as since our last push, the Turks have very largely ceased shelling us, though "Gee Whizz" has an occasional stab at us.

I have read Brother Johannes Prophecy. I trust he is right and that these bloody Huns may be exterminated soon.

Now for some belated news, our Padre has been invalided and I have asked him to let you know on his arrivalin England where he is, so that you can go and see him, and he will tell you all about myself and the Dardanelles. By the time thisreaches you, no doubt he will have already done so.

19th July 1915.

Last night was very quiet and I had a good rest for a chance. Have just remembered that the last sentence is giving away information, so have crossed it out. There is a craze right through the peninsula amongst the men for making little model aeroplanes, and some of them are really beautifully made. They even go the length of putting on little tin propellers which turnround with the wind, and the complete toy they put on a stick on the edge of their dug-out. I should like to send one home, but they are fragile, and it is not easy to get parcels off. I am makinga collection of shrapnel bullets for the baby to use as marbles. They are all sizes, some as big as small tangerines.

1392. Commodore Oliver Backhouse the commanding officer of the Royal Naval Division's nd 2 Brigade at Antwerp and Gallipoli. From the 'Great War', edited by Wilson.

2oth July 1915.

Last night the Turks had a bit of a "hati" against us. They gave us "Gee Whizz" in volleys of fiveseveral times, but did no real damage.

Yesterday after I got down here, and had my gear unpacked two bullets rolled out of the blankets. The bundle had apparently been stuck on the edge of the dugout, where I also was nearly done in; a bullet came buzzing along and just lodged in the sand bags about level with my eyes.

The German aeroplane has just been over, but did not hurt us, though it knocked out people in another camp.

Today has been cool compared with other days, and the fliesdo not appear to have been as bad as usual. We have been hated a little by the Turks but not badly.

1393. 21 st July 1915.

Today has so farbeen uneventful except that we hear that we managed last night to complete the fmal strengthening out and consolidation of our new lines; so that we are now in a safe position as regards attacks from the Turks.

The last few days have been abominably dusty, but I have now improved my dug-out and hope to escape more of it.

Our Brigade is now out of the trenches today and we shall now have a turn at beach parties for a bit, which is heavy and unexciting work.

23rd July 1915.

We have had quite a series of excitements here lately. What they are I cannot tell you; for one thing, however, Winston Churchill arrived out here this a.m.

Last night and today we are standing by for a gigantic Turkish attack, which, with the aid of gas and liquid fire, is to drive us into the sea, but it has not come offso far.Last night we had a small spasm, and the big Turkish push has yet to come.

Today a very high wind is blowing, and with it much fine dust.

I had a letter fromMrs Spearman (the Colonel's widow) which I enclose. She is so plucky, and you notice that there is no complaining. She is not thinking of herself at all, only of him.

The baby's last postcard now adornsmy dugout.

Yesterday my second in command was badly shrapnelled, so I am one officershort - or rather three altogether, and today a new man just out, was sent down to the beach on guard and was worried a bit by three shells; so back he came in tears and a blue funk.A nice fellowto have in a Battalion.

24th July 1915.

Last night there was a good deal of artillery business on our side. We have been standing by for a big Turkish attack. When suddenly the Turks about midnight loosed offabout twelve shrapnel shells in about 45 seconds, I thought the big show must have started, but afterthat peace reigned once more. Until this morning when the German Taube, which we call "Christopher" dropped five bombs round us.

3 p.m. We have just been up to attend a lecture on gas poisoning. As far as I can make out, it is alright as long as you know about it, but unless you get due warning you are done.

We shall be happier when we get over the top of Achi Baba I think. If only they would turn out shells at home in sufficientnumbers, we should be alright here, and through to Constantinople in a week. I must end now as I have to go out, firstto take a party of men

1394. out to do some transport training, and then I go to W beach to have a bathe, which is the only solitary luxury the peninsula offers, and which can even then only be enjoyed at some risk, as they shell the place pretty regularly all day, but very few of their shells do any harm.

25th July 1915.

Another day gone and the Turks have not driven us into the sea. Last night we had a biggish "hati" on both sides, but I think it was more frighton their and our parts. This morning I was woken up by a gun, which we call "Christians Awake", because it always pops offonce, and that just at Reveille. A rather little "Christopher" dropped some bombs, and then another rather rare gun called "Whistling Rufus" took up the tune. The Turks have a new "Gee Whizz" installed behind Achi Baba which is now busy with a great attack on us. Lifeon the whole is thereforefull of pleasurable excitement and one can never be bored for very long at one time.

We have now got another kindofrespirator against gas, but I do not believe myself that any occasion to use them will arise. The conditions of gas attack are not favourable in the peninsula.

Yesterday we shelled the top of Achi Baba very heavily, and it was most enjoyable to think of the German High Command getting it hot. Huge columns of earth, dust and smoke kept shooting up every minute or so, and it seemed wonderfulthat anything could be left on the summit after it all.

Today the wind has changed a bit, and it is rather hot, but thank goodness there is less dust about.

I was writing this sitting on the edge of my dugout when a "Gee Whizz" pitched some distance offand dropped a piece of itself about an inch by three quarters of an inch in size with a tremendous burr just at my feet. I think it will reach you safely. It is a nice handy piece of ironmongery to get in your tummy.

26th July 1915.

1 Have you seen the papers of, I think, July 8 \ in which they give details of a Turkish attack on the Front when the Turks and British met ? That is the attack about which I wrote to you and told you that the Turks broke our line forthe moment, and it was C Company, that went forwardon the right and held the position. It was only a small affair, but, forthe men of C Company, who charged over into the fire trench on the right, it might have turned into a big disaster.

Yesterday I went down to the Indian Supply and Transport Corps, later I bathed. On the beach there was much shelling going on, but the Turks had not got it all their own way, there were two Monitors knocking the stuffingout ofKum Kale on the Asiatic side, and a Cruiser was shelling Achi Baba very fiercely. I came back in the cool ofthe evening and unnoticed by the enemy.

1395. It is a curious existence here. You are never for five minutes safe, unless in your dugout, and then not quite safe, as that every time you move out into the open to bathe or walk about the camp, you do so at your own risk, and yet the thought never prevents anyone fromwalking over the Peninsula as though it was as safe asBlandford. The Turks have got another new gun, it is known as "Quick, Quick", I think it is probably a 4.7 inch.

5 pm. I am down with my men on the cliff overlooking Imbros, half way between the beach known as River Clyde or V Beach and the one known as W Beach or Lancashire Landing. Here about is an Indian S & T.C. - the same as the Camel S & T.C. which came to Kismayne- only this is a mule Corps. They are all native drivers with just a few European officers, and they are wonderful.They never panic or get surprised, and fussed when they are shelled, but just carry on, day in and day out, along the roads as if they were peaceful English country lanes.

27th July 1915.

Last night was very peacefuland neither aeroplanes nor "Quick, Quicks" disturbed my rest. This morning our sausage balloon went up, but came down again, it usually goes up when there is something doing. They say the ships have knocked out some of the Asiatic guns - I hope it is true. (2)

Reference:-

(1) From 'The Collingwood Battalion' Complied by Lieutenant Stanley Geary, R.M. Published about 1917 by F. J. Parsons Ltd., Hastings. Page 15.

(2) Imperial War Museum, Department of Documents. The Milford Haven Papers:- Reference DS/Misc/9. Reel 3.

I would like to thank The Lord Brabourne and his wife, Countess Mountbatten of Burma for permission to reproduce this history.

Note:- Please see R.N.D. issue 6 (Sept 1998) Anson Battalion at Sulva & Anzac August 1915, pages 464 -466 forthe account of Dundas death. And page 495 for details of his grave.

1396. OPEN WARFARE

By Sub Lieutenant A.P. Herbert, Hawke Bn.

Men said, "At last ! at last the open battle! Now shall we fightunfettered o'er the plain, No more in catacombs be cooped like cattle, Nor travel always in a devious drain !" They were in ecstasies. But I was damping; I like a trench, I have no lives to spare; And in those catacombs, however cramoing, You did at least know vaguely where you were.

Ah, happy days in deep well-ordered alleys, Where, after dining, probably with wine, One feltindifferent to hostile sallies, And with a pipe meandered round the line; You trudged along a trench until it ended - It led at least to some familiar spot - It might not be the place that you'd intended, But then you might as well be there as not.

But what a wilderness we now inhabit Since this confounded"open" strife pre­ vails! It may be good; I do not wish to crab it, But you should hear the language it entails - Should see this waste of wide uncharted craters Where it is vain to seek the Companies, Seeing the shell-holes are as like as taters And no one knows where anybody is.

1397. Oft in the darkness, palpitant and blowing, Have I set out and lost the hang of things, And ever thought, "Where can that guide be going?" But trustedlong and rambled on in rings, For ever mounting some tremendous summit, And halting there to curse the contrite guide, For ever then descending like a plummet Into a chasm on the other side.

Ofthave I sat and wept, or sought to study With hopeless gaze the uninstructive stars, Hopeless because the very skies were muddy­ I only saw a red malignant Mars: Or pulled my little compass out and pondered, And set it sadly on my shrapnel hat, Which, I suppose, was why the needle wandered, Only, of course, I never thought of that.

And then, perhaps, some 5.9's startdropping, As if there weren't sufficientholes about; I flounder on, hysterical and sopping, And come by chance to where I started out, And say once more, while I have no objection To other men proceeding to Berlin, Give me a trench, a nice reverted section, And let me stay there till the Boche gives

I. ll I .

Sub Lieutenant A.P. Herbert.

* * * * *

Published in 'The Bomber Gipsy and other poems' in 1919 by Methuen & Co Ltd, London.

I would like to thank A.P.Watt on behalf of Crystal Gale and Jocelyn Herbert for permission to reproduce this poem.

1398. WESTERN FRONT

th th REPORT ON OPERATIONS 30 AUGUST TO g SEPTEMBER 1918.

BATTLE OF DROCOURT- QUEANT LINE.

This account is somewhat technical as it refers to other orders and map referencesetc. However, I have decided to leave these in as their inclusion allows foran in-depth study of the action by the serious student when using the relevant maps etc.

Hugh Shipman writes about the series of Royal Naval Division's attacks in the summer and autumn of 1918 :- "For a time they passed beyond the range of their guns into the zone of open warfare, having to rely utterly upon their own rifles and machine guns for fire power." (1) For this type of warfare, the RND's organisation was ideal. The companies, platoons and sections in this situation had to operate independently. A division filled up from day to day by stage reinforcementswould have resulted in their being ignorant of their commanding officer's capabilities and vice versa, in a situation where each must rely on the other. Battalions in the RND were daily receiving officers and men recovered from wounds back to their old battalions who could fitat once into the organisation. (2)

30tb AUGUST 1918.

1 On the 30 h August 1918 the 63rd (RN) Division was encamped along the MIRAUMONT­ GRANDCOURT Road with Headquarters at L.34.b.3.7. At 3.10. pm orders were received by telephone from1 V Corps that the Division would be transferred to the XVIICorps forthwith andat 3.30. pm Warning Order No. G.238 was issued accordingly. At 5.15. pm Divisional Order No. 266, giving further details of the March was issued.

At 9. P.m T/Major-General C.A. Blacklock CMG. DSO. arrived and reported at Divisional Headquarters and took over the command of the Division on the followingmorning from Major-General C. E. Lawrie CB. DSO.

31st AUGUST 1918.

At 4.50. amthe Division was concentrated in the new area and at 12 midday WarningOrder No. 267 forthe relief of the 5ih Division in the leftsector XVII Corpsfront on the night 2;3rd September was issued.

In the course of the day the necessary reconnaissances of the approaches to and suitable assembly positions behind the front held by the 57th Division (BULLECOURT­ HENDECOURT) were carried out.

1399. At 10.pm XVII Corps Order No. 155, giving details of the action of the Division in operations to be undertaken at an early date was received.

1 st SEPTEMBER 1918.

At 2 am. on the 1 September 63rd (RN) Division Instructions No 1 dealing with the future rd operations were issued.st Briefly the task of the 63 (RN)Division was to pa.;;sthrough the left of the 57th Division on reaching the third objective to exploit success.

The general line of advance was along the high ground north ofQUEANT on IN CHY EN ARTOIS. The movement was divided up into 3 phases. The commencement of the 3rd phase was contingent on the Canadian Corps reachingtheir first objective and the 57th Division being successfulin reaching the RED LINE. Our objective was the Railway Line D.4.a.0.8. to V. 29. B. 2. 8. The final objective of the Canadian Corps was the Railway Line running N.E. through Square V. 34, W. 19, and W, 14.

At 8.30 am the Divisional Commander and G.S.O. 1. Were summoned to XVII Corps Headquarters, where the Corp's Commander outlined the plan of the operations to be undertaken and at 8. 45 am. WarningOrder No. G280 was issued.

At 12 noon a message was received that a troop of cavalry had been ordered to report at Headquarters 63rd (RN) Division.

At 1.20 pm Warning Order G.283 re march of Brigade Groups to assembly positions was issued and was followedat 1.30 pm. by Order No. 268 regarding the conduct of the Division in the operations.

At a Conferenceheld at the 189 InfantryBrigade Headquarters at 2.15 pm the Divisional Commander explained to Brigadier1h Generals Commanding, C.R.A., and Machine Gun Battalion Commander the task of the Division during the forthcoming operations.

At 2.30 pm notificationof ZERO Hour and date was received fromXVII Corps.

Brigades started to move forward as under:-

(1) 4.30 pm 190 InfantryBrigade to positions about N34. Central. 1h (2) 5.30 pm 1881 InfantryBrigade to positions between CROISILLES and FONTAINE.h

(3) 6.30 pm 189th Infantry Brigade to positions about T.4.a. and c.

Advanced Divisional Headquarters opened at N. 34. D. 8. 0. At 5.30 pm rear Headquarters remained at BLAIRVILLE (South Quarry).

1400. 11 At 7.10 pm Zero hour for the operations on the 2 d September was issued to all concerned.

At 8.10 pm the 141h Worcs Regt. (Pioneers) were ordered to concentrate at N.34.a. and c. near HENIN, where they arrived by 6.30 am. on the 2°d September. The Battalion were subsequently employed on road making.

At 9.40 pm. The 189th Infantry Brigade arrived at HENIN HILL. Information was received 11 that the 52 d Division had pushed through Bullecourt meeting only slight opposition.

All units of189 1h Infantry Brigade reported in position at T.4.a.&c. with Brigade Headquarters established at T. 3. b. 9.1. at 10.4 5 pm.

At 11.25 pm Brigadier General Commanding 1881h Infantry Brigade was given permission to establish his Headquarters alongside those of 172°d Infantry Brigade Commander at U.O.a.2.7. where he would be in touch with G.O.C. l 72°d Infantry Brigade, who knew the ground 1 intimately. Headquarters 188 h Infantry Brigade were accordingly moved fromT.5.b.8.8. to 11 this spot at 4.30 am on the 2 d September.

11 11 The attack on the 2 d September was to be carried out by XVIICorps with the 52 d Division on the right and the 5]1h Division on the left. The 63rd (RN)Division in co-operation with the rd Canadian Corps (1st Canadian Division ) on the leftand the VI Corps on the right. The 63 were to advance froma line east ofRiencourt, which was to be captured by the 5]1h Division 11 11 on the night l/2 d September,and to pass through this division (l 72 d InfantryBrigade). The 1881h InfantryBrigade was to lead the advance, followedby the 1891h and 1901h Brigades. This advance entailed a march of17,000 yards over broken and difficult country in the dark.

2°d SEPTEMBER 1918.

At 1.30 am, Brigadier General Commanding 1881h Infantry Brigade informed Divisional Headquartersthat he had arranged forthe 88th to take over the assembly positions vacated by 11 l the 172 d Brigade. Unitsof the 188th were reported in U.10.a. by 1.30 am. 1891h Brigade in T.4.a and o. By 6.30 am, 1901h Brigade were at N. 34 and central at a later hour.

11 The 52 d Division reported the right of their advance was held up at 3.40 am by heavy Machine Gun fire fromU.29.d.7.7. and had been ordered to occupy HORSESHOE and RACK SUPPORT and to push to the Sunken Road in C.5. a. and b. Their troops had also reached TANK AVENUE and U. 28.d.

The 57th Division reported the occupation of DACHSHUND AVENUE and the eastern exits ofRIENCOURT as far south as MIN SANS SOUCI.

At 5 am the barrage opened inaccordance with orders and the advance began. A troop of l21h Lancers arrived at Advanced Divisional HQ at 6 am.

1401. At 6.7 am. The Corps Commander informedthe Divisional Commander that after the word "MOVE" had been given he would be given a very free hand.

At 6.15 am the 188 InfantryBrigade reported their Headquarters were with 172°d Infantry Brigade HQ and that1h the 188th Brigade would be formedup within half an hour.So far, the l 72°d Brigade HQ had no news other than their Brigade was going well.

Information received from Corps HQ at 6.40 am. That our troops were advancing in V.1.a., U. 12.a. and b, U. 18.b. and that the German barrage was falling between HENDECOURT and REINCOURT.

At 6.10 am informationwas received fromthe 172°d Brigade that the attack appeared to be going well. The 1881h Brigade reported their troops assembled ready to move fromU. 10. C. and d.

At 7.5 am the 1881h Brigade stated that the troops of the 172°d Brigade could be seen on their objective, but no report to this effect had yet been received fromthem. At 7. 7 am the 188th Brigade was ordered to stand by.

At 7 12 am Units of the 189th Brigade reported having reached positions in U. 8. Central by 6am.

st rd At 7. 15 amthe l Canadian Division informed 63 (RN) Division that escorts could be seen bringing back prisoners fromeast of the DROCOURT-QUEANT Line and that the 63rd Division could be certain that the 1s t Canadian Division had reached their firstobjective, where there would be a pause forone hour. This information was telephoned to Corps Headquarters and the B.G.G.S. instructed the Divisional Commander to move at once, on the strength of the information received fromthe 1s t Canadian Division. Should this information subsequently prove to be incorrect, then the Divisional Commander was to use his discretion as to how farhe would push the advance.

At 7.20 am order "MOVE" issued accordingly.

At 7.45 am many prisoners were reported comingin. The 57th Division also reported all going well. The advance of the 188th Brigade and the move of the 189th Brigade to V. 13. Began about 8am.

A Troop of Cavaky arrived at Advanced Divisional Headquarters at 8. 25 am.

At 8. 27am the Hawke Battalion was diverted to cemetery U. 10. D. 5. 8 in support and under orders of the 188th Brigade. This Battalion was subsequently ordered to U. 12 c. about 9. 30 am and arrived there at 12.25 pm.

1402. The situation at 9 am was as follows:- The head of the 1881h Brigade was about V. 13. A. h centra� with Headquarters U. 10. A central. The 1891 Brigade U. 9. B. on route forV. 13 with Headquarters U. 7. 0. 95. 95. The 190th Brigade was on route to U. 8.

At 10 amit was learned that the 1 Canadian Division had captured the RED LINE and held

OAGNICOURT. st

At 10. 20 am German Machine Guns in V. 21. D., V. 26., and V. 27 gave trouble and were dealt with by heavy artillery.

At 10.30. amHeadquarters 1901h InfantryBrigade were established at U. 7. C. 95. 95., the remainder of the Brigade in U. 8.

The 1 Canadian Division reported at 10.50 am. That a mounted force had advanced down the

CAMBRA!st ROAD and reached MARQUION in W. 16. 1 The 189 h Brigade arrived in V. 13 a. at 10.50. At 11.45 am the situation was as follows:­ The Right Battalion 188 Brigade V.20.d., LeftBattalion V. 21. C. The Ridge D. 3. A., V. 27. D., V. 28 c. and d. and V.1h 29 a. was strongly held by the enemy. The Canadians were progressing well in V. 10 central, the 189th Brigade in V. 13 a. with 190th Brigade U. 8 c.

At 12.55 am the situation was as follows :- The Anson Battalion and 2°d Royal Irish Regiment about V. 27.a to V. 27.a to V.21.d.4. l. in touch with Canadians. The Royal Marine Light Infantry en route forV. 26.b.8.0. to V. 27.d.5.0. The enemy resistance Machine gun fire, slight.

At 1 pm the Drake Battalion was ordered to prolong our left and move through BOIS DE BOUCHE, thence southwards to turn positions fromthe North, with the railway in V.28. and V. 29 as the final objective.

1 At 1.15 pm the 190 h Brigade ordered to CALLINGCARD WOOD V. 15.a. to get in touch with the 189th Brigade. l 881h Brigade closed U. l O.a. central.

Information received at 2 pm that the 172"d Brigade had gained all of their objectives.

18s111 Brigade Headquarters established in CALLINGCARD WOOD at 2. 15 pm.

Information was received at 2. 17 pm that the 188111 Brigade had gained the objective Railway V. 28. And V. 29. And were in touch with 5?1h Division about V. 26.b.6.0.

At 3. 5 pm the Divisional Commander proceeded to CALLINGCARD WOOD to get in closer touch with the situation.

The remaining Battalions of the 189th Brigade were placed under orders of the 188 Brigade at 3.10 pm. 1h

1403. I Operations \ of the t, \I ROYAL NAVAL DIVISION Bo/sleux\ f . August 21�� - October.10� 1918. C �Bo,ry SMartmI I .,,.- s / - 11,

Scale of Miles. _,' ($! Moyennev-lle 5' Leger Yz ? 3 ... 5 <-"' I I I 2 j Cource11es 'e ComteI

<@, E ssarts lilMory

1/vaul.x -Vraucourt

� !lebulerne � Sa,!l_y au Bois !li\Favreuil

1$ Co!/ncamps ,{PSerre /

I / 3eaurnont-& \ Harne/"'$> r/\ \ (jJJ Haplincourt"fJ � ..:Juchonv/llers Villers au F!os Barastre•

1404. t$>Cagn/caurt �Sancour/•.J··... •• .•• &1 !iaynecourt .. . .

11/

�Niergnies

REFERENCE Line of' 2H.tAugust. !.918 ...... ------Hindenburg Line. ______,______•-•-·-·- Drocourt - Queanl: Line ... �·······-··-··-··-·' L me or I 2t!> September, /918...... + + + + + + + + 8':1!-JO!':October, ,, ·H·••••••••••••••••• Railways, Single ...... Double_-···-·---·----·------

J

1405. At 3.40 pm. 1881h Brigade Headquarters closed at CALLINGCARD WOOD and opened at V. 20.c.6.9. The line as held by the 1891h Brigade ran from V. 26. D. 4. 8. along the HINDENBURG SUPPORT LINE to V. 27. D. 3. 0. as far north as V. 28. A. 5. 1.

The 190th Brigade arrived at CALLINGCARD WOOD, V. 15. A. at 4 pm.

At 4.25 pm the situation was as follows:- The Right Battalion of the 1881h Brigade had gained objective V. 27. C. The remainder of the Brigade was near its objective and ordered to press on andsecure it. The enemy resistance was decreasing.

The enemy was seen retiring from PRONVILLE at 4.50 pm. Hostile Gun firerepo rted to be slight.

Instructions were received fromXVII Corpsat 5.10 pm (GB.989) to occupy IN CHY and close the road and exists fromQUEANT and PROVILLE, which villages the 57th Division were to occupy.

At 5.25 pm the situation was as follows:- The Railway was held by the Hawke Battalion on the right, the Drake Battalion on the left, the Anson Battalion and Royal Irish Regiment V.20. a. and Royal Marine Light Infantry. V. 27.c.

At 5.50 pm. G.M.15 wasissued directing the Anson Battalion and the 2°d Royal Irish Regiment to stand fast,the Hood and Hawke Battalions to push on and occupy INCHY.

6.27 pm. The l 881h Brigade reported the Drake Battalion had gone forward from Railway Line towardsD. 10, 11 and 12. The 1 st Canadian Brigade was moving to secure the BUISSY SWITCH in conjunction with the 1881h Brigade.

6.50 pm. Instructions were received fromthe XVII Corps to hold the Railway, V. 28.d. as a main line. If the Canadians did not get on, the 63rd Division need not stay in INCHY, but would reforma flank to the North. The 57th Division would be in touch with us in D. 3 b.

Between 7. 10 and 7.30 pm heavy artillery bombarded the Canal crossing east oflNCHY Prior to the Infantry attack. The Hood and Hawke Battalions moved fromV. 20 at 7.40 pm but were held up by heavy machine gun fire in the front oflNCHY. Though fighting continued afterdark these Battalions were unable to advance beyond V. 28 d and V. 29 a.

As the 57th Division was attacking the HINDENBURG SUPPORT LINE in V. 25 and V 26 the 5ih Division informed us that the 172°d Brigade would not move on QUEANT as had previously been arranged.

At 9.45 pm the situation was as follows:- 1881h Brigade Headquarters V.20, a, 6. 8. 1891h Brigade Headquarters V.19, b, Central. 1901h Brigade Headquarters V.13, a 0. 4.

1406. The Line ranV. 26 d. 7. 7., D. 3 b. 60. 45., V. 29 a. 6. 4. And was held as under:-

Royal Marine Light Infantry Right Anson Battalion Right Centre 2"d Royal Irish Regiment Left

The Hood and Hawke Battalions were exploiting towards INCHY.

At 10.20 pm a troop of the OxfordHussars was ordered to join the 63rd Division on the 3r

G. B. 969 wascancelled and an outline for the operations on the night 2"

At 10.50 pm information was received that the Canadianswould continue the advance up to the CANAL DU NORD from SANS LES MARQUION northwards on the 3r

The feature of the day's operations was the work of the Darke Battalion. Moving at 1.30 pm the Battalion passed through CAGNICOURT and assembled in V. 22 c. Having ascertained that the BOIS DE BOUCHE and the Railway in V. 29. A were held by the Canadians, the Battalion left some troops to clear up HINENBURG SUPPORT LINE in V. 27 c. and protect its right flank. At 6.30 pm the O.C. ordered the Battalion to attack across the open in V. 28. It wasnot until early on the 3r

rd 3 SEPTEMBER 1918.

r d On the 3

At 12.40 am informationwas received that the 57th Division would be withdrawing on the 3rc1 September, if the situation permitted. The O.RA. 63rd Division would take control of the Artillery Groups covering the left Division at 1 pm 3rc1 September.

At 3.50 am orders were received for reorganisation.

At 5.40 am the situation in frontof the Anson Battalion was reported to beobscure. Owing to late receipt of orders the Battalion had not started attack at 11 pm 211d September. The situation was that the 2°d Royal Irish Regiment was on the right, Hood Battalion in the centre and Hawke Battalion leftand in touch with the Canadians at V29 a. 6. 0.

1407. At 7 am the position was that the Hawke Battalion and Hood Battalion with some elements ofthe 188th Brigade and Drake Battalion were at line of Railway V. 28. And 29 and in touch with troops on both flanks.

200 ofVXII Corps Cyclists were ordered to HENDECOURT foremployment under 63rd (RN)Division.

At 8.30 am the presence ofour troops in PRONVILLE was confirmed.

At 9.7 am the 52°d Division was ordered by XVII Corps to take over PRONVILLE.

Instructions were issued fortroops ofthe 189th Brigade with 188th to revert to command of the 189th Brigade. The l 88th were ordered to reorganise on the Railway Line. Headquarters of the 189th Brigade was established at V. 29 a. 6. 3.

At 10.30 am in accordance with the instructions received fromthe XVII Corps to press on and occupy IN CHY and TADPOLE COPSE, the Drake Battalion was directed on TADPOLE COPSE and occupied it without serious opposition.

The Hood Battalion advanced on INCHY and Canal crossing at E. 2. Central, where they established a post at 12.30 pm. The Hawke Battalion moved to occupy the HINDENBURG SUPPORT LINE and canal crossings at E. 8. D. This Battalion was hung up 300 yards west ofthe Canal by heavy Machine Gun fire. To catch the enemy retiring on the BAPAUME­ CAMBRAI Road a three hour bombardment by Heavy Artillery on the Cross Roads in E. 17 c. was arranged.

At 11. 20 am the 190th InfantryBrigade was ordered to V.21 a and c. and this move was completed by 2 pm. The 190th Brigade took no further part in the action of3rd September.

At 12.5 pm the situation was as follows:-

Drake Battalion directed to TADPOLE COPSE-in touch with 52°d Division. Hood & Hawke Battalions on INCHY and bridges to the east ofit.

188th Brigade in support of189 Brigade in V. 21 a. c. 1h Artillery supportingleading Brigade and engaging enemy fleeing alongthe BAPAUME - CAMBRAI Road. Heavy Artillery firing on crossings E. 27 c. 1. 3.

Photographs on the opposite page :- Above:- Canal-Du-Nord & Inchy En Artois. Below :- Transport Crossing the Canel Du Nord. Both from the Royal Marines Museum at Southsea. I thank Mathew Little the archivist forhis help.

1408.

At 12.30 pm a post was established at Bridge E. 2 central by the Hood Battalion. As the Hawke Battalion was unable to reach the Bridge at E. 8 d. they established posts some 300 yards west of the Canal. The Drake Battalion occupied Tadpole Copse without serious difficulty and consolidated their gains in the western outskirts ofMOEUVRES. One Company of the XVII Corps Cyclists was attached to the Hood Battalion and a second company was ordered to MOEUVRES, but became involved in fightingsouth oflNCHY till the morningof the 4th December and did not reach MOEUVRES. 200 prisoners were taken in INCHY.

At 1 pm the 1881h Brigade assembled in V. 28 a and e. and V. 27 b.

At 2.20 pm informationwas received that, if the tactical situation permitted, the 2nd Canadian Division would relieve the 1st Canadian Division on the night of the 3rct;4th September.

Instructions were issued at 3.50pm forthe capture of the CANAL DU NORD crossing. (GM41).

At 5.10 pm the situation was as follows:- Crossings at E. 2. Central held. TADPOLE COPSE and MOEUVRES held. A Battalion again attackingE. 8. Crossing. In touch with the Canadians at W. 25 d. and W. 26. A. The Royal Marine Light Infantry ordered to D. 6. Central in support of 1891h Brigade, which point they reached by 9 pm.

1 1h At 6.5 pm the Joint Headquarters for188 11 and 189 Brigades were established at V. 28 d.

Notification was received at 8.30 pm from the XVII Corps that the Cyclists at MOEUVRES would not be relieved by the 52nd Division, but by the VI Corps and that the 52nd Division would cover our right flank and place one Brigade in D.16 a and b and D. 17 b.

Informationwas received from the XVII Corps at 8.30 pm that the 63rd Division would hold the Corps front,whilst the 52nd Division would be in support, the 57th Division in reserve and the 561h Division resting. (GB.18)

At 9 pm the 63rd Division were instructed by Corps H.Q. to occupy the ridge E. 16, E. 10. E. 4.

In faceof heavy Machine Gun Fire and increased enemy opposition the Hood and Hawke Battalions failed to secure the Canal Crossing.

At 10.30 pm the 1901h Brigade was ordered to be ready to move to INCHY preparatory to securing a footing on the easternbank of the Canal on the 4th September.

The featureof the fighting on the 3rd September was the intermingling of Units of the l881h and 1891h Brigades and the efforts to secure a footingon the east bank of the CANAL DU NORD.

1410. Above photograph taken of Canal Du Nord & Moeuvres on 3/9/1915. From the Marines Museum, Southsea.

During the afternoon of the 3 rd September it became evident that the enemy resistance was stiffeningand that the task of crossing the CANAL DU NORD would be increasingly difficult.

th 4 SEPTEMBER 1918.

At 12.50 am the task for the 4th September was issued (GM.54)

Assisted by the 188th Brigade the 1 g9th Brigade was charged with securing the crossing over the CANAL DU NORD.

1411. At 4 am the situation was as follows:-

The troops on Ridge E. 8 d.3.3. and 2.6. help up by Machine Gun fire from the Eastern Bank of the Canal and at E. 8. Central. INCHY and the area west of the Canal being heavily shelled.

At 5 am the Hawke Battalion made renewed efforts. They did hold E. 8. D crossing over the Canal for some hours but eventually were forcedby heavy Machine Gun fire to withdraw about 150 yards west of the Canal.

At 9.40 am the position was as follows:-

Drake Battalion was attacking MORUVRES and the Canal Bank, The Guards Division was held up to the southward. The Hood Battalion was trying to cross at E. 2. Central.

At 11.30 am Advanced Divisional Headquarters closed atU.7.d and opened at V. 20 o. 6. 8.

In touch with the Guards Division the Drake Battalion had reached the general line E. 14 central to E. 20 a.4.9. Any further advance was therefore delayed until the Guards Division could advance on the southern flankof Drake Battalion.

At 2 pm B.G.G.S. informedthe Divisional Commander of the Army Corps policy forthe future and stated that the Division might be relieved on the night 5/6111 or 6/?1h September by the 561h Division. These instructions were subsequently cancelled as the 56111 Division was ordered away from the Corps.

At a conference attended by Brigadier Generals commanding, C.R.A., and O.C. Machine Gun Battalion held at V. 28 d. 0. 0. at 3 pm., the Divisional Commander explained the Policy and the action of Brigades in the near future.The 1901h Brigade was detailed to relieve the 1891h Brigade on the night 4/51h September and to be prepared to attack the high ground E.16, E. 10., and E. 4, at dawn on the 5th September. On relief the 1891h Brigade was to withdraw to V. 21. The order of Units of the l 901h Brigade from South to North afterrelief would be Royal t th Fusiliers, 1 s Artists Rifles, 4 BedfordRegt.

At 4 pm the situation was as follows:-

The Drake Battalion held fromE. 20 a.9.2. to E. 14 o. 6.5. with a post at E. 14 d. 6. 2. Further progress eastwards was hindered by heavy Machine Gun fire fromthe Eastern banks of the Canal. No change on the remainder of the front, except that enemy shelling seems to be on the increase.

Defmite information was received at 6 pm that the Guards Division would not relieve the Drake Battalion in MOEUVRES on the night 4;5th September, consequently the Royal Fusiliers were instructed to do so. At the same time the Division was ordered to secure the country up to the western bank of the CANAL DU NORD and arrangements were made accordingly. (GW. 306 issued at 6.20 pm) 1412. 1 At 6.25 pm the 189 h Brigade reported some 200 Germans had been approaching the CANAL DU NORD fromBOURLON and that they were being dealt with by heavy and Field artillery.

"S.O.S. INCHY" went up at 6.40 pm. Subsequently it transpired that some 500 Germans had counter-attacked and entered the north-easternportion ofIN CHY. A Machine Gun Post at E. 1 d. 9. 2 did specially useful work in assisting to repel German counter-attack.

The enemy put down a barrage on INCHY and MOUVRES at 7.30 pm, using a quantity of Blue Cross shell and high explosive.

Subsequently the Germans were driven out ofINCHY by a company of Royal Marine Light Infantryand the Hood Battalion between 9.30 and 11 pm.

All was reported quiet at 8.25 pm.

At 9 pm. Headquarters 190111 Infantry Brigade opened at V. 28 d. 0.0.

At 9.35 pm orders were issued forthe withdrawal ofthe XVIICorps Cyclists.

th The relief ofthe 1 st Canadians by the 6 Canadians was notified to all concerned at 10.15 pm.

At 10.40 pm the situation was as follows:-

2 Battalions of the 188111 Brigade were ordered to reconnoitre towards TADSPOLE COPSE and the HINDENBURG SUPPORT LINE in view of their possible employment in these directions in the future.

As a result ofthe day's fighting it became apparent that the Germansintended, if possible, to hold the ground west of the CANAL DU NORD, and that it would be increasingly difficult forthe Division to prevent them doing so.

th 5 SEPTEMBER 1918.

At 12.10 am the Guard's Division reported the establishment of Posts in E.20 c. and d.

The relief ofthe Leftand Centre Battalions by the 190111 Brigade was completed by 2 am but that of the right Battalion was not completed until 9. 15 am.

At 5 am the situation was as follows:-

There was slight shelling beforedawn. The Hood Battalion afterrenewed attackson the Bridge at E. 2 central had failed to make any progress in faceof heavy machine gun fire.

1413. No material change in the situation was reported at 6.15 am. The l 90th Brigade was in touch h with the Canadian Division on our left. If required the 1891 Brigade was to be ready to move to the Railway line (GW. 326).

At 1 lam the Corps Commander visited Divisional Headquarters and conferredwith the G.O.C. 56th and 63rd Divisions. Notificationwas received at 1.10 pm of the cancellation of the relief of the 52nd by the 56th Division.

At 2.15 pm a Canadian Patrol was reported to have reached the high ground east of the Canal near BOIS DE QUESNOY and the 63rd (RN) Division was ordered to be prepared to capture the Canal if an opportunity offered. There was no immediate possibility of doing this unless the enemy showed distinct signs of withdrawal. By this hour it was quite evident that the Germans facing the Division had established posts west of the Canal. Verbal instructions were issued for these posts to be subjected to heavy Stokes Mortar and rifle grenade fire.

Instructions were received at 3.10 pm to harass the enemy Machine Gun positions and to prevent his working on defensive lines.

At 3.40 pm orders for the relief of the Field Artillery on the night of 5/6th September were received.

At 5.55 pm the Guards Division notified the 63rd Division that they would assume responsibility forthe front as far north as the southernboundary of the XVII Corps. At 8 pm Units were notifiedaccordingly. On relief the Royal Fusiliers were to move to D. 12 b and d.

At 6 pm the situation was as follows:-

Parties of Germans were still between MOEUVRES, INCHY and CANAL DU NORD. Material captured since 2nd Instant, 75 Machine Guns, 4 Limbers, 2 anti-tank guns,3 Trench Mortars, 1 anti tank rifle, Two 4.2 H.V. guns.

B.G.G.S. telephoned at 7.30 pm to say that the Division would be relieved by the 5?1h Division on the night of 7 /8th September.

At 8. 15 pm the situation was unchanged. Our line ranE. 2 a 4. 9 due south to E. 2. C. 4.). thence to E. 8 a. 0. 0. - E. 8. C 7. 0. - E. 14. A 8. 0. - E. 14. C 2. 0. Along SWAN LANE where we were in touch with the Guards to the south.

Learned at 8. 30 pm that the Canadian patrol was not established, as had previously been stated, east of the Canal near BOIS DE QUESNOY. A warning order forthe relief of the Division was received

The relief of the Royal Fusiliers by the Guards Division was complete at 11. 20 pm. From this date onwards the fightingon the Divisional frontbecame more or less of the routine type.

1414. A warning order forthe relief of the Division by the 5?1h Division was received. Instructions were issued to Units accordingly.

At 2.30 am the 189111 Brigade was endorsed to concentrate at V. 26. By noon on the 8111 September.

At 4.55 am the situation was as follows:- Consistent shelling of D. 12 d. and D. 18 b. IN CHY shelled as usual.

10 am :- It was ascertained during the night 5/61h September that the enemy had at least 4 Machine Gun Posts in E. 2. Central, 4 Machine Guns about E. 8 o. 7. 6 and the trenches west of the Lock in E. 8 d. were occupied by the enemy.

The arrival of the 189th Brigade at V. 26 was reported at 12 noon.

At 2. 40 pm instructions forharassing fireon the night 6/7111 September were received.

At 5 pm a troop of Oxford Hussarswas ordered to concentrate BRETENCOURT on ?111 September.

At 6.40 pm the 14111 Worcester Regiment (Pioneers) was ordered to U.19 on the ?111 for work under the Chief Engineer XVII Corps.

Informationwas received at 8.45 pm that the 5?111 Division would move on the 7111 September into Corps support.

An unusual noise and uproar were heard at E. 2. D and E. 8 b it was subsequently transpired that a German relief was being carried out.

During the night 6/7111 September it transpiredthat the leftPosts of the Guards Division were in E. 13 d and not as previously reported up to the XVII Corps southernboundary. The GuardsDivision was therefore asked to take steps to fill the gap between their leftpost and the right of the Division.

th 7 SEPTEMBER 1918.

st At 3.25 am the 1 Artists Rifles failed to capture the enemy post at E.8.c 7. 6 and became engaged in a bombing fightat E. 8 c 5. 1.

A German Company Commander of their 187111 Infantry Regiment was killed in E.8. central at 5. 30 am. Papers taken from his body gave the enemy dispositions in E. 8 a and b, and confirmed the informationwhich had already been gained by the 190111 Infantry Brigade regarding the location of these Posts.

1415. At a conference held at 11.30 am at V. 28 d. 0.0. details regarding the provision of a post by the Guards Division to fill the gap between the right of the 63rd Division and the left of the Guards Division were arrangedbetween representatives of these Divisions.

Relief of the 188th Brigade (less R.M.L.I.) by 171 st Brigade was completed by 8.20 pm and relief of the 189th Brigade by the 1701h Brigade was completed 30 minutes later.

After dusk patrols of the Bedfords and the Artists Rifles went forwardto the Canal and th obtained valuable information4 regarding the Canal, but were prevented by Machine Gun Fire fromcrossing the EasternBank.

Relief of the R.M.L.I. was completed by 11 pm.

1 1 The relief of the 188 h and 189 h Brigades passed without incident and these two Brigades subsequently moved to the neighbourhood of CROISILLES prior to entraining on the 8th September at BOYELLES.

SEPTEMBER 1918. th s Relief of the 190th Brigade by 171 st Brigade was completed by 1.45 am.

Units that entrained at BOYELLES detrained at LA HERLIERE. The 188th Brigade marchedto billets in the neighbourhood ofGUOY, 189th Brigade to BARLY-SOMBRIN. 1h And the 190 Brigade to BAILEUMONT and BAILEULVAL.

The 63rd Battalion Machine Gun Corps was relieved by 57th Battalion Machine Gun Corps 1h on the night 8/9 September and subsequently moved by rail to GROSVILLE and RIVIERE.

At lOam Divisional Headquarters closed at V. 20 c. and opened at BAVINCOURT at 12 h noon, 81 September.

During the course of the operations the followingGerman Divisions were identified :-

3 Reserve Division. 22 Division 16 Division 18 Division 111 Division 12 Division 7 Division 187 Division

1416. The following prisoners and material were captured:-

Prisoners of War l Officer and 209 O.R. Machine Guns 202 Limbers 4 Anti TankGuns 2 Trench Mortars 3 Anti - Tank Rifles 1 Field Guns 5 Ammunition Wagons 12 General Service Wagons 8

Details of the casualties sufferedby the 63rd (RN) Division :-

Unit. Killed Wounded Missing Total 0. O.R. 0. O.R. o. O.R. 0. R. 1 st R.M.L.I. 1. 21. 4. 130. 17. 5. 168. Anson Battalion. 7. 4. 50. 4. 57. rd R. Irish R. 1. 4. 4. 68. 5. 72. 1881h T. M. Bty. l. 1. 3. 1. 4. Drake Battalion 1. 18 2. 82. 1. 41. 4. 141. Hawke Battalion 4. 18 131. 37. 4. 190. Hood Battalion 2. 14 4. 76 36. 6. 126. 7th Royal Fusiliers 1. 4. 5. 4th Bn BedfordRgt 1. 7. 42 2. 49. 1/28 London Reg 3. 1. 39. 1. 42. 190th T. M. Bty. 1. 4. 5. 223rd Bde. R.F.A. 1. 1. 7. 1. 8. 11 317 , Bde R.F.A. 11. 11. Divisional Train. 1. 1. 249'h Field Coy. R.E. 2. 2. Signal Company R.E. 12. 12. 148th Field Ambulance. 1. 1. 14911, Field Ambulance. 8. 8. l41h Bo Worcester R. 3. 3. 63rd Bn. M.G.C. 7. 2. 31. 4. 2. 42. Div. Emp. Coy. 1. 1. 63rd D. A. Column. 1. 1. ------·------Total:- 11. 103. 23. 707. 1. 135. 35. 945.

1417. The Following congratulatory messages were sent and received :-

FROMCORPS COMMANDERXVII CORPS. "I wish to express to all officers and men in the XVII Corps my congratulations on their achievements in the recent fighting.

The task which fellto the Corps was difficult and was only accomplished by the gallantry, devotion and co-operation of everyone, in the line and behind it, in his own particular sphere of duty. The success gained in the culminating operation of 211d September, to which all previous work led up, had considerable effect on the situation outside the Corps front.

I thank all fromthe bottom of my heart fortheir loyal support, and am proud and delighted that their good work has been recognised."

(sgd) CHARLES FERGUSSON. 4th September 1918. Commanding XVII Corps.

FROM SIRERIC GEDDES O.B.E., K.C.B., M.P. FIRST LORD OF ADMIRALTY. TO G.O.C. 63rd (RN)DIVISION.

" On behalf of my colleagues on the Board of Admiralty and myselfl congratulateyou and the troops of the R.N.D. under your command most warmly on your share in the brilliant success which was achieved in storming the junction of the DROCOURT - QUEANT and HINDENBURGLINES yesterday, the praise bestowed upon you by the Field Marshall, Commanding-in-Chief will be most gratifyingto all ranks and ratings of the Royal Navy and Royal Marines."

To which the followingreply was sent :-

TO FIRST LORD OF ADMIRALTY.

"All ranks and ratings of the Royal Naval Division desire to thank the First Lord of Admiralty for his inspiring message of which they are justly proud."

G.O.C. 63rd (RN)Division.

FROM 52No LOWLAND DIVISION TO 63rd (RN)DIVISION.

"Your old pals of GALLIPOLI glad to be alongside you again."

To which the following reply was sent :-

TO 52°d LOWLAND DIVISION FROM63 rd (RN)DIVISION.

"Heartily reciprocate your greetings AAA Cheered and confident knowing comrades of BACKHOUSE POST FRONTon our right."

1418. To 131h SQUADRON R.A.F.

"Divisional Commander wishes to thank your squadron for the excellent work carried out for this Division especially forthe information sent by Lieutenants Walker and Smith whose reports have been of the greatest assistance. He hopes that these Officers may be so informed."

J. H. Mackenzie Lieutenant Colonel, General Staff.

5/9/1918. To which the following reply was received:-

TO HEADQUARTERS 63n1 DIVISION.

"The Commanding Officer and the Pilots and Observers of No. 13 Squadron, Royal Air Force, wish to thank the G.0.C. 63n1 Division for his kind message. They all realise that the main brunt of the fighting always fallson the shoulders of the infantryand that it is the duty of all other arms to do whatever they can to help the Infantry.It is very gratifyingto know that the 63rd Division is pleased with the small assistance that this Squadron has been able to give them. "

A. G. R. Garrod. Major Commanding No. 13 Squadron.

THE LESSONS OF THE OPERATIONS ARE SUMMARISED AS UNDER:-

1. The Time taken from the issue of an order to the actual execution of the task set was often unduly long. This difficultywas best overcome by assembling the responsible officers concernedand giving them verbal instructions.

2. There was no time for written orders. If the chain of command is well organised and understood this system answers well.

3. Mounted Officers must keep their horses well forward in open warfare.

4. Negative information is nearly as valuable as positive information.This point was often overlooked by subordinate commanders when rendering reports.

5. At first when Artillery support lessened, fire from the weapons with which the infantry are armed was not sufficientlyexploited. In the later stagesthere was a marked improvement in the bold handling of Lewis Guns to cover movement. The soldiers had learned by experience that his rifleis the most effectiveweapon. Lewis Gunners had also learned the value of flankingas opposed to frontal fire.

6. Mobile Stokes Mortars pushed well forward to deal with Machine Gun Nests or centres of resistance and were of great utility.

1419. 7. Animals suffered from the lack ofwater. Canvas Watering troughs are a great convenience. Transport personnel are apt to forgetthe need for"off-loading" pack animals during halts.

8. On the march intervals must be carefullyattended to, especially with the transport when large bodies of troops are on the move. The hourly halt of10 minutes beforethe clock hour should be rigidly adhered to.

9. There was a certain amount ofloss ofdirection by the Infantry - In this case not pronounced, as conspicuous landmarks made matters easier.

10. Infantry are still too sensitive in regard to their flank. It was realised in the later stages that by pressing on we automatically exposed the enemy's flanks and threatened his line of withdrawal and thus relieve our own flanks and cause the enemy to retire.

11. The great difficulty was communication. Wedded as we are to the telephone, when removed fromit we become somewhat helpless. The tendency to "chat" on the telephone requires correction. Visual should be more practised and greater use made ofLiaison Officers.

12. First Line Transport was boldly handled and hot food supplied to the troops at least once and generally twice a day.

13. Casualties amongst the animals were slight.

Lieutenant Colonel, General Staff. th 14 October 1918. (3)

References:-

1. Pound, Lost Generation, p. 218.

2. Hugh Shipman:- 'Sailors in the Land War- How the Royal Naval Division Retained its organisation and identity in the Great War 1914-1918.' Dissertation forB.A. Hons. May 1986. Page 47.

Public August to 3. Record Office, Kew. ADM/137/3939. Report on operations 30 th September 1918. Marked 63rd (RN) Division No. GA.5/241. 1h g

* * * * * * * * * *

1420. GALLIPOLI

SELF INFLICTED WOUNDS.

The Commander-in-Chief has had under consideration the large increase in cases of self­ maiming by soldiers with the object of escaping fromduty at the front.

He directs that in futureno soldier:-

(a) who has been convicted of self-maiming, or

(b) who is under arrest on a charge of self-maiming, shall not be evacuated sick from the Peninsula but shall be medically treated there until fit to return to duty.

If in an extreme case it becomes imperative to remove such a soldier from the Peninsula he will not in any case be evacuated beyond Mudros.

These orders are to be made known to everyone under your command.

G.H.Q. A. Cavendish, 1.11.15. Colonel. For D.A.G.

To, A.D.M.S., R. N. Division.

CIRCULARMEMORANDUM No. 4.

Referenceto the attached Circular Memo., should a soldier not under arrest for self-inflected injury arrive at a Field Ambulance, a Hospital or Casualty Clearing Station, with a wound of such a nature that suspicion is aroused in the mind of the Officer who attends the case that such wound might be self-inflicted he will report as soon as possible in writingconcerning the case, through the usual channel, to the 0. C. the Unit to which the soldier belongs; and such soldier will not be evacuated till written instructions have been received fromthe 0. C. concernedas to the disposal of such soldier.

Reference:- Public Record Office, Kew W095/4290.

1421.

ANTWERP.

Major General Sir Archibald Paris, K.C.B.

The Examination of Paris on his actions during the Antwerp Campaign in October 1914. The enquiry was held at Chatham in February 1919.

This evidence is very interesting as it highlights the fact that at this early stage in the Division's history nobody in authority appeared to know who the commanding officer was. It also shows the direct role that Winston Churchill played in the affair.

Sir Archibald Paris. Commanding Officer of Royal Naval Division October 1914 to 12th October 1916. Photograph from 'War Facts & Figures' For The British Dominions Insurance Co Ltd. Published 1915.

On the opposite page :­ Map used in 1919. At the enquiry. ADM 116/1814.

1423. Statement read by Sir Archibald Paris :- "I arrived at Antwerp with the Royal Marine Brigade, strength under 3,000 all ranks, during the night, 3/4 October, 1914. During the th forenoon of 4 October we occupied the trenches and posts facing1h Lierre fromList to the railway inclusive near Donk. Various Belgian Units were placed under my command at differenttimes. Bombardment was in progress and increased in violence as time went on. th During the night and morning of 5 October the German Infantry drove in our advanced posts and crossed the River Nethe. The situation was somewhat restored in the afternoon by a successful counter attack, but the bombardment and pressure continued, and an unsuccessful counter attackon the 6 October was the cause of immense confusion,and our position became untenable and 1ha retirement was made to Vremde village during the forenoon.

It was, I think then that I heard of the approach of the two Naval Brigades, and that they were placed under my command. They did not begin to arrive inAntwerp till the night 5/6 October. My firstintention was to bring both Brigades up, but eventually I ordered the1h First 11 Naval Brigade to come up on my right, and they arrived about 4 p.m., whilst the 2 d Brigade held the line of Forts across the Lierre route between forts 1 and 7 in readiness to cover furtherretirement. During this day 6 October, I received numerous reports of the almost hopeless state of the Belgium Troops,1h and a general retirement to the inner line forts 1 - 7 was ordered to be carried out during the night 6/7 October. The Division was distributed - 211 Brigade on the right, 1 st Brigade on the left, Royal111 Marine Brigade in reserve. d

I had no opportunity of meeting any of the commanding officers of the Naval Brigade - prior to my leaving England I had no idea that it would be my fortune to command the Division. It was during the afternoonof the 6 I managed to hold a conference, necessarily short, of some of the Senior Naval Officers. At this111• conference I pointed out that a withdrawal of the Division fromAntwerp was a possible contingency, and I must certainly have mentioned the approach of the ?1h Division. I assumed we should not be able to use the main roads and streets of Antwerp, and recommended that commanding officers should have the routes to the Southern Bridge (Pontoon) reconnoitred so as to be able to withdraw in the dark, the intention 81 being to retire fromthe left- i.e., the 1 • Brigade would lead. This of course was only an attempt to provide against what certainly appeared to be a possible contingency, and in no sense an "Order". The position occupied by the Division was of considerable strength. There were eight forts at intervals of 500 - 700 yards covering the South and East of Antwerp. Our right flankrested on the River Scheidt and to the north of No. 1 Fort was an inundation and neutral territory.

The ground in front had been cleared of houses and walls, trees, etc., at an immense cost, while there was a formidable wire entanglement within short range of the defensiveposition. The fortswere held by Belgian troops whilst the intervals fromNo. 2 to No.7 were occupied by the two Naval Brigades. The disadvantages of the position were:- Firstly, - There could be no attempt at concealment and both forts and trenches offered admirable hostile artillery targets. Secondly, - The fortswere ill armed and poorly provided with ammunition. The trenches were almost helpless, wide and shallow, no dug-outs or head cover of any kind. Tools and materials were hard to obtain. (The Division brought practically none.) Thirdly, - The means of communication except in the open were nil.

1424. Above :- Troops in Ditch Antwerp Campaign. From the Marines Museum, reference Box 2. 7 /17/10 (3) Below :- Marines on guard watched by locals. From the Marines Museum, reference Box 2. 7/17/10 (5) 1425. 111 The bombardment of the city begun the night 7/8 ., and increased in violence all day, doing considerable damage and causing the flight of the inhabitants. During the afternoonI moved my headquarters so as to be in close touch with General De Guise commanding the Belgian troops, and the situation rapidly developed for the worse. At a final conferenceheld about 5.30 p.m., I decided that the situation was hopeless and if possible I must try and save the Naval Division frominevitable surrender. General de Guise entirely concurred. His expression was "Alors c'est fmi, mes hommes sont uses". I may add that I succeeded in getting into telephone communication with the Admiralty, and had informed the First Lord of 111 my proposed action. Some time previously, probably during ? • October, I learned from Belgian sources that the enemy had crossed the Scheidt above Antwerp and were moving north to surround the fortress. This, of course greatly added to my anxiety. General de Guise behaved admirably and promised to give every support to assist in the retreat. He issued strict orders to clear the streets and bridges, enabling me to use 2 bridges instead of one, and also facilitating the retirement of the 1 si_ Brigade by the use of the main road and permanent bridge.

It was now getting dark, and I decided to withdraw as far as possible simultaneously. The orders were written by Brigadier General (then Colonel) Richardson and three carbon copies taken; one each was given to Brigadier General (then Colonel) Seely, M.P. Colonel Ollivant, and Major Sketchley. Colonel Seely was to inform 1 st Brigade. Colonel Ollivant was to 11 inform the Royal Marine Brigade and Major Sketchley was to go to 2 Brigade. The original of this order was sent with my remarks on Commodore Henderson's reportd to the Admiralty but I have since been unable to trace it. It was short, and I am certain explicitly stated that the retirement was to commence on receipt of the order - that the 1 st Brigade was to use the road Malines Gate and cross by the city bridge, - that the rendezvous was Zwyndrecht. Various duties were allotted to the remaining StaffOfficers whilst I myself went to the Pontoon Bridge and awaited the arrival of the troops crossing there.

11 When the 2 Brigade had crossed, which it did in very good order, I moved on to Zwyndrecht.d By this time there was great confusion on all roads; crowds of refugees, carts, and animals of every kind. Still, all were going in the same direction, and progress, though slow, was possible, but it rendered all intercommunication, whilst on the march, out of the question.

At the rendezvous I received reports fromvarious officers, including one that the 1 st Brigade was present. I should like to mention, though I have not put it in here, that on arrival at St. Gilles Waes that the whole object was to get the men in the train and to get it away. As trains were available they got away. No muster was possible. I found out afterwards, that some of the earlier trains left without being full, so anxious were we to get every train away. After probably more than an hour's halt the march was resumed about midnight to Beveren Waes, where it was hoped trains would be waiting to take the Division to Ostend, but on its arrival it was reported that the enemy was in Lockeren and that trains had been diverted to St. Gillies Waes but that it was not expected the line would be open formany hours.

1426. By this time, I fancy about 2 a.m., everyone was exhausted, and the men were mostly asleep by the side of the road. Still, the situation would not improve, and I decided that every effort must be made to get the men on the march again - another 15 miles or so. Guides were procured, and in most cases formations were fairly well kept. It was quite in1possible to pass along the Column. I was particularly anxious to get to St. Gillies, but failedutterly to make any progress. The men behaved well under most trying circumstances. Our advanced troops commenced to arrive soon afterdaylight, and the last train leftabout 9 am., I myself with two StaffOfficers then motored to Bruges. Fighting was in progress at the time some little distance South of the Railway. I was under the impression that except for loss of abandoned material practically the whole Division was intact, and only ascertained the true state of affairs the followingday.

This is the first part of my statement, which I am prepared to swear to, from my own personal knowledge. I have made another statement here, which if you would like me to do, I will read.

Q. "What is it ?"

A. "It is an attempt to fix certain times."

Q. "We understand that it is not what you are prepared to swear to?"

A. "I am not prepared to, no. As a matter of factI don't believe that they are correct. Some are, but some are open to doubt. I will read it."

"It is difficultactually to fix the times of the various movements. The lost order would give the time of issue. It must have been between 5.30 p.m., and6 p.m. on October 1914. The th Brigade received the order (asreported by Major Sketchley) at about 7 p.m. (probably nd g before2 7 p.m.) There could not have been much delay as the leading Battalion crossed the River about 9.30 p.m. (Major Sketchley.) According to the Diary of 1 st Brigade - Colonel Seely did not reach Headquarters. He apparently gave the Officer Commanding Drake Battalion the order some time before 7 p.m., and this was acted on. Eventually the Drake Battalion was the first Battalion to reach the rendezvous, and was at the head of the retiring Division.

At about 6.50 pm., Colonel Ollivant reached 1 st Brigade Headquarters. Colonel Ollivant states in his report he arranged with the Commodore, Brigade to commence retirement at 10 nd pm., (Thiswas of course not in accordance with2 my orders and was certainly not acted on) and that he so informed the Commodore, 1 st Brigade. Though inthe same report Colonel Ollivant states that when the Brigade Major, 1 st Brigade said he could not start retirement until 9 p.m. he, (Colonel Ollivant) told him that the orders were the retirement was to begin as soon as possible. In any case, the retirement of the 1 Brigade appears to have begun about 10 p.m. The 1 st Brigade, afterreaching the river followedsi_ the remainder of the Division, and h according to the Brigade Diaryreached Zwyndrecht, the rendezvous, by 4.30 a.m. on 9t October, or three or four hours after the main body had left.

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1428. Note:- On the opposite page is a copy of this lost order which I found at the Public Record Office, Kew. It was signed by Paris on the 21st October 1914 and substantiates evidence by the Major General that such an order existed and that the Royal Naval Division will retire on receipt of this order. Strangely this appears to have been lost by the time of the Chatham enquiry of 1919, only to resurfacetoday !

Beveren Waes was reached between 6 a.m. and 8 am, St Gilles Waes between 11 a.m., and 3.45 pm. The head of the column could only have been two hours afterthe last train had left. Colonel Luard commanding the Royal Marine Battalion (Portsmouth Battalion) detailed as rear-guard, appears to have started some short time after 10.30 pm., but having lost his way to the Bridge, could not have crossed the River much before 2 a.m., probably later, and quite out of touch with the main body of the 1st Brigade, though he picked up some 400 more or less stragglers under Lieutenant Crossman. This Battalion plus stragglers eventually after bivouacking at Zwyndrecht and many delays reached St. Nicolas early in the afternoon of the th 9 October, where Colonel Luard heard of the German approach to Locheren the next village, and it must have been some time after5 p.m., that a start was made forKemseke where they hoped to entrain. By this time the three Battalions ofthe 1st Brigade were entering Holland. It must have been considerably after 8 pm. that the greater part of this Battalion entrained at Kemseke and the train was derailed at Moerbeke somewhere between 9 and 10 pm." (See account ofthis incident in two parts R.N.D. issues 9 & 10.)

1h Q. "When the decision was arrived at on the afternoon ofthe 8 ., I understand three Staff Officerswere sent to inform the three brigades ?"

A. "Yes."

Q. "Can you tell me whether these staffofficers were sent with definiteorders to the different brigades ?"

A. "Yes, what actually happened was this : at the meeting in addition to the Belgian authorities there were present Colonel Ollivant, Major Sketchley, Colonel Seely- as he was then- and Colonel Richardson, belonging to the Divisions and Colonel Richardson wrote the orders in his note book with carboncopies. When he had written it, I read the order out to the three StaffOfficers who were going to the brigades and each took one of these carbon copies. Colonel Seely was to go to the First Brigade, Major Sketchley to the Second and Colonel Ollivant to the Marines. But it was a definite order thatthese officerswere to go to the different brigades and not to any particular sector or any particularroad."

Q. "It was a definite order foreach brigade ?"

A. "To each brigade headquarters."

1429. Q. "And by that you would consider that the duty of those staffofficers would be to hand that written order or at all events communicate the order verbally and personally to the Commanding Officer of each brigade ?"

A. "Yes".

Q. "Subsequently to that were you of the opinion that had been done?"

A. "Yes, I had the impression that everything had been done and it was not until at Ostend" ----

Q. "Did you question Colonel Seely as to whether he had given Commodore Henderson the Orders ?"

A. "I assumed it; I am perfectlyconvinced in my own mind that Colonel Seely reported to me at Zwyndrecht the First Brigade was present. That was the rendezvous appointed. I am perfectly convinced he told me that."

Q. "I presume your order to retire was to be acted on immediately ?

A. "Yes, the order as far as I can remember was that the retirement was to commence on receipt of the order. The reason was because it was getting dark then; it was getting dark when we sent it out. We had a discussion and we thought that at the time they got the order it would be quite dark. The distance of the three brigades was approximately the same."

Q. "At what time did you reckon that the retirement would commence?"

A. "About seven o'clock."

Q. "And was it your intention that the retirement should be fromthe flanks and leaving the centre to retire last ?"

A. "Oh no; you see there were two routes appointed. The First Brigade had the road through the townand that road was - without the orders beforeme I am not certain - but that road was allotted to the Marine Brigade and the First Brigade and the Second Brigade had the other bridge which was close to it. As they withdrew, each would leave a screen."

Q. "But what I want to arrive at is that the retirement of the three brigades should be simultaneous?"

A. "More or less."

1430. Q "As far as possible simultaneous ?"

A. "Yes, it was getting dark at the time."

Q. " And thereforeyou were under the impression that the First Brigade would commence the retirement somewhere in the neighbourhood of eight o'clock?"

A. "Yes, or beforethat. The Marine Brigade, which was the reserve, was nearest the town and would have got away without interfering and the First Brigade and the Second Brigade would retire and seven o'clock would be about the time they began the retirement. Of course it would take time to get the men out of the trenches."

Q. "Were the roads which were allotted to the different brigades, do you know whether they were mentioned in these orders?"

A. "Yes, I am perfectly certain, the gate they should enter by and the bridge they should use. The colonel wrote the order and gave it to me and I read it out".

Q. "You say the Portsmouth Battalion crossed the river?"

A. "Sometime after 2 a.m."

Q. "Do you know this of you own knowledge or how did you happen to know it?"

A. "That is in the second part of my statement. It is founded on Colonel's Luard's own report.

Q. "And you know they leftZwyndrecht and marched to St Nicolas?"

A. "Yes that is fromLuard's and French's report."

Q. "And the original intention was to let the Belgians go by the Ann's Bridge and the British troops to use the South Bridge, or pontoon bridge, but this was never actually promulgated to the Brigades?"

A. "No, that was at the conference, an earlier conference."

Q. "When the officers of the Brigades were present?"

A. "When we saw that this retreat would have to come off."

Q. "That was the five o'clock conference?"

A. "The earlier one, the day before."

1431. Q. "Can you tell us who it was that reported to you that the First Brigade had entrained?"

A. "Not entrained, that the First Brigade was present at the rendezvous, which was Zwyndrecht Yes, it was Colonel Seely, but I had other reports too from various people, I do not say with reference to the First Brigade, but generally."

Q. "I see, not entrained?"

A. "That is so. It was absolutely impossible to send anybody about to ascertain where anybodywas, as all the roads and country around were crowded with refugees."

Q. "Who made arrangements for the trains?"

A. "The arrangements were made at Morbeke beforehand in anticipation of the time."

Q. "They entrained at an unexpected station did they not?"

A. "Yes, because we found the Germans at Lokeren; but we were to entrain at Beveren Waes, that was where the train was arranged for."

Q. "I was referringmore to the Brigade which got astray?"

A. "One battalion got into a stray train filledwith refugees."

Q "When were you firstplaced in command of the Naval Division?"

1 A. "It was after that first successfulcounter attack on the evening of the 6t1 • MrWinston Churchill was at my headquarters at the time and he told me that he placed me in command of the Division."

Q. "You were placed verbally in command of the Division by Mr Winston Churchill?"

A. "Yes, this was beforethe division arrived."

Q. "Did you issue any Divisional Order stating that you had been placed in command of the Naval Division ?"

A. "Yes, I must have issued Divisional or some orders, in which case they would be signed by me. That was the ordinary Army form of issuing them."

Q. "Did you receive any acknowledgement fromthe Commanding officersof Brigades, to your orders to retire?"

A. "No, no signed acknowledgement. I might explain that at that time the position was distinctly unusual."

1432. Q. "Quite; was Colonel Seely attacked to your Staffand if so when; can you remember that '?"

A. "No, there were one or two officers like him, as far as I can remember, who came with Mr Winston Churchill and whether MrChurchill said he was attached to the Staffor not, I cannot say, but at any rate he took on as a StaffOfficer. Therewere one or two others likethat, there was Colonel Bridges and Major Gordon.

Q. "Did you regard him as one of your StaffOfficers '?"

A. Yes, because I had no staff. I had only a Marine Brigade without staff. There was no Divisional Staffat all."

Q. "In fact I may take it you were only too glad to get officersto take the place of Staff Officers?"

A. "Yes, the only three Staff OfficersI had were Colonel Richardson, who was a sort of A.AG. of the Division as it was being formed and he came fromDunkirk; Colonel Ollivant who was appointed by Mr Winston Churchill some time before and he was at Dunkirk too; andColonel Fox. That was all the StaffI had."

Q. "Can you give the Court any information as to the equipment, generally, of the Brigade in question, that is to say the First Brigade'?"

A. "It was very bad; certainly there were many things missing; rifle slings, haversacks, water bottles. They had to carry their riflesall the time in one hand. All this caused considerable delay."

Q. "We have evidence that it is due partially to the lack of equipment that the brigade was very much exhausted. Do you think that that was one of the factors which led to it?"

A. "Yes, I am not sure how many water bottleswere deficient."

Q. "And would not a badly fittingleather equipment also make a difference?"

A. "Well they were older men. The Marines were men of 55 years of age, quite old men and they stood it quite well".

Q. "And the question of entrenching tools'?"

A. "That was bad. We tried all we could to get trenching tools as we brought none, or there were very few.

Q. "And water transport or water carts?"

1433. A. ''None whatever. We had some omnibuses but we used them for the transport of wounded back and two or three had to be abandoned. We had no transport for water."

Q. "And thereforeI may take it that this inefficient equipment certainly was conducive to extra fatigue?"

A. "Yes."

Q. "Would the equipment of the two brigades, First and Second Brigades be different?"

A. ''No

Q. "Can you say when you ascertained the First Brigade was Missing ?"

A. "It when I went to report at General Rawlinson' s headquarters in Ostend, immediately on my arrival there."

Q. "And that was what day?"

h A. "That must have been the lOth, the morningof the lOth. We entrained on the 91 ., yes, and we got to Ostend on the 1O th."

Q. "How did you become aware of this fact?"

A. "They told me there at General Rawlinson's headquarters."

Q. "Who told you?"

A. "A StaffOfficer."

Q. "Not one of your own StaffOfficers ?"

A. ''No, my own staffofficers were with me."

Q. "It was not Colonel Seely ?"

A. ''No, I do not know whether Colonel Seely was there."

Q. "But it was one of General Rawlinson's staffofficers who discovered that one of the brigades was missing ?"

A. "Yes, it was known then."

Q. "And one of General Rawlinson's StaffOfficers informed you?"

A. "Yes."

1434. Q. "Did he inform you what had happened to the Brigade?"

A. "No, everything was in great confusionand nobody knew and at that time he had taken steps to send out to see if he could pick up stragglers on the way."

Q. "When were you first awarethat the First Brigade had been interned?"

A. "Well, I think it must have been the same day. Two officers came in and reported they had heard, more or less, the facts. They were Lieutenants Modim and Grant."

Q. "Do you know to what they belonged?"

A. "Either the "Collingwood"or the "Benbow", I am not sure which."

Q. "But at any rate they were officers of the First Brigade?"

A. "They were. Yes, and that they had been forced into Holland."

Q. "I do not quite understand what you mean by saying that they had been forced into Holland?"

A. "I am not speaking frompersonal knowledge. I got a report and it was reported to the Admiralty and eventually both were awarded the D.S.O. They were ordered to go in and they refused, and either Modim or Grant was carried into Holland and the Dutch Guards seeing what happened let them go and one of them called forvolunteers and about twenty or thirty men came with them and they walked back. Modim was certainly-I am not sure about Grant-awarded the D.S.O. but I thinkGrant was too. That is the official report fromthe Admiralty. I took them myself'-----

Q. "But at any rate these two officers informed you?

A. "They informed me what happened, but I am not sure whether that was the firsttime , at any rate it was one of the first times."

Q. "Did they give you to understandthat they had marched with the First Brigade during the retirement?"

A. "Yes, they were with the party of the First Brigade. I understood and I have understood since that they were not with the main body, but I am not sure as the Brigade was not in one body."

Q. "Can you state whether they gave you any formal report?"

1435. A. "Yes, and it was forwardedto the Admiralty, in factI took them both up and they went to see Mr Winston Churchill the followingweek or the next time I went over to see him which was about two ot three days afterwards."

Q. "And these reports were handed by you to the Admiralty?"

A. "I reported it myself officiallyand I have seen a copy of that report."

Q. "By whose orders were they carried into Holland?"

A. "I cannot remember."

Q. "And did these officerssay that afterhaving been forcedinto Holland they were allowed to escape?"

A. "Yes."

Q. "By the Dutch?"

A. "The Dutch saw what was happening and they let them go or in other words they did not try to stop them."

Q. "Did you know what rank these two officerswere ?"

A. "Grant was a Lieutenant and ModirnI think was an Acting Sub Lieutenant."

Q. "Were these officersR.N.V.R. ?"

A. "Yes."

Q. "The report, was that actually handed to the Secretary of the Admiralty?"

A. "I took it myself and gave it to Mr Winston Churchill."

Q. "Do you mean that it is your impression that they got the D.S.O., fortheir behaviour on that occasion?"

A. "Entirely."

Reference:- Public Record Office,Kew. ADMl 16/1814.

Note:- Both Lieut G. G. Grant & Sub Lieut C.O.F. Modin were officersin the Benbow Battalion. 1436. GALL/POLL

REPORT BY GENERAL SIR IAN HAMIL TON ON THE CONDITION OF THE ROYAL NAV AI_J DIVISION.

I was thinking of writing to Mr Arthur Balfour on the subject of the Naval Division. He has always been very sympathetic to me, and I am certain he would take any such communication in good part. But perhaps it is better to stick to my principles and, just as I never wrote to you so long as you controlled the Navy, so I had better not put myself intouch with him so long as we are working together with the Fleet. But perhaps you might convey to him what I wanted to say; or, if you like, show him my letter itself What I wanted to say was this:- The Naval Division has really done superbly. They have all suffered proportionally heavy losses, and one Brigade especially, the Howe, Anson, Collingwood, and Hood, has been so mauled that I thought it expedient to send them for a rest to the island oflmbros, where I today inspected them. You would not recognise the men if you saw them again now. They have filled out and got a splendid, bold, martial appearance that would delight your heart. They are all good, but the best of them are the miners from the North, Durham and York.

The particular Brigade I spoke of will, if it receives reinforcements within a fairly short time, be second-to-none as a fighting machine in the service. If, on the other hand, I am forced by circumstances to shove it into another severe fight before reinforcements come, then it will be so pulled down in strength that there will not be enough of the old soldiers remaining to leaven the new draftswhich come out. You see what I mean ? There is still foundation broad enough on which quickly to build up as fine a brigade as ever - or indeed a finer. But, if any more of this priceless foundationis destroyed, then there will be nothing leftto build upon. Under these circumstances it would be well worth the while of the First Lord to give a few minutes of his personal interest to seeing that the Adjutant-General of the Royal Marines pushes out the requisite officersand men to make up strength with an absolute minimum of delay.

The new K. officersare good value. Quite a fairproportion are turningout trumps. But for this trench warfareno great technical knowledge is required. A high moral standard and a healthy stomach - these are the best outfit forhim who aspires to fight his way to the front at the Dardanelles.

Ian H.

1437. This was the period when Winston Churchill had been moved from the Admiralty to take up the post of Chancellor of Duchy of Lancaster. He considered this a backwater and was to cause him much frustration. Still, he was to maintain his interest in the Royal th Naval Division, as his letter to Mr Balfourof the 6 July 1915 highlights.

Duchy of Lancaster Office, Lancaster Place, My Dear Mr Balfour, Strand, W. C.

I send you the extract fromIan Hamilton's letter about the Naval Division with an enclosure which he forwardedto me from General Paris.

I hope you will find it possible to send out strong draftsfrom the Crystal Palace and fromthe Marine Depots. All these 12 Battalions have won great repute in their hard fighting& all living organisations & cadres are of high military value. It would be a great pity, and very hard on those who have given their lives or their energies to the formation & credit of the Naval Division, if it were allowed to dwindle away & not takea permanent place in our fighting forces during the war. ------

Winston S. Churchill.

Reference :- Public Record Office, Kew. ADMl 6/1411.

1438. GALLIPOLL

SOLO SAGA.

An unpublished account in 3 parts, of his experiences in the R ..N.D. Divisional Engineers - Signals.

By Reginald Gale. 1284 R.N.D.E.

PART THREE.

BACK AGAIN :- Next morningwe all got up at first light to read our letters and newspapers. Everyone was in good spirits and I was thrilled to get a tin of toffee among other things. Among the minor personal hardships wasa lack of sweets of which we had none at any time. Once or twice I managed to get some low grade chocolate froma Frenchman but so faras I know the canteen never had any. Sugar and jam there was in plenty but not a sweet of any sort. Newspapers too, were valuable. We really knew very little about the war on the Peninsula which we could actually see happening and even less about the war in France. A single sheet "The Peninsula Press" was published but it contained only the official communiques and occasionally a fewlines culled fromEgyptian papers. Even the appearance of the P.P. was uncertain because the single sheet was in heavy demand by the souvenir hunters.

By now the weather was very hot. When washing clothes a garment laid in the sun was dry before the next one was washed. Not that we washed much apartfrom handkerchiefs and socks. Our normal dress was helmet, shirt, trousers and canvas shoes. (I did not take shoes with me. When I wanted a pair I walked around until I found some.) The sun affectedmy skin only to brown it. Men with a tender skin or fair people oftengot burned.I have known men to need hospital treatment forsunburn but only once did I hear of sunstroke.

It was about this time that I began to heed the motto "Brevity is the soul of kit." I discarded my spare boots and underwear, cut my trouser legs offto shorts and so on. It was always possible to replace kit merely by looking around. We always slept fully

1439. dressed. The nights were cool without being cold, but a blanket was necessary. Dews were heavy. Laying out at night the dew fell on one's facelike rain. By morning the blanket was wet. A personal reason forsleeping all standingwas that one never knew, I felt, when a quick move might be ordered. Therefore I always saw to it that I could turnout and grab the essential kit and move in a fewminutes. At least once this habit came in useful.

One man about this time showed me a weapon which I had read about but which I had never seen nor did I ever see another one. It wasa steel rod the size and shape of a pencil. It was designed to be dropped on troops and was capable of drilling a man fromhead to foot if dropped from a few hundred feet.

Our firstday back on the Peninsula was farfrom dull. There was heavy shelling in the morning and the 29th Division made a spectacular advance. Sir Ian Hamilton records in his Diary that this was due in part, to some splendid shooting by our 4.5 howitzers and also by the work of trench mortars lent to us by the French. It is worth noting that the had none of its own ! The GOC also records that if we had the troops andmaterial we could have continued the advance and taken Achi Baba in a couple of days. But we had none of either and so we had to stop. From so short a distance a battle is a roar of noise accompanied by a cloud of dust and smoke. About dusk the fightflared up again and we had orders to stand by. So we packed our gear but afteran hour or two we were stood down.

Next day we had a new experience. A plane came over and dropped a couple of bombs. That was my firstexperience of something which I always hated. One always feltso exposed to view even if the plane was almost out of sight.

SEDD-EL-BAHR :- That afternoon, afterour swim, Harry and I went for a stroll round the village of Sedd-el-Bahr. The massive fortwas knocked about and masses of masonry had been dislodged by our bombardments and the village itself was mostly ruins. We climbed over rocks to the sea where massive cannon lay partly in the water, having apparently been there for a long time. These were of the type used in the days ofNelson with a touch-hole for firing. There were huge cannon-balls and memory suggests that some were of stone. Houses in the village were usually one story and few were complete. This place had been the scene of bitter hand-to-hand fightingat the time of the landing in April. To European eyes the cemetery looked strange. The headstones were practically uniformand, of course, no crosses were to be seen. Most of the stones ended in a ball. This part of the Peninsula was given over to the French troops but no one stopped us or spoke, except in salutation. On the side of the beach opposite the fort there had been at one time a large modern gun. Made by Krupps I believe. It stood in a concrete emplacement and a flight of metal steps led fromthe ground up to the breech. A Turkish inscription was inscribed along the side, I was told it meant "Allah be with Us." A shell fromone of the ships had unseated this monster and it was now useless.

Photographs over the page :- Above :- Ruins of Sedd-el-Bahr. Photograph taken by Lieut Commander Hedderwick of the Hood Battalion on 16th May 1915. Imperial War Museum reference Q 61120. Below :- Details as shown. From the Marines Musuem, Southsea.

1440. Ruins in Sedd-el-Bahr. Photograph taken by Lieutenant Hedderwick Of the Hood Battalion on 16th May 1915.

Imperial War Museum Reference­ Q 61120.

Photograph below from Marines Museum.

1441. That night a big Turk attack was made on the left of our line. From where we were it looked and sounded like an inferno. The rifle firewas intense and the artillery was firing at full blast. In the darkness we could see the Verey lights and the shell explosions. I was on duty in the Signal Office when the order came to stand by and Harry relieved me to allow me to pack up ready to move. But we were not called on to go into the line. I freely confess thatI suffered no frustration on that point. Any man who was keen to dodge through the rain of shrapnel which we could see bursting on the roads and the support lines would be a hero indeed. During the night the row quietened down but early next morningan artillery duel opened up and fora few hours we stuck close to our dugouts. A bombardment by artillery is not easy to describe. A shell normally gives audible warning of approach. True, if directly approaching one the sound practically accompanies the explosion but at least one hears something. In a bombardment however, there is no warning of this sort. The noise is so great that one cannot hear the whine of any shell. The first thing is a crash either above one, or a cloud of dust and smoke as a shell explodes on the ground. Fire from one's own guns mingles with the explosions and the air seems to be filled with noise. Without hearing or seeing a shell burst there is the occasional nasty whistle of bits of shell flying. Only this morning a bit of shell dropped on my dugout step; fool-like I promptly picked it up --- and dropped it. It was nearly red hit! After one shower of shrapnel a man in the section picked up a small hammer-head which had come down with other old iron. Whilst this sort of thing is going on, one is content to stay underground unless compelled to emerge. Meals do not matter a lot ! But during the morning I had to cross the field to the latrine. I was nearly back when a burst of shrapnel overhead made me dive below the wall of a dugout. A head popped up at once and enquired if I was all right. I was glad to tell him I was.

On this day my diary carries a note to the effect that I was tired of this lifewith its everlasting danger but I also noted that I was happy to be with the RND where I was, and seeing history being made. Apparently the day ended on a quiet note because we had an excellent supper. Probably the only meal of the day !

GAS HELMETS :- On 1 st July we were still standing by and consequently could only leave camp afterpermission and one or two at one time. It was about this time that we were issued with gas helmets and given instruction and drill with them. They were really bags made of flannel which were pulled completely over the head and tucked inside the tunic. There was a mica panel and a mouth piece with an external rubber tube. This was the first helmet, previously we had had a handfulof cotton waste with a strip of linen which was supposed to be wrapped around the mouth and nose. This pad had to be moistened beforeuse. If no water was available we were supposed to soak it in urine. I remember that we paraded in our helmets and after it we were able to discuss the problems with the OC of our Section. Naturally we all wanted to know about wearing the helmet and dealing with the telephone at the same time and I remember that Lieutenant Paterson said that there wouldn't be any telephoning to deal with if a gas attack was in progress. Corporal Milton retorted "What's the use of talking like that. That is just the time when there will be telephone work to do." I don't remember quite what the answer was !

1442. rd The 3 July 1915 was memorable as it rained. We were wakened about midnight and tried to cover our dugouts with ground sheets. The shower, which was quite heavy, kept on until about eight in the morning. This was the day that we were issued with lime juice, there was plenty ofit and I filled one of my waterbottles with the liquid.

The next day was a Sunday. All the days were alike to us but forsome reason I remember that day. We had had another shower in the night but the morning was lovely. The air was cooler from the drying earth and we sat about enjoying our breakfast. There was a little shell fire but we took no notice until we saw a fire over towardsMorto Bay. A shell had dropped in the French lines had hit a dump and the ammunitionwas exploding as the flames reached it. There was an occasional big explosion but the main featurewas the Verey lights. These were going up in the air and exploding by the dozen. It was a spectacular display of fireworks. In the afternoonwe got permission to swim and went to W Beach. Just offthe Straits a large French ship which had been shelled was sinking and it disappeared while we watched. We all hoped that the crew had got away. This was the only time I saw a ship actually go down. I love ships and there is something very sad in seeing a fineship sink.

The 5th July was exciting and sad too. We had one plane over in the morning and it dropped a fewbombs but later on a flightof about a dozen came over. We called them all Taubes, but they may have been any other type. I had never seen so many at one time before. The sadness of the day came when our camp was plastered with shells and one dropped on the Hood Officer'sMess, killing five officers of that fineBattalion. That day too, our Sergeant MacKenzie was taken away sick. The section was so low in strength now that we had one reinforcementsent to help us out!

A minor difficulty which arose with haircutting. In a large formationthis was, no doubt, easy to organise but the only thing we could do was to cut one anothers. We had scissors in a Red Cross satchel we had acquired and I had no idea that it was such a big job. Carradine had a crop of wiry ginger hair and it seemed an hour's job. He sat on a heap of earth and my fingers andback both ached before the job was done.

We seldom spent money. For one thing we had so very little but actually there was nothingto buy anywhere. Just now and then we could get a tin of milk or a feweggs but that was all. Meanwhile our pay mounted up and one day on parade we were told about something called a "WarLoan" and asked ifwe would invest some of our pay in it. So I filled in the formand invested £5. in this loan to enable my country to carry on with the war. That sum was practically all the money I had to my credit. It had gone frommy mindbut when I got home I found a script for that sum. I still possess this valuable investment which brings me in a small private income of 1/lOd. twice a year. I would not partwith it for any sum.

1443. Above:- R.N.D. Signals, the General Officer Commanding visits the trenches. Below :- Frogging in the Nullah.

Both photographs are from the Liddle Collection, Brotherton Library, Leeds University, from Captain E.W. Wetton's papers. 1444. Tobacco we had in plenty. An issue of tobacco or of cigarettes was quite regular. In our unit we oftenhad Navy tobacco in half pound tins and it was always freshand good. We were fortunate inbeing a Navy unit I imagine because on the occasions when we had the Army ration issued it was often rankand both tobacco and cigarettes were mouldy. The national issues gained no merit fromsmokers who were at the mercy of the makers of the particular brands supplied.

Any reader will notice that we had not been in the trenches fora long time. Our Brigade had such a mauling on 4 th June that we could not take over a brigade sector. Our infantrywent into the line at times as individual units to help out one or other of our brigades. Our Brigade had been doing regular tours and about this time I ran across Alf Orton one day. He was fit and well and he told me that he had spent 22 out of 37 days in the trenches. This is not as bad sit sounds. He was unlikely to get a daily swim although in some parts of the line this was not impossible. On the other hand, in the line one had little shelling to contend with. Keeping the head down to avoid snipers was the chief precaution to be taken. Otherwise he was in no more danger than we were inthe rest camp.

In the rest camp as we were we lead a more varied life, we were not tied so closely to one place. We could walk over to see old friends. Sometime we ran into them on the beach or on the road or they would come over and visit us. The rations on the beach had to be visited every day or two and this made a change. It was on the beaches too that we collected rumours. Here to, we heard of casualties, friendswoun ded, sick or killed. The trip could be exciting. We had a limber and mules which were in charge of the section transport man, we two were just fatigue men. Afterloading up the limber we came to the top of the cliffs and were then in sight of the Turks who oftentook pot shots at anything moving down that track. Therefore, once over the brow we went down the hill at speed. In spite of Turkish optimism I never heard of a direct hit on a limber.

I must mention one funnyincident. We had a first-aidsatchel which someone had scrounged andRalph Carradine installed himself as its custodian. His was an apprehensive nature and he kept this satchel in his dug-out at night. One night we were all awakened by yells and I recognised Carrie's voice. It appeared that he was using the satchel as a pillow and had been wakened by a noise or a touch. Striking a match, he had found a spider --- perhaps a tarantula --- within inches of his face! The creature lived in the satchel and had come out to have a look round. From the yells one would have thought that the Turkish Army was after him. Someone killed it and in the morning we were able to have a look at it. I must admit that I would have hated to find it on my pillow! The body was as large as a shilling and its three inch legs were all covered with reddish hair.

This might be a good place to mention the fauna. I never saw any other insect like the one mentioned. There were fewtrees and practically no hedges. Birds were rare, although once or twice I saw some small yellow birds like canaries. The French troops on V Beach had two captive vultures, horrible looking birds some four feethigh. I once saw a snake

1445. about five feet long that had just been killed. Large frogs abounded in the nullahs. I never saw any small rodents. The truth was, I suppose that the Peninsula being crowed as it was with men and animals no wild life could survive forlong.

Most of us collected souvenirs. We loaded our packs with various bits of shell, bullets, shrapnel, badges, bits of marble from Imbros, shell-noses and what not. While we were on Imbros I tried to get a goat-bell in exchange for my jack-knife without success. I had a small drinking cup which I got froma French soldier. In the end I came away without even a razor!

The nights were lovely. The stars were bright and very numerous. In that latitude and with the clear atmosphere, the sky seemed filled with stars. The movement of stars was obvious. Whole systems moved from hour to hour, as one got used to it, it was possible to tell the approximate time from them. If the night was cloudy it was very dark indeed. The darkness was such that no deep shadow existed to give warning of a solid object. Nights were invariably still and in the sky one could always see the glare of the distant searchlights sweeping the Narrows.

th On July 9 notice was given ofa Divisional sports day and entries were invited. The meeting was to be held on the following day and I put my name down for two items. Quite a crowd gathered forthe firstsports meeting to be held on the Peninsula. I rode in the cycle race but was not placed. I had entered forthe sack race too but had no chance to compete. Afterthe firstfew items the Turks spotted the crowd and we got shelled offthe ground. We scattered and that was the end ofthat. Later, all was quiet and everyone was sitting about having tea when without warning a shrapnel burst overhead and bullets pattered down everywhere. All our section escaped unhurt but eighteen infantrymenwere hit, one fatally.There was just that one shell, no more followed.

That weekend we had another new experience. We had a Church service. It was held in a clear corner ofour camp and we began at sunset. Hymn books were distributed but the ones sung were well known to me at least. No instrumental music of course. We sat around on the ground or the parapets of dug-outs round the Padre. What denomination he was I neither knew or cared. We lived too precariously for that to mattermuch. The service lasted about threequarters ofan hour and it was quite darklong beforewe ended. The rattle ofartillery and small-arms formed a background and added to the impressiveness of the singing. We closed with "Abide with Me."

In contrast to the WesternFront as I came to know it later, no attempt was made to give the troops any social amenity. No canteen, no YMCA, no shops and no female company. There were no woman nurses. I can recall one occasion only when any step was taken to entertain us. (Apart fromthe Sports already mentioned.) One evening an officer, it may have been a Padre, gave us a lecture about the Peninsula and the area itself. My education had been slight and the story ofthe Greeks and Trojans was a revelation to me ofa world oflearning ofwhich I knew practically nothing. I resolved to read it up when I had the opportunity and as soon as I returned home I bought a copy ofHomer's Iliad.

1446. At one time we had a spasm of night shelling. Our camp seemed in an unfortunate spot for this and night after night we lay and cowered while these shells came down, usually for about fifteen minutes. The shells were said to come from a ship which slipped down the Dardanelles, had a shoot, and slipped back again. We assumed it to be the Goeben. Why this ship I cannot say. The only shell which landed fair and square in our camp failed to explode. But one night a shell burst close enough for me to get a chunk of steel on my blanket.

July 1 th was another noisy day. The British made an attack on Achi Baba and a lot of !Turkish prisoners came down. That afternoonI was on the Signal phone in the first dog­ watch when they began to plaster our area with shells. My diary records ten shells within 100 yards which was quite a lot in one area. The following morning our 1 st Brigade went up the line and our Section was warned to followshortly.

ADVANCE IN THE JULY HEAT:- For two days we remained where we were. During these days my trigger finger felt sore and I feared that I had burned it. As it got worse, I saw a Doctor and he told me to poultice it and report again. Then we were told offto be ready to h move the next morning. This move was to take place on the l 51 and I was busy packing when Lieutenant Paterson came and told me that I was to remain behind when the section moved. At 9.0 am. I was to follow on my own. I had been up since 2.0 am and the weather was hot but at nine o'clock I prepared to move when to my joy I had the offer of a liftas far as Backhouse Post. I dismounted there and loaded up with my own gear and telephone wire and instrument I set out to follow the Brigade. The heat was overpowering in the trenches and I don't think I was ever so hot. The sweat was running into my eyes nearly blinded me. When at lastI reached the headquarters, a redoubt named "Port Arthur" I had had enough. I dropped the gear and my webbing. Where the webbing had pressed onto my tunic the latter was black with sweat.

PORT ARTHUR :-The trench was barely shoulder width and work was difficultOur instruments hung on pegs driven into the trench wall and we wrote as best we could. It had been intended that I andthe two Cameron brothers should be up at the Highland Light InfantryHeadquarters but as I was a rear party I stayed at Brigade HQ. All that day I was on duty in the office or out laying lines. About eight o'clock I was very tired and thinking about piping down when I was warned to take on the telephone from 8.0 till midnight! We were so cramped and work so difficultthat two men were needed to take every message. The way it worked was this : one man stood at the phone and repeated the message aloud as it was given to him, the other man wrote it as he lay or sat on the floorof the trench, using a tiny light. Harry Beman and I worked together in this way. I remember that an officerwas giving me a message and he objected to me repeating the message word by word, I hope I explained the circumstances patiently ! At midnight I woke the relief and just dropped to the floor of the trench without any nonsenseabout my blanket, I was asleep in seconds. I had been at work in the heat fortwenty two hours without a break.

But my rest was uneasy. I was overtired and also my finger was painful. In the morning the appearance of the hand startled me. The fingerwas swollen and black so with reluctance I reported sick. Down at the Brown House the MO took one glance at the hand and felt the

1447. armpit for poison. Then he gave me a chit and told me to report to Hospital. So I collected my personal gear and made my way to the Hospital situated near to our rest camp, where my finger was lanced at once. I was told to come back daily. So I went to ourdeserted camp and reported by telephone what had happened. Lieutenant Paterson told me to act as camp orderly until the section came out of the line. Attending at hospital was all I had to do and I was glad when the others returned a few days later. It was a couple of weeks before I was freeof Hospital.

During the time I was alone in camp I used to go up to Port Arthur sometimes to take or fetch stores. I enjoyed these solo trips. I was able to look about at spots we did not normally see. I used to call at Romano's Well and collect as much water as I could carry and gossip with my friendswhen I met them there or on the road. I could go over into the French lines and trade our jam forcoffee beansand other things. We valued coffee beans. One of our section, I believe it was one of the Cameron brothers, had a coffeemill which he would always lend out. Alone in camp too, I experimented with cooking.

While at the camp a battalion of Kitchener's Army came ashore and stayed in the RND camp for a fewdays. I still remember talking to them as an old sweat! Newcomers to the Peninsula were easy to identify by their clean uniformsand equipment and also by their pale complexions. The troops who had been even a fewweeks ashore took in a dusty drab look as regards both clothing and skin. Actually a number of fresh troops landed at this time, Midland regiments.

On the day the section returned to the rest camp, we lost H.R. Cameron who was wounded. I was pleased to have the section with me again. The regular midnight shellingwas not so bad when one had company. I resumed sea bathing which the M.O. had forbidden during the period when my fingerhad been bad.

A sad sight which I saw during a Hospital visit lingers in my memory. A Royal Marine was laying on a stretcher smoking his pipe. His face was grey beneath the tan. I asked an orderly why the Marine was allowed to smoke as that activity was normally forbiddenthere. I was told that the man had been shot through the lungs and had only a fewhours to live. Every day I saw tragic scenes at the hospital but that grey face haunted me formany days. War is a cruel business.

We were always fedup as the saying is, but at least lifewas always interesting. One day we sat on W beach and saw two monitors shelling the Asiatic side of the Straits, apparently searching forAsiatic Annie. It was fascinatingto see the big guns rise in the air, firewith a crash and slowly sink to the load position again. From W to V it was possible to scramble along below the cliffsand Alf Orton andI went that route one day. We really had to cling to the faceof the cliffs.At the top of this cliffthere were masses of barbedwire which had been dragged there fromthe beach defences. This wire was terriblestuff, far worse than ours. The spikes were at least an inch long and so close that a finger could not be insertedbetween them. It may have been German manufacture.

1448. Changes had been made during July 1915 when the Royal Naval Division's three brigades were reduced to just two. Our section was moved and now worked with the Royal Marines. We also changed over to buzzer working and we had no difficulty about this form of reading. However, I believe we still used telephones to the battalions. Orders had been received to nd bring in all lines except the one to DHQ. So ended the 2 Section as an independent unit.

It was about this time that I find the first mention of the prevailing sickness --- diarrhoea. It was common, indeed usual, among all ranks, no one seemed to escape. Monotonous and unsuitable food, chlorinated and bad water, poor cooking, that all pervading dust and dirt the swarming flies all contributed. It meant progressive weakening, acute discomfort, listlessness and lowered resistance and morale. Also it meant disturbed nights and we were already suffering froma lack of sleep. A nocturnal visit to the section latrine meant a walk of about two hundred yards in darkness and probable challenge by a sentry. Then one would perch on a pole. Latrines ranged fromthe hole-in-the-ground type to the luxury of an upturned box with a shaped hole to fitthe anatomy. On W beach was a large latrine forunattached men and a notice was displayed which read.

"Cover with earthjust afteryou rise, To keep down disease and lessen the flies."

On the morningof 3 rd August we fell in at 5.30 and marched down to Brigade Headquarters carrying some gear. Harry and I had decided to build a dugout which we could share. It would be more sociable and would mean less digging. Accordingly we set about the job at once, it was to be about twelve feet in length and narrow. The step was in the centre and so we slept feetto feet. We were on lower ground here and the soil was loam as distinct from the gravel on the hill. We dug for an hour after which we returned to our old camp forbreakfast. The others shiftedsome more of the stores but I was detailed to guard what was left,indeed, I slept at the old camp that night.

The men in the new section, No. 3 were almost all of them strangers to me. They were good fellowsof course, but their jokes were not our jokes and at first we tended to keep to ourselves. Our combined strength gave plenty of staff and working was naturally easier. Also No. 3 had good cooking organised and the first days were an eye--opener as regards what could be done with the rations. But in justice to our own cook, I must mention that rations generally were improving and becoming more varied. Tinned milk, for example was easy to come by and dried fruitwas oftenon the menu, usually served with boiled rice. On the other hand there was emphasis on training which we disliked. But we were badly inneed of it. We had some semaphore drill and rifleinsp ections as well as other matters which kept us fairly busy.

Sulva Bay was invaded on 6th August 1915 and to keep the enemy pinned down an attack was made on Achi Baba forwhich we were stood by. Two battalions went up the line and three of our section, Berry and two of the Cameron Brothers went with them. That night at 8.0 o'clock a bombardment opened up and this continued most of the followingday. Just as we were getting ready to pipe down we were told to sleep fullydressed so that we could move offas we were awakened, but the night passed without alarms. 1449. About ten in the morning of 10 August we were stood down. The bombardment continued in greater or lesser degree all day 1hbut Harry and I managed to get down to the beach for a swim. Next morning we went out flag-wagging again and after dark we had a session with signal lamps. These were activities which made us very unpopular with everyone in the vicinity. By day and night we attracted shells and gradually we had to drop these drills. There was no ground where we could get out of sight and the Peninsula was so fullof troops that we could not get into open country. On the same lines, efforts were sometimes made to drill the infantry but the result was always shelling. At last a man had his head blown offat drill and that finally stopped it.

th On 9 August we had just finished our midday meal when we were again ordered to stand by, this time it was forembarkation. That was a change anyway ! Apparently the intention was to send us up to reinforceat the new Suvla landing but nothing came of it. Just now we had a few days of distinctly cooler weather andwe all began to feel better in health. A small item worth mentioning is that we who had joined the Company on the draftwere granted efficiency pay as fromthe date of landing. This was an increase of fourpence per day and I held it throughout my service. It was on 11111 August when I recorded this pay rise and Harry and I were having our tea speaking about it when we heard a sound. It was a whirringof an object coming our way fast. We dropped flat andthe thing landed within a fewyards. We waited for the explosion but none came. It was a shell about two feet in length and apparently it was turning over and over inthe air as it came our way.

About this time the water supply began to improve too. It may be that on the lower ground we were nearer to a supply, but I fancythe explanation was that the RND Engineers had sunk wells and fittedpumps. The water was not too good perhaps but it made washing easier. There were now quite a number of wells etc all labelled forthe use of various units.

This might be a good place to deal with our sanitary arrangements. We used much tinned food,mostly meat. The empty tins were collected with other rubbish such asnewspapers, parcel wrappings etc. and put into incinerators and burned. This was a job not without its own difficulties. Too much smoke in the day time brought shells and if the dump flared up in the night that was as bad. Our incinerator was only fifty yards fromthe office and when it burst into flames one night it drew a real shower of shells.

Canteen supplies steadily improved. I have a note that for13 August we managed to get 1 fifteen eggs each, some sardines, biscuits and chocolate. Thath day I walked over to see an old pal named Busby who was, running an office on X beach. About this time George Downer, a valued member of the section, went away sick. I ampleased to record that Downer survived the war and has been to most of our re-unions. X beach which has just been mentioned, was on the Aegean and fairly close to the line. Although designated as a "beach", it was no more than a gap in the cliffswith a tiny strip of sand at the edge of the water.

1450. To the right :- From the Reginald Gale papers at the Liddle Collection, Brotherton �:t':.J;,University

Below:- Lieutenant Hedderwick Of the Hood Battalion Having his hair cut. On the left are machine Gun belts drying. Taken 29th May 1915. Imperial War Museum ReferenceQ 61109.

1451. On the 15th August we were warned to go to the trenches the followingday. At half past four in the morning we fellin at the camp, had some breakfast and moved off This time we took over a sector well to the left of the line. We relieved the ggth Brigade and these were a tough crowd ofregulars. Harry Beman and I were detailed for duty at BHQ so we had a quick look round for a dugout and were fortunate. It was fairly close to the office and just at the top of the Eastern Mule trench. This was a well-known trench which led into the trenches proper. It was about five feet wide and some ten feet deep. Mules could carry supplies up to BHQ with little risk of being seen.

The Signal Office was quite a good one. Shrapnel cover was provided and there was even a bench to write on and a seat ! Usually we wrote on our knees or on the earth. Outside the office, one turned to the left into the support line and right into a dry nullah. In the bank of the nullah was the dugout we had chosen. It was dug into the side of the nullah for about four feet. It was comfortable forliving in but had its disadvantages for sleeping. Inevitably one's legs extended into the nullah and parties passing at night always fell over them.

As soon as we had been allotted to our jobs, and as I was not on duty immediately, I was told to return to our camp and collect a drum of wire. It was about a couple ofmiles and when I had picked up the wire I helped myself to a bicycle and rode back. I also managed to get four eggs to help us along. A roll ofsignal wire is no light load and foureggs are unhandy things to carry. I put the latter in my helmet and swung the load on my handlebar. The wire I tied on my back. I had got into the Eastern Mule Trench and was making good time when I rounded a curve and ran into a party of infantry on their way down. There was a collision and all four of the precious eggs smashed. But when I got back to the section Harry was waiting with an egg already cooked for me, which went down well after the official meal ofrice and fruit. Explaining the use ofthe bicycle I should say that a Cycle RMLI Company were on the Peninsula but they were now working as infantry.

THE FINAL TOUR:- This was a quiet sector as a rule. Owing to the lie of the ground, however, bullets from the firingline came over all the time. Whilst writing messages in the office it was not unusual for earth and stones to become dislodged by a bullet and these to fall onto my pad. With our line zigzagging and the trenches waving about I never had a clearidea of the angle we occupied in relation to the front line but I think it lay on our right. I only know that the bullets seemed to come fromall directions.

The middle watch, midnight to 4 am was the most creepy time I had out there. One was alone. Except forthe distant small arms fire there was no noise. Or was there ? Had my screened light been spotted by a sniper who was stalking me ? That sounded like a stealthy step in the trench outside but perhaps it was only soil loosened by a bullet. No, it really was someone moving ! My riflewas in my dugout although I was supposed to have it with me. Then more movement and voices approaching. What a relief it was to heara good British curse as a rifle caught in one of our cables. Silence for a moment and then a formin the entrance asks ifl am so-and-so Headquarters. I direct the party as best I can and lay back on the bench.

1452. The call of the buzzer breaks in on my reverie and makes me jump. Every half hour we test every line and record it inthe office log. We had several buzzers and soon got to know the sound of each one. Division calls up and I take a message forthe Brigade. I have already foundout where HQ Messages are to be delivered at night, but it is one thing to find a dugout in daylight andsomething quite different at night. But I'm sure I can findit. I shutter my lamp and go out into the velvet dark. The hole I want is about fifty yards down the support line and the third opening past the intersection. Feeling my way along the trench wall I have a doubt whether the second opening is a dugout or not. When I stumble over a dude I know that I am passing the cook's bivouac, I can remember exactly where his fireis. A Verey light goes up in the line and I progress rapidly until it fades.Here is my destination. I creep carefullyin and shake the sleeping form."Signal here Sir. A message forBrigade fromDivision." A volley of abuse is the only reply and then I realise that the cooks and batman are in the preceding dugout to the duty officer. Quietly I returnto the trench and the next dugout is the correct one. The officer reads the message by the light of his torch, then he re-reads until he has the sense. It may be something like this 5th KOSB on your right have fixed demonstration 4.20 am. AAA Heavy bombing andMG fire until 4.30 then light bombardment till 4.35 AAA Then loud cheering AAA message ends. GOC." The Staff Officer thinks for a minute then says "Repeat to all battalions." He rolls over and is asleep.

The returnjourney is easier, I know where I am going. But in the meantime the line has livened up and bullets are coming overhead, and, where the trench is shallow I keep well down, Half-way back I heara party coming and stand close in to the side. Then there is a crash, one of the party has tripped over a stretcher! I feltit on the outward journey.The language reassures me as to the nationality of the group. No Turk could swear like That! Then I remember that this is the Machine Gun section who come every alternate night for relief

Soon I am back in the officeto find two lines buzzing like angry bees for test calls. That settled I call up the first battalion and give them the message and then the other. Finally I send it to the battalion in reserve. Fortunately all lines are working or I would have to find a runner to take it by hand and get a lineman out at the same time.

So the hours pass until my time is up, I turn out my relief, then crawl into our dugout for an hours sleep beforethe day routine starts. At five o'clock the heat and the fliesmake further rest impossible. Such or something like it is how quiet night shifts are spent in a signal office on Gallipoli.

There are differentnights of course. Nights when the artillery had been busy and lines were down. Then a reluctantrunner has to go with messages which may or may not be vital. A lineman has to go and find the break.In darkness a man must run the line through his hand he locates the break. In practice and if a lineman knows the sector well, he can oftenlocate the break with no trouble. In some places it runs in the open perhaps or a place where it runs over a trench, it may be carried away by passing men in the dark. It may cross a track where a wheel may cut it or, and this was not unknown, a man may cut a length out to repair his kit or for use as bootlaces !

1453. Scouting round in my offduty time, I went up to the head of the nullah where it petered out into open ground. Crossing this, I came across a short trench which did not appear to lead anywhere. At the far end was a covered in place with a well. It was ice cold. It was not clear but appeared to have been heavily chlorinated. Every day we collected a large rum jar fullfor our tea or coffee. I knew how unwise it was to drink this water un-boiled but the temptation was strong. The heat was almost unbearable and we had not the relief of sea bathing. The smell of decomposing mankind was always with us and the swarms of fliesdid not render life pleasant.

The indescribable smell of death was everywhere in the trenches. I have met men who said that in the frontline or someparts of the frontit was a relief to wear a gas helmet. There were places where the parapet and parados consisted of bodies thinly covered with earth. Even the trench floor sometimes consisted of buried bodies. I have myself awakened in the morning with a furon the roof ofmy mouth which could be wiped offwith a finger, and that was several hundred yards back.

Into this sort of conditions came the benison of COLD WATER. I feltthat a small drink could do me no harm.But the water rolled round in my stomach. I had diarrhoea andwas out several times in the night. This meant a climb out into the open after a stumbling along the nullah. I kept my watch, however, until the 19th August when I could no longer find either strength or energy. On that day Harry stood watch as well as his own. What a pal he was to do that in circumstances where one watch was real graft on ourshort sleep ration ! But in the course of the afternoonI realised that I could not take my second dog watch, so I reported sick and the Sergeant (Clark, I think) sent me to the nearest dressing station. When I started the hundred yard walk I realised my weakness.

A doctor took my temperature and it was 103.4 and he sent me down to the Pink Farm Casualty Clearing Station. I was given a linen chit with my regimental details and ailment on. I just managed to stagger down the EasternMule Trench and into the CCS at its end. A number of other men were there and we were told that we would not move till dark. Pink Farm was only a fewwalls and some heaps of bricks. But there were some good trenches so we made ourselves as comfortable as we could. I remember the blessed relief ofjust being able to lay down. A hundred yards away a battery of artillery was in action and the Turks were shelling in return. I have a recollection ofwatching fountains of earth erupting round the guns and the CCS indiscriminately but it mattered very little to me then where the shells dropped.

We waited till dark as no ambulance could approach in daylight, but eventually it arrived. In due course my turncame and I was assisted into the ambulance with other cases, I doubt ifl could have climbed in unassisted. Then the vehicle jolted its hesitant way to W beach. There were four stretcher cases and foursitting cases like myself. The journey of perhaps two miles took a long time because we stopped at a Field Ambulance on the way. But the only real recollection of that journey is the groans of one ofthe stretcher cases and the drip-drip of his blood on the floor. This ride, by the way, was the firsttime I had been in a motor vehicle other than a public conveyance.

1454. At the Base Hospital on W beach we were received with a kindness which quite surprised me, used as I was to chilly receptions accorded where ever we went. Our labels were checked and we were shown into a marquee and given a drink of milk. It was clean, cold and delicious. For many weeks I had not tasted a cold clean drink. That drink I recorded in my diary as something to be remembered with gratitude. The hospital was fullbut I was ready to sleep anywhere. We were always starved of sleep and in the line, I suppose that six hours sleep in twenty fourwas fairlygood. In the morningI found that the "marquee" into which I had been put, was in factquite small, it was in fact,only the dispensary ! Once or twice in the night shells dropped on the beach but they caused me to lose no sleep. I had a lot to make up !

In the morninga doctor marked my tally "Mudros" and I was given a drink ofwarm milk and nothing else forbreakfast. The men who could walk, whether sick or wounded were mustered inthe course ofthe morning and taken down to a lighter. It was quite a short distance, 50 yards perhaps, but it was as much as some ofus could manage. We were a sorry crowd. Some limped, some had arms in slings, heads were bandaged, uniforms were tornor cut partly away, some were only partly dressed. Many were so ill that more sturdy men had to assist them.

We were ferried out to the trawler Newmarketand she got under way as soon ac;we were loaded up. I happened to be in the sternand I struted back at the beach. It was a busy scene and the beach looked larger than it really was. Every inch up the cliffs were little dugouts, some mere shelves where men slept safely. Boats plied in and out. Horses and mules pulled limbers. Men were working everywhere. Stacks offodder. Huge dumps of food, sandbags and ammunition. Above all khaki clad figureswith the occasional blue of the Royal Navy. Hundreds of men had died to capture this strip of sand and now I was leaving. At the time I confidently expected to be back in a week. I was only supposed to be going as far as Mudros. But I never saw the Peninsula again.

THE END.

Reference :- Solo Saga by Reginald Gale was dedicated to Jenny. It is in the custody of the Admiralty Library, Great Scotland Yard, London. A2021. Ca 3376.

h Reginald Gale died on the l 51 March 1983 at Brighton. Death CertificateQDX 191937.

Appreciation :- I would like to thank Jenny Wraight, the Admiralty Librarian, for her help in making the reproduction of this history of the Royal Naval Division's Signals possible.

Also, MrsAngela McGonnell ofBrentwood, Essex, who wasa family friendof Reginal d Gale, forher help and advice.

1455. GREENWICH.

FINAL OFFICIAL REUNION. ROYAL NAVAL DIVISION ASSOCIATION.

I referto the photographs on the back page of R.N.D. issue 14. (Page 1354) showing the Royal Naval Division Memorial service at Greenwich in 1981. In order to give the readers a flavour of this event, some 19 years ago. I set out for you three separate accounts. The 1 st is by the Association's President Brigadier B.B. Rackham, T.D. who sets the scene, giving a factualoutline. This is followedby J. H. Bentham, who highlights the feelings of a veteran, when he looks back, so many years later. And finally, a contribution by that great Naval Division historian, Tony Froom of Gillingham, Kent who rounds up the story, being lucky enough to be present, during that memorable day

Our Final Reunion took place at the Royal Naval College, Greenwich, on Sunday 31 st May 1981 by kind permission of the Admiral President, Rear Admiral J. H. Carlill, O.B.E. It was a deeply moving and emotive ceremony and Jeremy Bentham has written a vivid description The undermentioned 25 members attended with 60 personal guests whom we were delighted to welcome:-

Brigadier B.B. Rackham, C.B.E., M.C., D. L. - President Lt. Colonel G. Boucher, T.D. ) ) Vice President. Lt. T. E. Cresswell, M.C., R.N.V.R. ) Vice President. Mr. C. 0. Baldwin. Wing Comdr J. H. Bentham. (See account of his escape fromHolland R.N.D. 13, frompage 1189.) Mr, W. E. Bland. Mr. J. Charlton. (See account of his actions in 'The Hood Battalion' frompages 203 &236.) Mr. J. E. Chandler. Mr. R.H. Cory. Mr. J. Dodds. Mr. R. M. Gale (Eng). (See 3 part series fromR.N.D. 13, starting fromp age 1161.) Rev. Theo Hewitt. Mr. J. W. James. Mr. W.Keer. Mr. A. Macfarlane. Colonel C. F. Mayne (Med Unit). (See R.N.D. 13, frompage 1206 service with 2nd Field Ambulance) Mr. J. Murray. (See R.N.D. 6, from446 & R.N.D. 11, starts page 990. ) Mr. H. V. Needham. (Eng) Mr. G. J. Thorpe. Lt. A. E. Watts, R.N.V.R. (See R.N.D. 7, from515. ) Mr. S. S. Warman. Mr F. C. Wray. Mr. J. Young. Rev G. C. Taylor, Hon Chaplain. Mr. R. Broughton, Hon Secretary. 1456. We were honoured with the presence of the 2nct Sea Lord, Admiral Sir Desmond Cassidi, K.C.B., Lieutenant General Sir S. R. Pringle, Bt. Commandant General, Royal Marines and the Admiral President, Rear Admiral J. H. Carill, O.B.E.

Other official guests were :-

Lord Freyberg, Mr. Winston Churchill, M.P. General Cord:ingley, Mr. HowardFrench , representing Lord Rothermere, Major Vivian Beak, Mrs C. Davidson (nee McCracken), Mrs W, Davey, Mr. Roger Boissier, Mr. John Wettcrn, Mr. Desmond Wettcrn, Mr. Peter Mantle and several others with Royal Naval Division connections. General S Cox represented the Royal Artillery and Colonel Martin the H.A.C.

Also present were:- Colonel Nolan, Turkish Military Attache, Captain G. K. Beattie, R.N.R. Captain, London Division, R.N.R. Captain Collinson, Captain, H.M.S. Collingwood and Brigadier Alexander, Commandant, BlandfordCamp.

There could, therefore, be no doubt that it was a truly a R.N.D. occasion.

We received a Gracious Message fromHer Majesty the Queen and one of appreciation from the Board of Admiralty.

The Admiral President aided by many members of his Staffhad devised and mounted the various ceremonies in a manner far beyond our expectations. There was, of course, an immense amount of work to be done on behalf of our Association and Lt. Col. Gerald Boucher undertook this arduous task. Our Hon Chaplain preached a most moving and eloquent sermon.

At the end of the day the Band of the Royal Marines Beat the Retreat on the Grand Square beforethe assembled company of members and guests. Surprise event - cavalcade of cars to transport the veterans from the parade ground.

The memory of the day will remain with us to the very end.

Brigadier B. B. Rackham. (1)

1457. FINAL MEMORIAL SERVICE. By Wing Commander J.H. Bentham (late Hood Bn.)

The Association was formed in 1920 but it has now become necessary to disband: all, members are well in advance of eighty years. The Division took part in the Gallipoli campaign as is well known.

The memorial to the R.N.D. is situated at the Royal NavalCollege, Greenwich and the final Memorial Service took place there on 31 st May 1981 by courtesy ofthe Admiral President.

After early morning showers the weather was fine for the rest ofthe day. At 10.50 we proceeded to the wonderfulCollege chapel for morning service by our ownChaplain, the Rev. Gordon Taylor. The choir singing was beautiful and enhanced by the presence to two Royal Marine trumpeters. About 25 veterans were present, with about 170 guests who included the Admiral President ofthe College, the Second Sea Lord, theCommandant General of the Royal Marines, Mr. Winston Churchill M.P., Lord Paul Freyberg and last but not least our own President Basil Rackham, withColonel Boucher. German and Turkish Embassies were represented.

Afterthe service we proceeded to the R.N.D. Memorial where a Naval and Marine Guard of Honour was posted, with bands and drums flanked by guns of the R.A, with clergy and choir. A short but movingAct of Remembrance took place, remembering our fallenand past comrades. Wreaths were laid by the Admiral President, the Second Sea Lord, Brigadier Rackham and Colonel Boucher on behalf ofthe Association.

My thoughts went back about 70 years when I joined the RNVRbut instead ofgoing to sea we were formed into a Naval Brigade, soon afterwardsgoing to Antwerp in its defence. To avoid capture by the Germans about 1,500 crossed the frontierinto Holland and were interned. I managed to escape in May, 1915 and this probably saved my life as by that time I had been commissioned and sent to Gallipoli when most ofthe bitter fighting was over. Many ofmy former friends had perished in the initial fighting. Afterthe evacuation ofGallipoli the Division went to France and I had a platoon in the Hood Battalion. MyC.O. wasCommander BC Freyberg and his 2 in command was Arthur Asquith the son ofthe Prime Minister. I was wounded in the battle ofBeaucourt as were so many others. After recovery I managed to obtaina transferto the Royal Naval Air Service for I had had enough oftrench warfare,with all its discomforts.

As the 'LastPost' sounded tearswelled up in my eyes and I stood wondering why I had been spared, and as 'The Queen' was played and sung I could not bear any more.

Afterofficial phot ographs had been taken the company proceeded to the Queen Mary Room where cocktails were served; this was followed by luncheon in the Painted Hall. Again my thoughts went back and I imagined Lord Nelson lying in state there.

1458. After luncheon we adjourned to the Queen Elizabeth ante-room where we were addressed by the Admiral President, the Second Sea Lord. This was followedwhen we went to the Upper Square and on the lawns in frontofus was drawn up on parade a Royal Marine Band, 130 strong which beat Retreat and played some of the most inspiring music I have ever heard, with special mention of the frontrank ofDrummers, admired by all.

This concluded the ceremonial and I cannot conclude without praise and thanks to Rear Admiral J. M. Carhill O B E, the Admiral President, his staffof all ranks and all others who contributed to make this event such a memorable one for all concerned. I drove back to Potters Bar (home) with mixed feelings- pride in having been associated with the Royal Naval Division; thoughts ofcomrades 'gone before' and hope forthe future.

'AT THE GOING DOWN OF THE SUN, AND IN THIS MORNING, WE WILL REMEMBER THEM.'

J. J. Bentham. (2)

A PRIVILEGED ONLOOKER

By TONY FROOM.

On Sunday 31 st May 1981 I was privileged to be invited to attend the RND Association Reunion and Memorial Service, held at the Royal Naval College, Greenwich also to be their 'Finale Parade'.

This proved to be an occasion of mixed joy and sadness that time moving on inexorably was depleting their numbers. It had been decided by the Association Committee to 'wind up' their organisation and accept the offer of Honorary Membership of the RNR London Division's Old Hand's Association. In the early day ofmy researches, some of the queries to Brig. Rackham were passed on to Joe Murray [TZ/276 of the Hood Bn.] beginning a friendship which lasted until his death at the age of 97, on 29th January 1994. Joe was one of the few 'rankers' whose war experiences were published amid the great number of books eminating fromofficers.

On this Sunday a deserved fusswas made ofthis gallant group of25, not all survivors were able to attend, even so those there made a deep impression on their guests. The occasion commenced with a service in the Wren designed College Chapel followed by an Act of Remembrance at the RND Memorial. Emotions ran high as the 25 moved forward to stand in homage to their fallen comrades, the frail assisted by the fit. Observers could only conjecture what images must have been passing through their minds. I had been fortunate in securing a

1459. position to take a fewphotographic slides of this part of the proceedings. Other guests included representatives of the various army regiments who had served with the RND in France, battalions of which have themselves 'passed into history'.

Later, afterlunch and more tributes a Royal Marine Band beat Retreat on the College Grand Square, the last chapter of a very unique formation who served this country.

Fortunately, others have taken up the task of promoting the name, history and uniqueness of the RND andin recent years a fewbooks have been published. Perhaps one name deserves a mention, that of Roy Adam of Blandford who has worked tirelessly organising the annual Collingwood Commemoration Ceremony, which is now becoming more associated with the whole RND rather than one battalion. This magazine has also played an important role in attracting interest and providing a platformfor research. Finally, there are moves in hand to have the RND Memorial returned to Horseguard's Parade, fromwhence it was removed prior to the outbreak of the Second World War. All these efforts and others will hopefully ensure the preservation of the name and record of the incomparable Royal Naval Division.

Tony Froom. (3)

51 TavernersRoad, Rainham, Gillingham, Kent, ME8 9AW

References :-

1) The Royal Naval Division Association :- Final Newsletter - February 1982. 2) This vivid article was published in the Autumn 1981 magazine of the Gallipoli Association. I would like to thank Mrs Una Trussler of North Devon forsending me copies of the above two items. 3) Tony From dated 31/7/00.

Photograph below shows the Royal Naval Division's Memorial at its original location on Horse Guards Parade. 1460. If you have an article, papers or photographs on any subject concerning the R.N.D. I will be pleased to hear from you.

Next issue, number 16 will be published in March 2001.

It will contain :- An account of the German attack of March 1918.

A report by Walter Trefusis the Commanding Officer of Collingwood Battalion at Antwerp.

The 1st part of the Dairies of Sub Lieutenant James Curzon Hilton of the Hood Battalion transcribed by Guy Charter.

The 7th Battalion Royal Fusiliers from July 1916 to 31st December 1916, including their part in the Battle of the Ancre 13th;14th November 1916.

The letters of Sir Archibald Paris from 24th March 1915 to 18th July 1916 incl.

Blandford :- 'Out of Stony Rubbish' the story of the Royal Naval Division found in a rubbish pit.

And so much more.

If you enjoyed the R.N.D. please tell a friend. Remember all back issues are still available.

1461. GALLIPOLI:- Catapult. - Rifle ( sniperscope) made by No 2 Field Company, Royal Naval Division's engineers. Lieutenant James R.M.L.I. with rifle grenade. Various trench mortars and a hand grenade are displayed.

Imperial War Museum Reference :- Q 14837. 1462.