Attachements Re: Human Trafficking and Sexual Exploitation Report

ATTACHMENT A

I

2015

Regular Council Meeting 2016-OCT-03■ 2

Introduction

S e x W o r k in N a n a i m o . H is t o r y a n d T r e n d s

The sale and purchase o f sex in Nanaimo is not a new phenomenon; a ‘red light district’ was in place on Frazer Street in the 1890s and the sale o f sexual services by individuals has been found in Nanaimo ever since. Then, as now, the exploitation o f vulnerable women has also been a consistent feature o f the sex trade. Then, as now, those exchanging sexual services routinely encounter violence in their work lives and discrimination in their personal lives. Though it might seem that little has changed, societal attitudes have shifted since the 1890s with a recognition that those involved in the sex trade are often marginalized within our community, leaving these individuals at increased risk o f exploitation and harm inflicted by predators. Gaining an understanding of how to most effectively reduce the harms associated with the sex trade is thus essential. Those engaged in Nanaimo’ s sex trade include all genders, ages and ethnicities. Elowever, w ithin this group, women, particularly Aboriginal women, are over-represented. Individuals participate in the sex trade from a variety o f settings including: the streets, brothels, massage parlours and personal residences. Nanaimo’s sex trade is diverse, w ith the experiences o f those involved in the trade varying; individuals may vary from being victims of human trafficking, employed through high end escort agencies and/or found on a street corner looking for work. It is therefore not possible to generalize the experiences o f all individuals involved in the trade. Additionally, as technology continues to become increasingly accessible, advertisements to exchange sexual services is increasingly found in web-based form. As a result, contact with individuals involved in Nanaimo’s sex trade is now often found through the Internet rather than street corners. The sex trade within Nanaimo is diverse, complex and continuously evolving.

Taking into consideration the diversity found in Nanaimo’s sex trade, a coalition has been formed including social service agencies, RCMP, planners, sex trade workers and social service organizations. The Cohort has identified their primary objective as addressing the specific safety needs o f those most vulnerable within the trade and to provide supports to reduce the harms associated. Although all individuals in the trade may be confronted w ith issues surrounding safety, those in increased positions o f vulnerability are those who participate in the survival sex trade. The survival sex trade includes those who participate in the trade to meet their basic survival needs including access to shelter, money, drugs, alcohol or companionship. More information pertaining to Nanaimo’ s Sex Trade Cohort can be found on page 4.

( ) Sex Trade Cohort Vision Statement:

To reduce the harm associated with exchanging sexual services in Nanaimo, to protect the vulnerable and prevent sexual exploitation and to establish a co-ordinated, effective, collaborative approach in supporting those involved in or affected by the sex trade.

C ollaboration o f A g e n c ie s 4 Nanaimo’s Action Plan

S a f e t y

Continue to implement missing persons reporting system supported by Nanaimo’s Sex Trade Cohort and the RCMP and to effectively and consistently make available the information to all cohort members.

Nanaimo’ s missing persons reporting system for those involved in the sex trade arose from Forsaken, the Report o f the Missing Women Commission o by f Inquiry,Wally Oppal: “The Oppal Report.” In Nanaimo, we are committed to ensuring the safety of individuals who are involved in the sex trade and the missing persons reporting system continues to be a key component of this commitment.

Create/obtain a smart phone application that w ill allow for one touch alert.

A good example of this technology is the smart phone application “ Emergensee.” The application user can pre-set three personal contacts. The application allows to transmit live streaming video and GPS data to the pre-set contacts who w ill receive a Text and SMS containing a lin k to the person’s live streaming video and GPS data. The contacts may use the information provided to access what and if support is required.

Continue production and circulation o f "bad date" (violent offence) sheet and reporting system to identify predatory or violent consumers. Provision of drop boxes throughout the community providing options for reporting such incidents.

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Provide access to existing and currently available safe facilities for vulnerable individuals exiting the sex trade through the provision o f Municipally, Provincially and Federally supported housing options.

To ensure safe and fluid options for exiting the sex trade, it is essential to provide various housing options including: short term, transitional and long term housing options.

ENHANCING DIRECT SOCIAL AND HEALTH SERVICES

Facilitate a system that enables sex trade workers to connect w ith accessible services, resources and programs to meet their health needs. Provide outreach that addresses health, legal, and social, psychosocial needs.

For example, individuals involved in survival sex trade work often lack access to a primary care physician for a variety of reasons. Identifying and implementing systems that may mitigate barriers in accessing a primary care physician would positively support the health and wellbeing of individuals involved in the trade. Outreach services are another example o f essential services required by those involved in the sex trade.

Provide a peer-driven safe space for vulnerable individuals involved in the sex trade to build relationships, participate in healthy activities and access community resources. Enhance the nutritional supports provided, specifically to those involved in the sex trade.

Local research conducted by Lafreniere & Barron (2014), illustrates the importance o f access to a safe, accessible, comfortable space whereby sex trade workers may build relationships, access programming and provide opportunities for appropriate community referrals. A peer-driven safe space is essential to ensure the unique safety needs o f those involved in the sex trade, particularly those most vulnerable, are met.

Provide opportunities for training, education, transitional employment options and ongoing support through intense case management to individuals exiting sex work. 6

Making appropriate connections with the community to ensure the availability of a structured care plan with access to services including: trauma counselling, addiction support, skills training, education and housing opportunities. Partnerships with all stakeholders, including local businesses, is essential for success o f such a plan.

Preventing Sexual Exploitation of Youth

Develop and implement a youth relocation plan and assist w ith fam ily reunification.

The provision of a transitionaiy individualized plan for youth wishing to exit the sex trade is essential towards increasing the safety o f this vulnerable population. Such services, programs and resources may include: shelter, day programming, community mentorship, employment training and education options.

Prevent the sexual exploitation of young people by developing and delivering education and prevention programs and materials to inform youth and their families o f the risks and harms associated w ith sex work. Such programming may become accessible through various settings including School District 68, local service providers and social media.

Various inter-connected factors may influence youth becoming involved in the sex trade including access to drugs and alcohol, deception and coercion, economic stability and autonomy. Youth are found in positions o f increased vulnerability and thus their unique circumstances must be taken into account when developing programs, resources and services to protect youth from sexual exploitation. Awareness and Education

10 Inter-agency collaboration- working effectively within confidentiality arrangement. Develop public information strategies to prevent sexual exploitation and the recruitment o f young people into sex work.

i ) 7

r

The below graph illustrates the manner in which education and awareness programs aimed at de- stigmatizing individuals involved in the sex trade may provide opportunities for increased safety o f this population. This graph does not im ply a cause and effect, but instead provides a visual tool to describe associations between the factors.

De- Stigmatization o f Sex Trade Sex trade workers in Nanaimo, Workers similar to other communities, experience a high degree o f stigmatization. Stigmatization is a tainted perspective of an individual based on, in these circumstances, mmb. the activities conducted by those Decreased involved in the sex Opportunity for of Increased Predators to trade. Connectivity to Inflict Harm on/ Sex Trade the Community Sex Trade W orkers As education Workers and awareness initiatives focus on the de-stigmatization

and re-humanizing of Decreased individuals involved in the sex Vulnerability trade, increased opportunities for connections between individuals involved in the trade and the community may result. For example, a sex trade worker may be more inclined to access required supports without fear o f being judged by those providing the supports. As connections to the community develop, the vulnerability of this population due in part to the isolation and marginalization experienced by sex trade workers from the surrounding community may also decrease. A community whereby individuals involved in the sex trade are increasingly connected decreases the opportunities for predators to inflict harm on this population. Although predators and predatory behaviour w ill continue to exist, the surrounding community w ill be less inclined to ignore and tolerate abuse o f individuals involved in the sex trade, seeing the individuals behind the stigma

I ) 8

Raise awareness to consumers o f the impacts and consequences that may result from involvement in the sex trade.

Increasing education and awareness to consumers o f the risks associated w ith the sex trade provides opportunities for consumers to make increasingly informed decisions.

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Develop a collaborative, centralized system for local service providers to share the information and resources required to effectively provide person-centred supports.

V J

An example o f such a system may be a centralized website where by service providers may collaboratively access and share neccessary information and resources to provide person- centered supports.

14

Continue to identify, educate and implement applicable research initiatives.

Monitoring and evaluating best practice with the support o f the Nanaimo’s Sex Trade Cohort to gain a better understanding of the nature and extent of the sex trade activities and to identify the most effective method to implement supports in Nanaimo. Vancouver Island University (VIU), for example, continues to contribute to the cohort’s local research o f the experiences of

{ ) 9 individuals involved in Nanaimo’s sex trade. This research, along w ith other local research initiatives, provides opportunities for programs, resources and services to more effectively meet the unique needs o f those involved in Nanaimo’ s sex trade.

15

Educate local service providers to recognize signs of sexual exploitation or human trafficking.

Individuals involved in the sex trade may access a range o f services, some not directly related to the sex trade. It is important that those providing services are able to effectively recognize and support sexually exploited individuals to appropriately refer to available resources and services. Services may include: Island Health, Immigrant Services, School District 68, Ministry of Social Development and Social Innovation and Ministry of Children and Family Development.

( ) 10

C o m m u n i t y D e v e l o p m e n t

Develop a resource guide that provides information relevant to the immediate crisis needs for individuals in the sex trade including maps and information o f local supports. Providing information to individuals involved in the sex trade that is clear, effective and accessible pertaining to resources and services is essential towards increasing the safety of vulnerable individuals in the trade.

A scaled down version of the City of Nanaimo’s Surviving in Nanaimo guide with the addition o f some maps may be a good starting point. Provision o f drop boxes providing options for reporting such incidents.

Through the Nanaimo Sex Trade Cohort, establish ongoing partnerships between community-based organizations and academic institutions to ensure continuous feedback between research, policy and practice.

The Nanaimo Sex Trade Cohort is in the development stages o f structuring the Cohort in such a way that the collaborations made available through the group are effeciently implemented to engage all partners and provide avenues to successfully reduce the harms associated w ith the sex trade.

Provide neighbourhoods affected by the sex trade w ith access to resources and supports required to increase safety o f all those w ithin the community.

( ) 11

Continuing to engage neighborhoods affected by the trade in discussions surrounding increasing \community safety through access to education, awareness and supports in the w ork being conducted w ithin Nanaimo’s Sex Trade Cohort is one o f the essential goals o f the group.

Continue to offer safety oriented enhancements of community infrastructure in neighbourhoods affected by the sex trade.

Continuing to maintain community infrastructure including appropriate lighting, street cleaning and enhanced maintance o f public areas.

( ) ATTACHMENT B

75% of people working in Canada's sex-trade began working as a child1. what is lifeline? • • Every year thousands of people your age are lured into the most We're a non-profit program with only one agenda, and it's summed up1 in our slogan: profitable criminal activity in Can­ ada: trafficking in persons. Most help, hope and love, no strings attached. believe that it could never happen to them. Protect yourself! Learn w h a t 'tra ffickin g " really is, and how Every week we help Nanaimo teens with things like getting food when things are tight at recruiters manipulate girls to do home, and providing free, fun and safe programs at schools. We also help make connections things they wouldn't normally do. with resources when you don't know where to turn. Sex Trafficking is.. Myths About Trafficking • When somebody uses 'coercion’ (position, power threats, deception, fraud, Bottom line? We really care, and we never have ANY strings attached to what we do. To find 'People who are trafficked are smuggled payment, or any kind of force) to manipulate someone Into performing a across a border: NOT NECCESARILY. out more about or to connect with us, give us a call or visit our website: sexual act with someone else. This even includes a boyfriend 'suggesting” Thousands o f people are trafficked a girl have sex with someone in exchange for drugs or to clear a debt every year within Canada. Some never Sex Assault is„ even leave their home town. www.lifelinenanaimo.org • When somebody engages In sexual activity with someone else without that ’Unless money changes hands, it's not I ® # # # # ' person's consent (or ’ permission'). This even includes things like touching or human trafficking: NOT TRUE AT ALL kissing... not just intercourse. Paying someone or using ’coercion’, distraction, Trafficking victims are manipulated for 1- 888 - 743-3963 drugs, alcohol or fear to force a ’YES' or even to stop someone from saying all kinds of reasons and with all kinds of ’NO’ doesn't mean that the person has consented... sexual activity in those means. circumstances is always a crime. Assault and Trafficking are both crimes. ’ Trafficking Is only something that organized criminals do.’ ALSO NOT • It Is illegal for 12 or 13 year olds to have any sexual activity with someone TRUE Many people are trafficked 15 cy more than 2 years older than them. The older person is breaking th e law. by family members, friends or lone • It is illegal for 14 or 15 year olds to have any sexual activity with someone individuals. more than 5 years older than them. The older person is breaking th e law. • It is Illegal for anyone under 18 to have any sexual activity with someone who 'Trafficking only happens in big cities.’ Is in a position of ’trust* (a coach, teacher caregiver; supervisor; Instructor; NOPE There's trafficking happening lifeline W hat you need to kno w etc,) even if that person is close to their own age. This is considered right here in Nanaimo, every day. exploitation and the person o f "trust" is breaking the law. about sex trafficking and teens in Nanaimo 2. Free Drugs & Alcohol close friends, giving you the VIP treatment is and they'll threaten to tell others about the organized criminals will use date-rape drugs When life hurts, sometimes all we want is a a classic technique for trafficking recruiters. sexual things that have happened between you in things like bottled water in order to make reduce your risk way to stop feeling and escape. Traffickers are You may notice that you're the youngest if you don't do what they say. If you say you're you unconscious so they can create child always looking out for hurting children and person there, and that nobody has any going to go to the police, they'll try to convince pornography to sell for huge profits on the teens to make friends with. What may start problem serving you alcohol or letting you I you that nobody will believe you, and tell you internet. If you clue in or want out they might Nobody wakes up one day and says "I want to become the victim of human | out as a sympathetic adult asking if you want a try out some MDMA or "ecstacy". They'll do that they will leak your photos, videos or stories, threaten a law-suit ("You're under contract!") or trafficking." But every day children and teens get tricked, forced and manipulated beer or a hit can soon turn into entire bottles everything that they can to help you feel and that when they do, your life will be ruined. try to blackmail you. into this dark underworld. Your best defence is to be educated about how sex- i of vodka, binge-drinking and using hard cooler than your friends, and then introduce traffickers and their recruiters work, and be aware so you don't fall into it. drugs: cocaine, crack, crystal you to another part of the meth, and even heroin are all "VIP lifestyle" - casual sex, and w hat you can do favourite drugs of recruiters lots of it. They'll let you know | Make a plan now of exactly what you will do 1. Love-Bombing because of how addictive 'L- that "this is how we party", if you find yourself face-to-face with one of Everyone wants to feel special. Love-bombers are they are. When you're drunk and when it comes to sex I these scenarios. Here's our best advice: experts at seeking out giris who feel unappreciated, or high, you'll agree to do with strangers, they'll make invisible, alone or have low self-esteem. They things that you'd never flj sure that you're too drunk | 1. Say no to ANYTHING that has to be done carefully setup a relationship to make their targets , normally do, and they use this or high to know what's going secretly, no matter how tempting. If you feel valued, loved and beautiful. Having an older to their advantage - breaking on. Sometimes they'll just I can't let your parents or trusted adults in guy pay this kind of attention to you can make down your limitations until tj slip a "roofie" or other date- | your life know, it's putting you in danger. And you feel special, and when the expensive gifts you're willing to do just about rape drug into your drink and NEVER send nudes or get naked on cam. start, it begins to feel impossible to get out of the anything sexually. Next they'll videotape people having sex | 5. The Modeling Scene relationship. When the relationship turns sexual 2. Get help to deal with what's happening in tell you that none of it was actually free, and with you while you're unconcious. They can Who doesn't dream of being famous some day? (usually it's just with him first, but soon also with I your life right now. Recruiters look for victims that you owe them money... a lot of money. sell the videos, or just use them to blackmail We see beautiful people on magazines and TV his friends), a lot of girls just don't want to admit I who are struggling. By getting help, you're How will you pay it off? You'll have to have sex you to do what they want later on. shows and their lives look awesome. Recruiters they're being used. Sometimes girls know they're reducing your risk. with their friends, who will pay. For girls who look to exploit girls with the lie that they can being used, but feel like they can't leave because want to leave, they'll threaten violence, or tell 4. Blackmail help you become a big-time model. Often, they they owe this 'boyfriend' something or they feel you that without them you won't be able to 3. Always tell. They are the criminals, not you! Blackmailers are tricky. Whether they hack I are photographers who look reputable. You he's the only one who has ever "really' cared about support your drug habit. The only way to defeat recruiters, pimps and your phone for a nude picture, get a video of I might not even have a feeling that something them. Sometimes if you try to get o ut they'll sex-offenders is to bring what they do in the you doing something your parents wouldn't f is wrong until they start recommending threaten to tell others what you've been doing dark out into the light. Don't have someone 3. The Party Scene approve of or threaten to hurt someone close wardrobes that are more and more revealing. with them (see #4 on Blackmail) or even threaten you can trust? Give us a call. We will never Like a flashback to a bad episode of Jersey to you, they have one message: 'D o what Sooner or later; they'll mention a 'nude shoot". to hurt you. Sometimes all it takes to keep their judge you, and we're here to help. You can I Shore, it can feel amazing to be at an exclusive we say... or else\" Sometimes blackmailers are They'll tell you that it's art or maybe that it's not girls from leaving are put-downs and nasty threats. leave us a secure confidential message 24/7: party. Whether it's by yourself or with a few family members or friends that you trusted, [ actually illegal because it isn't "sexual''. Some 1-888-743-3963extension 711 ATTACHMENT C

Barriers Associated with Access to Resources for Women Involved in Nanaimo's Sex Trade

Summary Report

VANCOUVER ISLAND UNIVERSITY Prepared for the Nanaimo Women’s Resources Society By:

Lisa Marie Barron, MA candidate Sylvie Lafreniere, PhD

In collaboration with:

AlexIonson Courtney Leveille Myra Noviello Laura Valentich Jessie Weninger

From Vancouver Island University

June 2014 Acknowledgements:

We would first like to thank the participants of this study for taking the time to share their knowledge, wisdom and stories.

We would also like to thank the following groups for their support, contributions and participation in the development of this project:

Stepping Out program staff and volunteers

Community Action Team (CAT)

Nanaimo Women's Resources Society

Haven Society

Vancouver Island University (VIU), Department of Research and Scholarly Activity

3 Table of contents

Page Number

Summary of Results 5

Background of Community 9

Literature Review 11

Methodology 14

Questionnaire: Results and Analysis 17

Interview: Results and Analysis 20

Discussion 30

Conclusion 32

Bibliography 33

Appendix A: Letter of Consent, Questionnaire 36

Appendix B: Questionnaire 38

Appendix C: Letter of Consent, Interview 42

Appendix D: Interview 44

4 Summary of Results

Goals of the research:

1. Understand the experiences of women who are or were involved in Nanaimo’s sex trade in relation to access to services.

2. Describe barriers associated with access to services for women involved in the sex trade.

3. Identify ways for local service providers to address barriers pertaining to access to services.

Methodology:

Participants of the Stepping Out program were asked to participate in the study: 21 women completed the questionnaire and 14 partook in the interviews. Results presented in this report come from both the questionnaires and the interviews, with a focus on the latter.

Results:

1) Impressions of the Stepping Out program: all comments about the program were positive.

Two themes stood out: trust and comfort

a. Trust: i. Trust brought the women to the program - the participants reported hearing about the program from individuals they trusted (ie. friends, family members, other participants of Stepping Out, workers from other community agencies]; ii. Trust kept them coming back - once at the program, they reported they were able to build trust with staff and with other participants.

b. Comfort: the Stepping Out program was described as offering an environment that was accepting, non-judgmental, supportive and safe. In short, the women felt comfortable there.

2) Utility and use o f services offered through Stepping Out

a. Many of the frequently reported services used through the program were of a more practical nature. Food (i.e. lunches and snacks] and donated items (i.e. clothes] were the top two items indicated by respondents.

5 b. Factors related to housing were also mentioned by many of the respondents. Through the Stepping Out program, participants had access to services and resources pertaining to housing, such as a current list of available housing and support with the application process. Results indicate a positive correlation between housing and well-being, self-esteem and a general sense of safety.

3) Impact of the program

a. Building relationships and friendships with other women: many respondents identified struggles acquiring and maintaining positive relationships. However, the respondents frequently identified that the Stepping Out program offered a space for positive relationships to flourish.

b. Improvements in living arrangements: respondents identified improvements to their overall living arrangements.

c. Increased self-esteem: respondents frequently identified increased self-esteem as a result of the program.

4) Availability of similar programs

a. Respondents were able to identify other programs available in the community, such as the following:

° Loaves and Fishes, food bank ° Harris House Health Clinic ° Samaritan House, emergency and supportive housing for women ° The Salvation Army ° Tillicum Lelum Aboriginal Friendship Centre ° Various 12 step recovery programs

b. No other centralized, low-barrier programming was mentioned; Stepping Out was identified by respondents as unique.

5) Ideas concerning outreach

a. Respondents were asked if they could suggest ways of letting other women involved in the sex trade know about services and programs, and strategies to increase participation. The responses included:

• Word of mouth - overwhelmingly, respondents reported word of mouth as an effective means of informing and involving other women in programs such as Stepping Out. Word of mouth and trust are

6 interconnected and identified as essential towards accessing women in the trade. • Outreach workers - the tenacity and consistency of outreach workers was frequently identified by respondents as a means of effectively reaching out and accessing women in the trade. • Advertising - items like pamphlets, posters and business cards were reported as efficient tools to reach women in the trade..

b. Respondents were asked to identify places they felt would effectively reach women in the trade. Places identified included:

• The streets that are frequented by women • Pubs • Social media (i.e. Facebook) • Aboriginal band offices • Other community service providers

Analysis

The three goals of this study are examined in light of the interview results, presented above.

Goal 1: Understand the experiences o f women who are or were involved in Nanaimo's sex trade in relation to access to services..

• "Moral boundaries" (McPhail et al,, 2011; Brown, 2009] - respondents were reluctant to identify themselves as "sex trade workers”; • Identified struggles in maintaining relationships - respondents reported an appreciation for the opportunity to develop trusting relationships within a safe, comfortable and accepting environment.

Goal 2\ Describe barriers associated with access to services fo r women involved in the sex trade.

• Availability of resources - respondents identified minimal to no resources available on certain days of the week (i.e. on weekends); • Almost all respondents identified a lack of trust as a barrier towards accessing services - building trusting relationships with sex trade workers appears to be a vital component of service provision; • Respondents frequently identified fear of labelling and stigmatization (associated with the sex trade, mental health, addiction) as a barrier in accessing programs and resources.

7 Goal 3: Identify ways for local service providers to address barriers pertaining to access to services.

Respondents identified the provision of the following as essential components in programs geared towards assisting women in the sex trade:

• Low-barrier access to services - services that can be accessed in any state under any circumstances, with no hidden motives; • Housing support - help with locating housing and applying for it; • Programs utilizing a harm-reduction approach - the Stepping Out program was designed to meet women "where they are”, at whatever stage they find themselves in; • Having access to a comfortable space offering more than just day-to-day needs - although the day-to-day needs are appreciated and sought after, what is most precious is the safe place for socializing, talking, building relationships.

8 Background of Community

According to the 2011 Census, Nanaimo is composed of approximately of 81,560 individuals. Located on Vancouver Island in the province of British Columbia, Nanaimo is situated between two of British Columbia’s largest cities: Vancouver and Victoria. Nanaimo's median annual income in 2010 was $27,620 ($28,765 for British Columbia]1. The median income for men was $34,227 and, for women it was $22,954 (the median income for men and women in BC is, respectively, $35,627 and $23,624]. This means that fifty percent of women in Nanaimo, thus, are making less than $22,954. Nanaimo’s low- income rate and unique geographical location provide an environment potentially conducive to the sex trade, particularly for women.

In response to a gap in services and a lack of a safe space for women involved in the sex trade, the Stepping Out program was implemented in 2009. This program was offered through a partnership between Haven Society and the Nanaimo Women’s Centre and was originally funded through the Social Planning Advisory Council (SPAC] through the City of Nanaimo. During the time the study was conducted, the primary funder was the Canadian Women's Foundation (CWF]. This program was geared towards women who are currently or were previously involved in the survival sex trade, meaning those involved in the trade are exchanging sexual services to meet immediate needs which may include shelter, food, drugs and/or alcohol. The program offered low-barrier services (i.e. services provided without additional requirements, including abstinence from drugs and/or alcohol] within a safe space: it offered a drop-in, non-judgemental, safe space through a harm reduction model. Vancouver Island Health Authority, VIHA (2013], defines a harm reduction model as follows: "Harm reduction is a practical approach to keeping people safe and reducing the rate of death, disease and injury associated with higher risk behaviours”. In other words, the intention of the harm reduction model is to provide access to services that target an individual’s unique needs. This model focuses on providing the tools for individuals to reduce harm in their lives while empowering individuals to make healthy decisions for themselves. Due to various factors including a lack of funding, the Stepping Out program ended in August 2013.

This project utilized the Stepping Out program as a platform for accessing respondents. Although all genders are found working in Nanaimo's sex trade, this project focuses on the experiences of participants accessible through the Stepping Out program composed exclusively of those who self-identify as a women. This study was conducted in the months prior to the end of the program and all respondents were aware that the Stepping Out program was coming to an end.

S tatistics Canada, National Household Survey (NHS], 2011. 2 For example, some of the studies consulted for this project were conducted in Victoria, BC (Casey & Philips, 2008; Hallgrimsdottir, Phillips, Benoit, Walby, 2008], Vancouver, B.C (Lazarus, Deering, Nabess, Gibson, Tyndall, Shannon, 2012], New York City, NY, USA (Nuttbrock, Rosenblum, Magura, Villano & Wallace, 2004] and Winnipeg, Manitoba (DeRiviere, 2006]. A final note pertaining to this specific project is that current research involving women in the sex trade tends to focus on the experiences of those found in larger cities including Vancouver, Montreal and Toronto2 . Research focusing on the sex trade w ith in Nanaimo or within other small to mid-size communties is lacking. Further research within Nanaimo would provide a means to more adequately understanding and meeting the specific needs of women involved in the sex trade. Additionally, such research would fill a gap in academic literature, providing further opportunities for research.

2 For example, some of the studies consulted for this project were conducted in Victoria, BC (Casey & Philips, 2008; Hallgrimsdottir, Phillips, Benoit, Walby, 2008), Vancouver, B.C (Lazarus, Deering, Nabess, Gibson, Tyndall, Shannon, 2012), New York City, NY, USA (Nuttbrock, Rosenblum, Magura, Villano & Wallace, 2004) and Winnipeg, Manitoba (DeRiviere, 2006). Literature Review

Stigmatization

Women in the Canadian sex-trade are often highly "stigmatized”. Stigmatization is defined as an attribute an individual carries "that is deeply discrediting" resulting in the individual being "tainted” and "discounted” (Goffman, 1963, p. 3). For example, stigmatized individuals often fall victim to frequent shunning and/or avoidance behaviours, decreased social opportunities and an increase of various forms of abuse (Hallgrimsdottir, Phillips, Benoit, & Walby, 2008; Sallman, 2010). Those who are stigmatized are not only affected on a social level but also on a personal level. In response to the behaviours and actions of those around them, stigmatized individuals often hold a tainted image of themselves, referred to as self-stigmatization (Hallgrimsdottir et al., 2008). Self-stigmatization occurs when the perception of oneself is seen through the lens of the surrounding stigmatizing society. Self­ stigmatization impacts the individual on many levels such as through reduced self-esteem and self-efficacy, damaging the individual as a whole (Hallgrimsdottir et al., 2008; Sallman, 2010).

Stigmatization can thus reduce the individual from a whole person to a tainted person (Sallman, 2010) both through the perception of others and the manner in which the stigmatized individuals perceive themselves. Although those involved in the sex trade are often stigmatized as a group, stigma may impact those within a group differently (Phillips, Benoit, Hallgrimsdotter, & Vallance, 2012). For example, the degree of stigmatization varies based on the individual's role and social position within the group (Phillips et al. 2012). The level of stigmatization attached to men purchasing sex, for example, differs from that attached to women selling sex (Sallman, 2010). Sallman (2010) points out that when men are caught having sex with a sex trade worker, the stigmatization tends to be attached to the act the man is performing. Conversely, the female sex trade workers participating in the act tends to be stigmatized as an individual.

Furthermore, the labels attached to women in the sex trade, including "whores” or "hookers”, further re-inforces stigmatization (Sallman, 2010, p. 151). No such labels are normatively attached to men participating in sexual relations with sex trade workers. Regardless of the role within the sex trade, studies have consistently found that the level of stigma attached to women within the sex trade is "harsher and more consequential” than the stigma attached to men (Vanwesenbeeck, 2013, p. 15). For example, research has shown that male sex trade workers seem to be less affected by stigmatization than their female counterparts (Vanwesenbeeck, 2013). One particular study in Australia illustrates the differing gender experiences of sex trade workers, finding that male participants within the study had a tendency to consider their role within the sex trade as separate to that of their identity (Browne & Minichiello, 1995). This is not to imply that male sex trade workers do not suffer many of the negative effects experienced by women in the trade, only that there tends to be notable differences in the manner in which men and women separate or amalgamate their role as individuals versus their work within the sex trade.

11 One such explanation for these conflicting perceptions may be attributed to the fact that the act of soliciting a sex trade worker is perceived as a temperal activity, whereas performing sexual acts is instead associated to a fixed role and identity (Sallman, 2010). However, such an explanation alone does not explain the differing experiences by male and female sex trade workers. Monto (2004) proposes instead that the gender specific manner in which Canadian society percieves individuals within the sex trade may be explained through the normative ideological standards that accept male promiscuity while rejecting female promiscuity.

Stigmatization impacts not only society’s perception and the self-perception of a particular group, but it also increases barriers for women in the sex trade in their attempt to successfully access programs and resources. A study performed by Lazarus, Deering, Nabess, Gibson, Tyndall, & Shannon (2012), for example, interviewed 252 female sex trade workers. Of the 252 participants, half reported feeling unable to obtain heath care out of fear of a requirement to disclose their involvement in the sex trade. Similarly, Taylor (2010) describes similar barriers experienced by women in the sex trade who were attempting to enter a drug and/or alcohol treatment facility. The results describe how women in the sex trade were fearful of accessing resources that may require self-disclosure of their participation in the sex trade. Through examples such as these, it becomes evident how the stigmatization of women in the sex trade decreases their ability to access much needed resources and programs.

Women in the Sex Trade and the prominence o f Isolation

Research shows that women within all forms of the sex trade describe feeling isolated from the remainder of society (Casey & Philips, 2008). Women in the sex trade report difficulties in initiating and maintaining close, personal relationships. For example, sex trade workers who participated in a study by Jackson et al. (2009) described being unable to maintain honest relationships with their families and friends. The respondents expressed fear of losing relationships with loved ones if they divulged the manner in which they were earning income. Inadvertently, the lack of disclosure was found to negatively affect the same relationships they were attempting to salvage through an increased sense of isolation. However, it was found that the relationships of those who did report being open and honest about their involvement in the sex trade to family and friends did not fare better, also often describing their relationships with loved ones as strained and disconnected (Jackson, Augusta-Scott, Burwash-Brennan, Karabanow, Robertson, & Sowinski, 2009). The self- reports made by the women in these studies coincide with current research and literature where an association between work in the sex trade and a decrease of social relationships has been found (Koken, 2012).

The study undertaken by Jackson et al. (2009) offered an alternative perspective where women who were simultaneously working in the sex trade and involved in intimate relationships described a sense of security that came from their personal relationships outside of the sex trade. The relationships allowed them to experience a sense of inclusion,

12 contrasting to the commonly held sense of isolation often experienced by those working in the sex trade. The women also described their relationships as providing a sense of safety and well-being that was otherwise missing from their lives. Unfortunately, as previously discussed, due to the highly stigmatized nature of the sex trade, an overwhelming number of women in the trade hold few personal relationships (Jackson et al., 2009). For example, one woman w ithin the study conducted by Jackson et al. (2009) discussed the manner in which her boyfriend would emotionally abuse her when he became intoxicated and belittled her with derogatory terms such as "crack head” and "whore”. Another respondent stated that in order to protect herself from a discourse of blame, she was unable to discuss with her boyfriend situations of abuse or "bad dates” experienced while working in the trade. This discourse of blame subscribes to the idea that the lack of safety experienced by sex trade workers is self-induced: it not only blames sex trade workers directly for the abuse they experience but also indirectly reinforces the abuse through Canadian society’s tendency to ignore the abuse of sex trade workers (Jackson et al., 2009).

Overall, the relationships held by the women in Jackson et al.’s (2009) study provided them with the ability to feel included in contrast to their normative life of exclusion. However, these relationships were plagued with dysfunction with the women commonly experiencing abuse, addiction and submission. Overall, there is very little in regards to research on the intimate relationships of sex trade workers due to the fact that, for the majority of sex trade workers, isolation is the norm. A final interesting point discussed w ithin Jackson's (2009) study is the commonly held concern by men who are in relationships with sex trade workers of being labeled as pimps. These concerns went beyond that of the criminal consequences of being labeled a pimp but included the concern that "this association places the partner within the women’s work world of the excluded, with all the associated negative stereotypes and stigma” (Jackson et al., 2009, p. 40).

Evidently, research shows that maintaining relationships can be problematic for women involved in the sex trade (Gauthier, 2011). Community centers and programs are thus fundamental to these women, not only to promote and maintain physical health and safety, but also to promote and maintain positive relationships. Relationships are essential towards improved health and well-being and are one of the fundamental factors missing in the lives of those individuals involved in the sex trade (Taylor, 2011). In addition to the ability to build and maintain relationships within community centers, programs must be available to assist those working within the sex trade regardless of whether they are intending to exit the trade or not (Cimino, 2012; van der Meulen, 2011), assisting these women "where they are" instead of where politically lead initiatives intend them to be.

13 Methodology

The goals of this study were as follows:

a) Gain a deeper understanding of the experiences of women in Nanaimo's sex trade and their access to programs and resources.

b) Identify barriers experienced by this group of women when attempting to access programs and resources.

c) Gain an understanding of how local programs, such as the Stepping Out program, can be of assistance to women in the sex trade.

It is anticipated that the information acquired w ill provide possible solutions in reducing obstacles experienced by local agencies dedicated to assisting women in the sex trade w ith a focus on how to actively and effectively reach and assist street-entrenched sex trade workers.

Data was collected using a mixed-method approach: a questionnaire gathered information on access to services through the Stepping Out program and other agencies in Nanaimo and the surrounding area; the semi-structured interview that followed was designed to provide respondents with an opportunity to expand on the information provided in the questionnaire.

Due to the vulnerability of this particular population, it was determined that a trusting relationship needed to be built with the respondents before the research could be conducted. To provide opportunities to increase trust and to become familiar to the respondents, the researcher who conducted the interviews spent eight months volunteering at the Nanaimo Women's Centre and Stepping Out program. This facilitated access to women in the program and their willingness to participate in the study.

Ethical considerations were monitored by the Nanaimo Women’s Resource Society and by Vancouver Island University’s Research Ethics Review Board.

1) Questionnaire:

• Questionnaires were distributed during the Stepping Out program hours of operation at the Nanaimo Women’s Centre (Mondays from 10:00am to 4:00pm) between May and August, 2013. • Of the 23 women who were approached to participate in the survey, 22 agreed. • Not all women who came to the Stepping Out program were approached for various reasons. For example, some of the participants were experiencing visible distress and it was determined that it would be inappropriate to approach them for research

14 purposes; other participants did not stay long enough for the researcher to approach. • To contend with any literacy issues: o the consent form was read by the researcher to each respondent; o the researcher offered all participants the option to have the questionnaire read and/or record answers on their behalf (guided process]. All but one respondent chose the guided process. • At the end of the questionnaire, the respondents were asked if they were interested in participating in the interview.

2] Interview:

• Of the 22 women who completed the questionnaire, 14 participated in the interviews. • Interviews were conducted in a private area adjacent to the Women’s Centre where confidentiality of responses and comfort of the respondents could be assured. • Prior to commencement of the interview, a new consent form was read and signed. • On average, interviews lasted 25 minutes (times varied from 4 minutes to lh o u r 14 minutes]. • At the suggestion of the Women’s Resource Center’s executive director, Lesley Clarke, the interview participants were offered a $20 Tim Horton’s gift card as an incentive gift.

Process fo r analysis

Coding of the interview transcripts was completed by a team of seven people at Vancouver Island University: two researchers and five undergraduate students. Students worked in teams of two (with one student being paired with one of the researchers], each working separately on the same interviews and then comparing their coding results. The principle investigator then reviewed the results. This allowed for the verification of inter-coder reliability. The codes consisted of the main topics taken from the interview schedule. Emergent themes were also noted then discussed with the group and the interviews were coded again. Any questions or difficulties with the coding or the content were presented to the group and discussed at weekly meetings.

Limitations

One of the limitations of this research project stems from the fact that the women who completed the questionnaires and participated in the interviews knew that the Stepping Out program was coming to an end. This may have skewed their results slightly when we asked

15 about the positive and negative effects of the program. However, since this was not meant to be an evaluation of the Stepping Out program, our questions moved beyond their experiences within the program to address issues of access to all services and programs in Nanaimo. The results presented here are meant to represent the experiences of respondents on a broader level than those related specifically to the Stepping Out program.

16 Questionnaire: Results and Analysis

As mentioned earlier, 22 women completed a questionnaire. These 22 women are not necessarily representative of all women in the sex trade in Nanaimo, nor are they necessarily representative of the women in the Stepping Out program. The qualitative nature of this study w ill permit us to go into detail about the experiences of the women who agreed to participate but it does not allow for generalizations to be made to the entire population.

The questionnaire contained a few demographic questions that were meant to identify specific characteristics of the respondents. Additionally, participants were asked about services: services used and services that, in their opinion, were missing from the program; questions pertaining to how to most effectively recruit participants for this type of program; and on how programs like Stepping Out could be more useful to women who are or were involved in the sex trade. Some questions overlapped between the questionnaire and interviews in order to gain more in-depth information.

In this section, results from the questionnaires regarding the demographics of the respondents and the services they used are presented. Results from interviews w ill be presented in the next section.

Demographics

As indicated in Table 1, of the 22 women who participated in the survey, the majority were between 26 and 45 years old.

Table 1: Age of survey respondents

Age group Frequency Percentage 26-35 7 31.8 36-45 6 27.3 46 and older 9 40.9 Total 22 100.0

17 The ethnic group distribution (see Table 2) shows an overwhelming proportion of respondents who self-identify as Aboriginal.

Table 2\ Racial or ethnic group

Racial or ethnic group Frequency Percentage Caucasian 3 13.6 Aboriginal 13 59.1 Other (i.e. South-Asian) 4 18.1 No response 2 9.1 Total 22 100

On average, respondents indicated that they participated in the Stepping Out program for approximately 2 years and participated, on average, 2.8 times per month. When asked about the impact of the program on their life, 68% "agreed” or "strongly agreed” that their life had seen positive improvements since they started participating in the Stepping Out program. One example of a positive improvement is presented in Table 3: 46% of respondents stated that their housing situation has improved. It should be noted that 32% (n=7j of respondents have participated in the Stepping Out program for less than a year and may not have had the opportunity to see any changes, negative or positive, in their life or housing situation.

Table 3: Through participation in the Stepping Out program, my housing situation has improved.

Frequency Percentage Strongly disagree/Disagree 2 9.0 Neutral 10 45.5 Strongly agree/Agree 10 45.5 Total 22 100.0

Another interesting point is that 68% (n=15) of the women who participated in the survey stated that they did not own or rent a place of residence when they first became participants of the program. However, of these women, 68% (n=10/15) said that they owned or rented a place of residence at the time of the survey. This data highlights the occurrence of a shift, where previously homeless participants are accessing a place of residence.

Services used

The women were asked to indicate the services utilized through the Stepping Out program in the year prior to the survey. Table 4 indicates participants' most frequent responses. The

18 most popular services among the respondents were clothing/other donated items and food. Other donated items included make-up and small kitchen items. Food included lunch and snacks provided by the Stepping Out program.

Table 4: What services available through the Stepping Out program have you used in the last year?

Service Frequency Percentage* Clothing/Donated Items 22 100 Food 22 100 Telephone 19 86.4 Assistance with paperwork 19 86.4 Transportation 17 77.3 Internet 16 72.7 Fax 13 59.1 Total 22 — *Note: Percentages are calculated on the number of respondents. Because of multiple responses (respondents were given the option to indicate all the services that they used) the total percentage does not add up to 100%.

19 Interviews: Results and Analysis

The interviews provided an array of rich and diverse information emerging from the insight and experiences shared by the respondents with the interviewer. The specific themes that were addressed during the semi-structured interviews are as follows (please see Appendix B for the complete interview schedule):

• Impressions of the Stepping Out program • Utility and use of services offered through Stepping Out • Impact of the program • Availability of similar programs • Ideas concerning outreach

Themes that emerged are numerous. A few of these themes include:

• Issues surrounding social interactions • Relationships with participants and workers at the Stepping Out program • Relationships w ith community actors (i.e. Samaritan House, Haven Society, the local food bank) • Impressions of a "women only” space • Children and family

In this report, we w ill be focusing on the five specific themes identified in the interviews. Additionally, participant direct quotes w ill complement the analysis. Pseudonyms are used to protect the anonymity of our respondents.

A. Impressions of the program

Overall, the participants provided positive comments in regards to their impressions of the Stepping Out program. Specifically, participants expressed an appreciation for the safe and trust-worthy space offered through the program with non-judgmental staff and participants.

Two main themes emerged from the answers to the interview questions: trust and comfort.

Trust A bby: "WhenI went into the shelter Most of the women said they first heard about the I started talking with Meghan. She Stepping Out program through word-of-mouth: said to come with her cause she friends or family, clients and/or staff at Haven always goes to the Women's Centre Society or other community services like every day." recommended it. It seems that recommendations

20 from trusted individuals was often a successful tool in bringing participants to the Stepping Out program .

This idea of spreading awareness of the program through word-of-mouth comes up often in the responses. The m ajority of the women who participated in the Stepping Out program said they came to it because someone they know or someone they trust recommended it. Also, even though they did not know her, the outreach worker, through persistence, managed to become a familiar and trusted figure. This issue is also im portant when it Brenda: "I didn't trust, I wasn't very comes to how to get more women to come trusting so it seemed really funny. I to this type of program. As we w ill see later, wondered what the government was up to when asked about suggestions for getting next kinda thing, like what they were trying more women to participate in this type of to do, or if she [the outreach worker] was program, most of the respondents said even a cop or you know what were the word-of-mouth was the best way. reasons they were trying to... come by and convince people to go somewhere. [...] but Trust is, therefore, a big issue for the anyways so then, um, I liked it from the first respondents; trust needs to be established time I went there." in order for a program of this sort to be successful. Brenda said, "For the first time in many years, I could really depend on somebody".

Comfort Olivia: "I thought it was a really good Despite the recommendations from people idea and it was a good resource to have, they know and trust, when first hearing right, and a nice [...] safe location to go about the program, some of the women did and meet other girls." claim to be suspicious and untrusting.

Samantha: 7 was really curious The feelings of mistrust, as Brenda states above, about it and ... when I started seemed to disappear once they arrived. For example, going it was just a really great Pauline said I liked it because it's just like, you know, way to connect and the women, women getting together, socializing getting to know the facilitators are really... each other and the access to computers, food, clothing. they're very compassionate It's all very helpful. people."

Part of establishing trust is creating an accepting space for the women to gather and spend time. One of the main issues that comes up in the impressions of the program is about the feelings of acceptance and understanding that the women experienced while participating in the Stepping Out program. Having a place to go where there is no judgment, where they feel taken care of, where they feel safe. All of this leads to a feeling of well-being that seems to be associated w ith the program. Brenda mentioned, 7 could come here and trust enough

21 that I could just be safe here". And Tamara said "it's a safe place to come and I've told all the other girls [...] when I was in the shelter and on the street that this was the place to come".

The women that respondents met while at the Susan: "you get to talk to other Stepping Out program are viewed as women who women, meet with other women "have been there" and know what it is like or what that have been in similar sticky they have to go through. They are seen as women situations as you, um, one on one who can provide support, advice and who can look peer support, there's group out for each other, counseling, there's all sorts of stuff you can get through the Stepping Out Program".

B. Utility/Use of services

The utility of the services often has to do with very practical elements: the telephone, the computer, the Internet. The women liked that they could come and use these services. Other services that were mentioned include food or snacks and the shower. The respondents also expressed that they appreciated assistance with filling out forms (i.e. rental applications) and someone to take them places they could not easily access otherwise (i.e. food bank). As depicted above, in Table 4, 86% of the women reported getting help with paperwork and 77% mentioned that they had used the transportation to the food bank or to appointments.

Susan also mentioned how useful the "listing of housing" was to her. She is referring to the updated housing list that is Olivia : "If I need help made available to Stepping Out participants. This is an getting to the food important service and corresponds with the results bank or something it presented in Table 3where respondents reported was a lot easier improvements to their living situation since beginning because sometimes I participation in the program. have mobility problems so it's easy Beyond the practical elements that were mentioned on the to have a ride there questionnaire and during the interviews, one thing that and a ride back". stands out is that the program offered a place where the participants felt accepted: they simply seemed to enjoy going to the Women’s Centre and participating in the Stepping Out program. This is likely a result of the low-barrier services provided to the participants under the harm reduction model (Please see pages 9 and 10 for more information). Under this model, participants were able to access much needed services in their current state (i.e. under the influence of drugs and/or alcohol) without worrying about being turned away or judged. Tina: "well they'll acceptyou [...] it doesn't matter what state (you're in) Thereor appears to be a commonly held feeling, what problems you're having, they'llexpressed by the women, that the Stepping Out [...] try to help you the best they can program provided them with the means to sit and they do help". down with staff and with other women to discuss the resources and programs they

22 require that are unique to their specific needs. Most importantly, this could be done in a space that was accepting and safe.

Veronica: "there's always somebody there if we would like to talk[...] or need help with something [...jthere's always someone 4-1* , 4- 4- ^ ’> u i e r e y u u curi i c u l u u u i i u . Tina: "I like that they treat you more like a human being than an object like most places, you know how like some people just push you aside and say well just go here or here or here".

C. Impact of program

During the interview, the participants were asked about the impact the Stepping Out program had on their lives. Questions included whether or not they felt the program helped them lead happier, healthier lives and whether they experienced any positive and/or negative changes in their lives through participation in the Stepping Out program. The interviewer also asked whether or not they participants had built "close relationships” or made friends through the program.

The participants’ responses were all positive: none mentioned any negative consequences as a result of their participation. Three main themes emerged from the responses: building relationships, living arrangements and increased self-esteem. As one respondent states it, these three elements seem to go hand-in-hand: "I got a job [...] I'm getting a place, I'm going places you know its boosted my ego and my self-esteem and it's pretty good" (Tina).

Building relationships Olivia: "they might have The importance of having a safe space to build positive been acquaintances relationships with other women is a recurring theme before but [...]you see expressed by the respondents. It is evident through the them more often, they responses that the program has helped the participants to become better friends". build positive relationships with other women. Various forms of peer support are available through other participants of the Stepping Out program. For example, those who are currently involved in the sex trade can provide support and advice on safety and other issues; others, who were previously in the sex trade, are also available to provide encouragement and advice on services and other programs. Again, the safe and accepting environment is conducive to the building of these relationships.

23 Melanie: "all the street girls, if I see them out there when I'm living in my own place I give them clothes if I see them out there."

Veronica: 7 can go to a family Georgia: 7 know more function that they are holding for street girls". family like birthdays. [...] that’s cool to be able to have that connection with another female”. Pauline: "Just the social interaction [is one of the most useful things of the program]".

In interpreting these results, we do have to keep in mind that all of the respondents knew that the program was ending and they may have wanted to give positive feedback in the hopes of keeping the program. However, the fact that they wanted to hold on to the program is also a positive thing.

As explained earlier, women in the sex trade feel a high level of both social stigma and internalized stigma. It can therefore be difficult to form meaningful relationships. Providing a safe space for women in the sex trade to meet has given these women an opportunity to form friendships w ith other women. These relationships can also help in the development of self-esteem, as we w ill show in the following section.

Living arrangements

Through the Stepping Out program, some participants identified they were able to find a place to live. The program offers a list of available housing and staff is on hand to help fill out applications for rent. Some of the respondents identified that these services positively impacted their lives. For example, when asked about the positive changes in her life since she became a participant, Veronica states, "Having a home I can call home and not having to worry about not having a place to go. That's huge to me. I've always had a home but it’s just my homes are never really a home because of the lifestyle I was in. [...] now I feel like I can actually call my home safe”.

Another participant, Tamara, responded “If it wasn’t for Stepping Out and the Women’s [Centre], I wouldn’t have a home right She now". goes on to say, "I'd be probably still in my addiction and not giving a crap [...] Instead of sleeping under bridges and in the cubby holes [...] A home! A shower! A bed! Food! A TV! A radio! Clothes!"

24 Increased self-esteem

Both of these elements, building positive relationships and living arrangements, have an im portant impact on self-esteem. In fact, when respondents were asked if they had experienced any positive changes since becoming a participant of the Stepping Out program, one of the most common responses is that participating in the program resulted in an increase in self-esteem and overall positive change in their lives. Brenda: "I feel stronger internally as a human being. I think that is what they offer. I don't know how to put that, that's what changes, Olivia: "I'm starting that's what has made changes in my life is that to feel better about my wellbeing, my self-worth, my own self myself, I’m being respect [...] it’s given me the strength to cope in more assertive." a different way,you know, without running to drugs and alcohol all the time.”

D. Program availability

During the interview, the women were asked if they had ever participated in a program like the Stepping Out program and if they knew of any similar programs or resources available to them in Nanaimo.

Most women said that they had not participated in any programs similar to Stepping Out. According to respondents, the Stepping Out program seems to be a new and innovative program. In fact, when asked if there is anything similar to the Stepping Out program available in the community now that the program is coming to an end, all participants said no. However, there were a few participants who did point out that certain aspects of the program are available in some of the other community agencies in Nanaimo. For example, Susan mentioned that she is able to access house listings and a computer through Baron's Road Mental Health and Addictions. She goes on to say, Tamara: “when this program however that "there's no groups [...] so we can't really meet people, new people and [...] get to meet new faces".ends [...] the girls out there are going to have a really hard time [...]. They are going to have a really hard time because they are going to have nowhere to go".

25 Although most of the respondents did state that they had not participated in any other programs similar to that of the Stepping Out, they did mention other services available in Nanaimo that they used. These services included:

• 12 step recovery and other alternative recovery programs • Island Crisis Care, Samaritan House • Haven Society • Tillicum Lelum Aboriginal Friendship Centre • Harris House Health Clinic • Canadian Mental Health Association, (CMHA) Balmoral Hotel • Vancouver Island Health Authority, Mental Health and Addictions

The response was the same for women who were previously living in other communities. These participants did not mention any programs, both past and present, similar to the Stepping Out program. Such results testify to the uniqueness of the Stepping Out program.

According to respondents, aside from the Stepping Out program, there is not one low- barrier and accessible place in Nanaimo that provides services to women involved in the sex trade.

E. Outreach

Respondents were asked about the best ways to let more women know about programs like Stepping Out, but also about how to get them involved in this type of program. The results for this theme tie into the comments presented in the first section of the results, "Impressions of the program”, Veronica: "word of where respondents indicated that it was through word- mouth is probably the of-mouth that they heard about the program. It is also best, especially women from hearing about the program through trusted sources trying to reach out on the that they were convinced that this could be a safe place street." for them.

However, when asked directly about the best method to attract women to programs such as Stepping Out, respondents provided many ideas. The most common response to this question was to access women involved in the trade through advertising; the second most common response was word-of-mouth.

For example, Samantha discussed outreach in the Anne: “I usually tell community, stating, "I think there should be a monthly walkpeople about it, tell about". Here she is referring to having an outreach worker(s] my friends." walk the streets where the women are found in order to hand

26 out pamphlets and inform the women about programs and resources available to assist them. Samantha’s comment reaches the word-of-mouth idea, but also the idea that was first presented regarding trust. Samantha's points highlight the common theme expressed by the women that by informing, educating and reaching out, the women may develop trust and be more likely to participate in such programming.

Overall, tenacity seems to work. Through Brenda: "The outreach worker consistency on the part of the outreach came driving up the street in her red workers, respondents begin to develop trust of car [...] and stopped in front of me the programs and services being offered. and told me and kept telling me Word-of-mouth comes up often as an effective over and over again. I came one means to let women know about the programs. day.'

Many participants also mentioned advertising through brochures and posters as a way of reaching women in the trade. The specific places identified by the respondents, as ways of letting women know about programs such as the Stepping Out program are as follows:

• Advertising through: o pamphlets o Internet o Posters o Business Cards

• Where? o Pharmacies o The streets were women in the sex trade are found o The offices of escort agencies o Pubs Georgia : "We should really have o Counsellors a meeting among us and throw o Aboriginal band offices things on the table." o Facebook o Word of mouth o Outreach workers educating through other community service providers o A meeting specific to women in the sex trade

27 The respondents also identified other ways to reach women involved in the sex trade including:

• Incentives o Beauty days: aesthetics, getting nails and hair done • Activities o Barbeques • Other community service providers including: o Tillicum Lelum Aboriginal Centre o Nanaimo 7-10 Club o Haven Society o Salvation Army o M inistry of Social Innovation and Social Development o Harris House Health Clinic

F. Additional topics

As mentioned above, what we presented here are the results of the interview questions: Impressions of the program; Utility/Use of services; Impact of the program; Program availability; and, Outreach. Due to the qualitative nature of this study and the semi-directed interview schedule, respondents had the liberty to expand on the ideas they felt were important to them, even if they were not asked specifically about them in the interview. Other themes that stood out in the women’s dialogues were related to men and to children.

Although many of the respondents identified Olivia: "Sometimesgirls don't want to barriers in maintaining relationships with be around any other guys for a while women, the respondents also identified an right. So Stepping Out has been appreciation for the women's only space excellent because then they can just be offered to them through the Stepping Out around other girls and relax and not program. For example, Olivia pointed out that feel [...] if that guy’s, like, going to hurt she enjoyed having access to a women’s only or you know flirt with me or what he's space, without the presence of men who might going to do right.’’ "hit on her" or "flirt’.

On the other hand, the women’s only space presented Melanie: "My son was a little a problem for some women who would have like to choked though cause the bring their sons w ith them to the Women's Centre. Women's Center doesn 't allow men into the building Abby: "It's a Women’s Center for sure [...] Maybe they should have but like, some of us have sons [...] like times where there’s so like if they had men's clothing there teenage sons could go in they should put them out too.” there or something, like for visitation or something."

28 Another interesting point made by respondents is the identification of the value in having positive male role models integrated into the Women’s Centre. Male therapists, mentors or advisors could, for some women, provide an example of what a healthy relationship is with a man. Melanie identified that such male role models would provide the women with "[...] a sense of connecting toward positive men in their life".

Many of the respondents’ dialogue also Susan: "I've been a better influence surrounded their children, including discussions on my kids and [...] I've been more regarding problems their children are having or involved in my children’s life than I have had in the past, time spent (or lack of) w ith used to be." their kids and ways they would like to help their children. References to their children are always caring: they want to see them, they worry about them, they want to find services for them, they aspire to get them back in their care. Although the interviewer never questioned the participants about children and family, the subject came up on many occasions. Due to the fact that we did not ask each respondent questions pertaining to children, there is no way to know if the women who mentioned them are the only ones who have them. However, for the women who did bring them up, it is evident that their children are very important to them.

Tamara: "My kids were out there [on the streets] as well and I just got my (kids) back into my life."

29 Discussion

Three primary goals that were identified and guided the research process are as follows:

1. Understand the experiences of women who are or were involved in Nanaimo’s sex trade in relation to access to services.

2. Describe barriers associated with access to services for women involved in the sex trade.

3. Identify ways for local service providers to address barriers pertaining to access to services.

Overall, the results have shown that the Stepping Out program provided a place where respondents could "getaway" from their life on the street and escape the stigma imparted on them by society. This led to positive changes in the lives of many of them. Below, each goal is examined in light of the results presented above.

Goal 1: Understand the experiences of women who are or were involved in Nanaimo’s sex trade in relation to access to services.

When addressing the first goal regarding the experiences of women and their access to programs and resources, two specific themes arise.

The first relates to moral boundaries. Results indicated that respondents were reluctant to identify themselves as "sex trade workers” and distanced themselves from this label. For example, the respondents would often identify other women as sex trade workers but would not identify themselves as such. In contrast, the respondents would be more likely to identify the act of exchanging sexual services in exchange for things such as a place to stay, money and drugs/alcohol. Such distancing from the label of sex trade w orker may be interpreted as a response to the stigmatization attached to the sex trade.

Another issue that arises from the interview results concerns struggles maintaining relationships. As seen above, many of the women reported that it was through word-of- mouth that they heard about the program and that they were encouraged to participate in the program. Trust and relationships are therefore important elements to the understanding of women’s access to programs and resources for sex trade workers. A space, like the one offered by the Stepping Out program, provided the opportunity for participants to develop relationships that build trust within a safe, comfortable and accepting environment. This seems to be a valuable asset to any community that is attempting to provide services for this vulnerable population.

30 Goal 2: Describe barriers associated with access to services fo r women involved in the sex trade.

Results indicated three specific factors identified as barriers to accessing programs and resources. The first is the availability of resources, specifically, days of the week when there are limited services and programs available for individuals who are street-entrenched. Weekends are a particularly difficult time when many agencies and service providers are closed.

The second factor is that almost all the respondents identified a lack of trust as a barrier to accessing services. They stated that they need to feel safe before they w ill feel confident enough to approach the type of service that was provided by the Stepping Out program.

The importance of trust also relates to the third element: labelling and stigmatization. The respondents appreciated the Stepping Out program because it provided low-barrier services through a harm reduction program. Women were able to participate in the program regardless of the state they were in (i.e. under the influence), meeting them where they were at that point of their lives. What this meant, according to respondents, was that they did not feel pressured to leave once they got what they came for; they were able to come in and sit down even if they had used drugs or alcohol; they were not preached to about leaving the sex trade; and help was there for what they needed on that day.

Goal 3: Identify ways for local service providers to address barriers pertaining to access to services.

• Low-barrier access to services - results indicate that the provision of low-barrier services is essential to mitigate barriers pertaining to access to services. For example, the respondents stated that they appreciated the ability to access services under the influence; • Harm-reduction model - results indicate the delivery of a harm-reduction model as essential to addressing barriers experienced by women involved in the sex trade, emphasizing meeting women "where they are" and at whatever stage they find themselves in; • Housing support - the results highlight the necessity of housing supports including access to resources to efficiently locate available housing, assistance with the completion of housing applications and supports for maintaining housing; • Access to a comfortable space- a final theme found pertaining to barriers experienced by this population in accessing services surrounds the importance of offering more than just day-to-day needs. Although the day-to-day needs are appreciated and sought after, what is most often identified as important to the respondents was a safe place for socializing, talking and building relationships.

31 Conclusion

This project offers a first step toward understanding access to community programs and resources for women involved in Nanaimo’s sex trade. However, much w ork still needs to be done. While the goals of this study were to acquire specific information pertaining to barriers associated with access to programs and services, it is anticipated that the results w ill also be utilized as a starting point for future research pertaining to Nanaimo's sex trade. For example, respondents highlighted a number of important topics that went beyond the scope of this study. These topics may be of interest for future research and include: services to support mothers in the sex trade; youth prevention programs; employment transitional programs; housing options; and, providing healthy male role models.

In addition, while this study focused exclusively on the experiences of women, specifically on women who participated in the Stepping Out program, little is known about other genders working in Nanaimo's sex trade. An important step towards a complete picture of the sex trade in Nanaimo requires a deeper understanding of the involvement of all genders including men and transgendered individuals, identifying their specific needs and any barriers they might face.

As research on the sex trade w ithin smaller communities in Canada is lacking, the intention of this study was to begin dialogue on the subject. Listening to those who are directly involved in Nanaimo’s sex trade provides a means to more adequately supply resources, programs and services which may increase the safety and well-being of this vulnerable population.

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35 Appendix A: Letter of Consent, Questionnaire

Research Consent Form for Questionnaire

"Barriers associated with access to resources for women in the sex trade: a case study of participants of the Nanaimo Women's Resource Centre's Stepping Out program" May- June 2013

Lisa Marie Barron, BA Sylvie Lafreniere, Ph.D Researcher Primary Investigator Vancouver Island University Vancouver Island University [email protected] [email protected] (250) 753-3245 ext. 2796

We are a Vancouver Island University research team conducting a study on local programs and resources available to women who are or were involved in the sex trade. The goal is to use the information collected to help improve community programs and resources.

In order to get this information, the research team has put together a short questionnaire and interview. The part of the research you are being asked to participate in today is a questionnaire. The questionnaire contains 15 questions on your experiences as a Stepping Out program participant and should take 5 to 10 minutes to complete. The only personal questions include your age group and cultural background.

The choice to complete the questionnaire is entirely yours. You may choose to skip any question in the questionnaire and you may also decline to participate at any time, for any reason, without consequence to you. The answers w ill be anonymous, we don't ask your name and your answers w ill not be connected to you in any way.

The information you give us w ill be used in a report that w ill be made available at the Nanaimo Women's Resource Centre and other community agencies that help women in the sex trade. We expect that this report w ill be used by these agencies to improve programs dedicated to helping women in the sex trade. The information you provide may also be used for a Master’s program thesis (Master of Arts in Community Development, University of

36 Victoria], Once the project has been completed, the questionnaires w ill be destroyed [they w ill be shredded] and the data w ill be deleted.

If you have any concerns about your treatment as a research participant in this study, please contact the VIU Research Ethics Officer, by telephone at 250-753- 3245 (ext. 2665] or by email at [email protected].

I have read and understand the information above. I also understand that I can ask questions and end my participation at anytime, for any reason, with no consequence to me. 1 agree to participate in this study.

Participant’s Signature Date

37 Appendix B: Questionnaire

VANCOUVER ISLAND UNIVERSITY

Questionnaire

The questionnaire contains 15 questions and will take about 5-10 minutes of your time.

Please check the most appropriate box.

1. How old are you? □ 19-25 □ 26-35 □ 36-45 □ 46-55 □ 56-65 □ 66 + □ prefer not to say

2. What racial or ethnic group do you consider yourself to be a part of? (For example: Metis, Filipino, Jamaican, Aboriginal)

3. Did you own or rent a place of residence when you first became a participantof the Stepping Out program? □ Yes □ No

4. Do you currentlyown or rent a place of residence?

38 □ Yes □ No

5. How long have you been a participant of the Stepping Out program? (please indicate number of months or years] ______

6. In one month, how often would you say you participated in the program? □ 1 time □ 2 times □ 3 times □ 4 times

7. What services available through the Stepping Out program have you used in the last year? □ Telephone □ Fax □ Internet □ Clothing or other donated items □ Lunch/ Snacks □ Assistance with paperwork □ Transportation to food bank □ Other

8. Is there anything not available through the Stepping Out program that you feel would be useful?

□ Yes If yes, can you give any examples?

□ No

39 Please show your level of agreement with the following two statements:

9. Through participating in the Stepping Out program, my housing situation has improved (circle one).

Strongly Neutral Strongly agree disagree 1 2 3 4- 5

10. Through participating in the Stepping Out program, m y life has seen positive improvements (circle one).

Strongly Neutral Strongly agree disagree 1 2 3 4 5

11. Do you have any ideas about how to tell women who are or were involved in the sex trade about programs like the Stepping Out program? □ Yes If yes, can you give any examples?

□ No

12. Do you have any ideas about how to get more women to participate in programs like Stepping Out? □ Yes If yes, can you give any examples?

40 □ No

13. Do you have any ideas about how programs, like Stepping Out, could be more helpful for women who are or were involved in the sex trade? □ Yes If yes, can you give any examples?

□ No

14. Now that the Stepping Out program w ill be coming to an end in August, are there any other programs available to you that w ill offer similar resources to that of the Stepping Out program?

15. Would you be interested in participating in an interview about 45 minutes long which w ill ask you more questions about how programs such as Stepping Out can be most helpful to women who are or were involved in the sex trade? A small gift w ill be provided to all those who participate.

□ Yes...please see Lisa Marie Barron to set up an appointment □ No

Thank you for taking the time to fill out our questionnaire!

41 Appendix D: Letter of Consent, Interview

Research Consent Form for Interview

"Barriers associated with access to resources for women in the sex trade: a case study of participants of the Nanaimo Women's Resource Centre's Stepping Out program" June 2013

Lisa Marie Barron, BA Sylvie Lafreniere, Ph.D Researcher Primary Investigator Vancouver Island University Vancouver Island University [email protected] [email protected]

We are a Vancouver Island University research team conducting a study on local programs and resources available to women who are or were involved in the sex trade. The goal is to use the inform ation collected to help improve community programs and resources.

In order to get this information, the research team has put together a questionnaire and interview. The part of the research you are being asked to participate in today is the interview. The interview is designed to gather information on your experiences as a Stepping Out program participant and it should take approximately 45 minutes, depending on your answers. The only personal questions asked are your age group and cultural background. With your permission, the interview w ill be audio recorded.

The choice to participate in the interview is entirely yours. You may choose to skip any question during the interview and you may decline to participate at any time, for any reason, without consequence to you. The answers w ill remain confidential, we don't ask your name and your answers w ill not be connected to you in any way.

The information you give us w ill be used in a report that w ill be made available at the Nanaimo Women's Resource Centre and other community agencies that help women in the sex trade. We expect that this report w ill be used by these agencies to improve programs dedicated to helping women in the sex trade. The information you provide may also be used for a Master's program thesis (Master of Arts in Community Development, University of

42 Victoria]. Once the project has been completed, the questionnaires w ill be destroyed [they w ill be shredded] and the data w ill be deleted.

If you have any concerns about your treatment as a research participant in this study, please contact the VIU Research Ethics Officer, by telephone at 250-753- 3245 [ext. 2665] or by email at [email protected].

I have read and understand the inform ation above. I also understand that I can ask questions and end my participation at anytime, for any reason, with no consequence to me.

I agree to participate in the study Yes No

I agree to my interview being recorded Yes No

Participant’s Signature Date Appendix D: Interview schedule

Stepping Out Program

Interview

The interview you w ill be participating in contains 22 questions w ill take about 30 minutes of your time.

Please check the most appropriate response to the following questions.

1. How old are you?

□ 19-25 □ 26-35 □ 36-45 □ 46-55 □ 56-65 □ 66 + □ prefer not to say

2. How long have you been a participant of the Stepping Out program?

□ Under 1 year □ 1 year + □ 2 years + □ 3 years + □ 4 years + □ Over 5 years

The following are interview questions to be used as a guide fo r the m aterial we would like discussed during the interview process.

44 3. How did you find out about the Stepping Out program?

4. W hat did you think about the Stepping Out program when you first heard about it?

5. a) Did you have any concerns when you first started participating in the Stepping Out program?

b) If yes, do you still have these or other concerns?

6. Do you think other women who are or were involved in the sex trade had or have any concerns about participating in the Stepping Out program?

7. What do you find most useful, if anything, to you as a Stepping Out participant?

8. What do you think is missing, if anything, from the Stepping Out program?

9. Did the things you used while participating in the Stepping Out program change over time?

10. Do you feel the Stepping Out program helped you to live a healthier, happier life?

11. What, if any, positive changes have happened in your life since you became a participant of the Stepping Out program?

12. Did you experience anything negative because of being a participant in the Stepping Out program?

13. Do you have any ideas of ways to tell women who are or were involved in the sex trade about programs such as the Stepping Out program?

14. Did you gain any healthy friendships through the Stepping Out program?

15. a) Is the location of the Stepping Out program convenient for you?

b) If no, can you think of a more convenient location?

45 16. Do you think Nanaimo should offer more programs like the Stepping Out program?

17. Now that the Stepping Out program w ill be closing this August, have you been able to find any other programs or services in Nanaimo like the Stepping Out program?

18. a) When you first started participating in the Stepping Out program, did you feel accepted, safe and comfortable? b) If no, do you have any ideas of what changes could have been made to help you feel accepted, safe and comfortable?

19. a) Do you feel accepted, safe and comfortable as a participant of the Stepping Out program now? b) If no, do you have any ideas of what changes can be made to help you feel accepted, safe and comfortable?

20. Did the Stepping Out program help you to connect with other programs? (For example, food banks, counselling, peer support groups?)

21. Are you involved in any local programs, other than Stepping Out, that help women who were or are involved in the sex trade?

22. Is there anything that you would like to share that you feel would be helpful towards creating programs that help women who are or were involved in the sex trade?

Thankyoufor taking the time to participate in this interview. Please feel free to take with you a small appreciation gift to thank you for your time and important information.

There is contact information with the gift in case you have any questions or comments once you leave. Once the report is finished, a copy w ill be available at the Nanaimo Women's Resource Centre.

46 ATTACHMENT D

DEVELOPING AND INTEGRATING COMMUNITY CONDITIONS TO SUPPORT

SURVIVAL SEX WORKERS

By

SUSAN C. HO W ARD

A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of

the requirements for the degree o f

MASTER OF ARTS in LEADERSHIP

We accept this proposal as conforming

to the required standard

Project Sponsor, Mr. John Horn

Faculty Project Supervisor, David Reagan, EdD

Committee Chair, P. Gerry Nixon, PhD

ROYAL ROADS UNIVERSITY

February 2009

© Susan C. Howard, 2009 Community Support for Survival Sex Workers ii

ABSTRACT

This action research project explored the conditions required to support the development and integration o f community resources to assist women transitioning from survival sex work. Data were gathered through an interview with an experiential expert and a focus group with participants from the sectors of

Aboriginal services, addictions, enforcement, mental health, business, residential, and social services. Findings are survival sex workers possess the strength and capacity to adapt and survive while facing debilitating challenges; numerous factors impede successful service provision; shifting community perspective w ill reduce stigmatization and marginalization of survival sex workers; and an available, cooperative, integrative support system is essential. Conclusions are survival sex workers are extremely vulnerable and resilient; the community needs to support them as fellow citizens and provide coordinated, accessible, and collaborative resources; service providers and agencies need support to maxim ize efficacy and minimize burnout; and systemic community collaboration w ill increase service capacity. Community Support for Survival Sex Workers iii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Beyond the horizon of time is a changed world, very different from today’s world. Some people see beyond that horizon and into the future. They believe that dreams can become reality. They open our eyes and lift our spirits. They build trust and strengthen our relationships. They stand firm against the winds o f resistance and give us courage to continue the quest. We call these people leaders. (Kouzes & Posner, 1995, p. 317)

I would like to express my appreciation for the friends, fam ily, and mentors who supported me in my journey toward the completion o f this thesis, whose encouragement and unshakable belief in me means more than I can express. The love and pride o f my fam ily, including m y son, Richie, and my daughter, Samantha, were m y m otivation and inspiration.

I thank my organizational sponsor, John Horn, who afforded me the opportunity to fulfill my academic dream while participating in an exciting and fruitful community change initiative. To Dr. David Reagan, my project supervisor, words cannot convey how much your calm, clear words o f encouragement have validated me during this experience.

I offer m y deepest appreciation for the excellent editing support from m y editor, Erin, and the encouragement of my RRU colleagues, particularly Alison Bledsoe and Michael

McCarthy. I would like to offer my gratitude to all the people who took the time to fully engage as participants in the research process, notably Lauren Casey, who models the resiliency and values I hold dear.

This journey would not have been possible without the extremely generous support I received from the Beth and B ill Vance Bursary, Dr. Benedikt Fischer, and Dr.

Grace Elliott of Tillicum Lelum . .. hych ’qua.

Early in this project I was inspired by the words of Jody Paterson (2007), who wrote that the late Jannit Rabinovitch had “ despaired her efforts had been for naught. .. Community Support for Survival Sex Workers to give voice to the voiceless” (f 17-18). This thesis is my humble contribution to continuing the difference Jannit made in the lives of women and is dedicated to her memory. Community Support for Survival Sex Workers v

TABLE OF CONTENTS

ABSTRACT ...... ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS...... i i i TABLE OF CONTENTS...... v LIST OF TABLES...... v ii CHAPTER 1: FOCUS AND FRAMING ...... 1 The Opportunity and Its Significance ...... 3 Systems Analysis o f the Opportunity ...... 8 Organizational Context ...... 15 CHAPTER 2: REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE...... 19 Culture and Consequences o f Survival Sex W ork ...... 19 Defining Prostitution ...... 19 Terminology Associated W ith Prostitution ...... 20 Continuum of Sex W ork ...... 22 Representation o f Aboriginal Women ...... 22 Factors Influencing Survival Sex Workers ...... 24 Transitioning Strategies and Approaches ...... 30 The Transition Continuum ...... 30 Peer Support ...... 33 Outreach Services ...... 34 Legal Issues and Court D iversion...... 35 Community Issues Related to Prostitution ...... 37 V isibility of Survival Sex W ork ...... 38 Impact o f Public Fear on the Community ...... 39 Community Development and Social Planning ...... 41 Leadership and Community Change ...... 42 C o n c lu s io n ...... 44 CHAPTER 3: RESEARCH APPROACH AND METHODOLOGY...... 46 Research Approach ...... 46 Project Participants ...... 48 Research Methods and Tools ...... 51 Individual Interview ...... 53 Focus Groups ...... 54 Authenticity and Trustworthiness ...... 55 Study Conduct ...... 56 Data Analysis ...... 60 Categorizing and Coding ...... 61 Use o f Metaphors ...... 62 Ethical Issues ...... 63 Respect for Human D ignity ...... 64 Respect for Informed Consent ...... 64 Respect for Privacy and Confidentiality ...... 65 Respect for Vulnerable Persons ...... 65 Consideration o f Researcher Bias...... 65 C o n c lu s io n ...... 66 Community Support for Survival Sex Workers vi

M e ta p h o rs ...... 68 Study Findings ...... 70 Finding 1: Survival Sex Workers Regularly Face Debilitating Challenges ...... 71 Finding 2: Sex Workers Have the Strength and Capacity to Surviveand Adapt 74 Finding 3: Numerous Factors Impede Successful Service Provision ...... 76 Finding 4: An Available, Cooperative, Integrative System o f Support Is Essential.... 77 Finding 5: Shifting Community Perspective W ill Reduce Stigma and Marginalization 80 Finding 6: Resources Are Being Used in Other Communities Addressing Similar Issues ...... 82 Conclusions ...... 84 Conclusion 1: Survival Sex workers Are Extremely Vulnerable and Resilient ...... 84 Conclusion 2: The Community Needs to Support Survival Sex Workers as Fellow C itiz e n s ...... 86 Conclusion 3: Resources Must Be Coordinated, Collaborative, and Accessible 89 Conclusion 4: Service Providers Need to Be Supported Personally and Professionally ...... 93 Conclusion 5: Systemic Community Collaboration W ill Increase Service Capacity... 95 Scope and Limitations o f the Research ...... 97 C o n c lu s io n ...... 98 CHAPTER 5: RESEARCH IMPLICATIONS...... 100 Study Recommendations ...... 100 Recommendation 1: Develop a Wraparound Continuum o f Care ...... 101 Recommendation 2: Develop a Plan to Fund A Dedicated F acility ...... 103 Recommendation 3: Form Partnerships W ith Other Communities ...... 106 Recommendation 4: Provide Training and Support to Nonprofit Agencies ...... 108 Recommendation 5: Strengthen and Restructure Enforcement Practices ...... 110 Recommendation 6: Educate and Include the Community in the Change Process.... 112 Study Recommendations Conclusion ...... 114 Organizational Implications ...... 115 Implications for Future Research ...... 116 C o n c lu s io n ...... 117 CHAPTER 6: LESSONS LEARNED...... 118 Ideal Learning Is Collaborative— Invite Others into the Process ...... 118 Effective Learning Hinges on Communication—Employ Active Listening Skills 119 Leadership Embraces Change— A llow Events to U nfold ...... 120 Maintaining a Posture o f Self-Awareness Incites Personal Growth ...... 121 REFERENCES ...... 123 Appendix A: Letter o f Invitation and Research Consent Form ...... 136 Appendix B: Individual Interview Questions ...... 138 Appendix C: Focus Group Questions ...... 139 Community Support for Survival Sex Workers v ii

LIST OF TABLES

Table 1. Participant Summary by Data Collection Method...... Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 1

C H A P TE R 1: FOCUS A N D F R A M IN G

The City of Nanaimo (the City) in British Columbia (BC) is committed to taking action to address safety, security, poverty and exclusion in the downtown area, paying particular attention to those who congregate in the area and may be addicted, homeless, and engage in prostitution. In spite o f increased policing, innovative bylaw enforcement, and private security measures employed by businesses in the downtown core, visible criminal activity, prostitution, and consequent social problems are still a major concern.

This has negatively impacted the C ity’s revitalization efforts to develop a thriving and viable community.

The social planner for the City, John Horn, suggested that I research ways to supportively reduce the number o f visible street prostitutes as the focus o f my action research project. Although it was a leadership stretch to conduct research for an organization I was somewhat unfamiliar with, as a citizen and as an addictions counsellor known to have worked extensively w ith the target population, I approached the project as an op p o rtu n ity to act as a consultant.

There are few professionals or agencies in Nanaimo dedicated to helping women transition out o f survival sex work or reduce the harm associated w ith that lifestyle. The problems have exceeded the solutions offered by agencies and professionals whose mandates are not directly related to prostitution; a one-size-fits-all approach to addictions treatment, housing initiatives, and crime reduction strategies may not be effective.

Specific approaches to gender and substance abuse may need to be applied in developing services for street prostitutes. Through consultation w ith the City, it appeared that Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 2 dedicated, integrated initiatives w ithin the community were needed to support the reduction o f street prostitution.

There is an abundance o f research focused on street-level prostitution, yet recommended “programs and services still have not been implemented” (Casey &

Paterson, 2008, p. 1). The goal o f my project was not to repeat the research, but to analyze existing and ongoing data and recommendations to bring forward innovative solutions to the m ultiple concerns associated w ith street-level prostitution raised by the

C ity o f Nanaimo. I proposed to explore the unique issues faced by sex workers as w ell as search for possible community partnerships to establish a dedicated service to support street prostitutes in Nanaimo, particularly those wishing to exit prostitution. Exiting prostitution is not the equivalent o f stopping prostitution. Exiting, for the purposes o f this research project, is defined as “being drug free, re-integrated w ith fam ily contact, being in education, training or work, having a secure home, gaining financial independence and developing a new sense o f self’ (Matthews, 2008, p. 89).

Through an exploration o f the needs o f prostitutes, established sex-work-specific services in other communities in BC, and existing resources and potential stakeholders in

Nanaimo, this research project aimed to actively support the development o f an achievable wrap-around program for Nanaimo’s sex workers. The primary question my action research addressed is, “ What conditions w ill support the development and integration o f community resources to assist women in transitioning from survival sex work?” The subquestions were as follows:

1. What resources or supports need to be in place?

2. What barriers or obstacles need to be removed? Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 3

3. What approaches and strategies effectively support women transitioning from

survival sex work?

The Opportunity and Its Significance

In 2003, the City o f Nanaimo developed a Social Development Strategy Steering

Committee, which commissioned the Social Development Strategy for Nanaimo to respond to significant social issues. The themes that emerged from the strategy included asset-based development, early intervention and prevention, a recognition o f root causes and a focus on the factors underlying social issues, the value o f inclusion and the diverse needs of overlooked members o f the community, and a recognition o f the importance of collaboration and partnership (John Talbot & Associates Inc., 2004). It was felt that the public was generally unaware o f the true extent o f social and public health issues related to substance misuse, a dominant harm associated w ith prostitution, and that “ information as to numbers and associated impacts is needed to make the case for more funding” (John

Talbot & Associates Inc., 2004, p. 11).

The C ity’s perspective is one o f reducing the associated harm to individuals, neighbourhoods, business profitability, and the reputation o f the community. John Horn

(personal communication, January 21, 2008), the C ity’s social planner who coordinates community, government, and civic departments to address Nanaimo’s emerging and critical social issues (City o f Nanaimo, 2008b), identified some broad goals he hoped would ultimately be met through the development of prostitute-specific community resources: (a) a reduction in the number o f visible street prostitutes, achieved in a supportive manner; (b) a reduction in the associated traffic o f drug dealers, drug addicts, and pimps; (c) a reduction in the associated public fear o f the downtown core; (d) a Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 4 reduction in prolific crime offences; and (e) a reduction of the recruitment o f children and youth into sex work.

Some o f the initiatives committed to by the City as a result o f the social development strategy indirectly address the problem o f street sex work in the downtown core. They include the Safer Downtown Nanaimo Project, Safer City Initiative,

Nanaimo’s W orking Group on Homelessness Issues, and the Nanaimo Alcohol and Drug

Action Committee. A goal developed through the strategy was to provide adequate emergency, supportive, and transitional housing,

which addresses the diverse needs o f all members o f the com m unity... [maximizing the] safety and security o f all members o f the community by preventing and reducing the opportunities for, as w ell as addressing the root causes o f .. . criminal activity and violence. (John Talbot & Associates Inc., 2004, p. 8)

The stakeholders o f these initiatives and committees, including the police, social agencies, government representatives, and concerned citizens, have indicated their interest in supporting strategic change through their active participation in the strategic initiatives.

The City has impressively addressed and implemented the m ajority o f the recommendations o f the strategy and is now building on them by refining and refocusing on other areas o f need, such as sex work. John Horn (personal communication, January

21, 2008), the social planner, expressed a commitment to respecting a culture o f diversity and safety and resolving social issues w ith integrity and compassion. As a learning organization, the City appears committed to “ learn rapidly and use the knowledge to become more effective” (Yukl, 2006, p. 183). Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 5

The potential benefits o f this research project for Nanaimo are numerous and w ill greatly enhance the C ity’s current strategic goals and social planning initiatives. The City is in a pivotal position and has the opportunity to move beyond investigating the issues related to survival sex work in the downtown core to create change leading to resolution.

The vision statement developed from the C ity’s social development strategy emphasizes the leadership potential o f the research project and the willingness o f the City as the sponsoring organization to consider taking action on a critical social issue. M y research project goals align w ith those embedded in the C ity’s mission statement:

Nanaimo w ill be known as a community which nurtures a caring, healthy, inclusive and safe environment which empowers and enables its citizens to realize their aspirations and hopes. It w ill also be known as a leader in addressing social issues through its commitment to capacity building and partnering. (City of Nanaimo, 2008a, p. 8)

Prostitution is “ a repeat cycle” (Raymond, Hughes, & Gomez, 2001, p. 85) that overlaps w ith cycles o f addiction, economic change, and mental health responses.

Studies consistently indicate that women and children who are exploited in the local sex industry (i.e. not trafficked) have experienced similar economic deprivation, alongside a history o f sexual abuse. Homelessness, institutionalization and drug addiction are some o f the additional factors making them vulnerable to enter into prostitution. (O’Connor & Healy, 2006, p. 6)

Prostitutes are sexual abuse victim s, not criminals (Huda, 2006), yet they are far more likely to be targeted by police, arrested, and penalized than pimps (Raymond et al.,

2001).

The Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) estimated in 2003 that there were

164 known street-level sex workers in Nanaimo (Tobias, 2003) within an estimated municipal population in 2007 o f 83,469and an estimated regional population in 2007 of

147,455 (BC Stats, Service BC, M inistry o f Labour and Citizens’ Services, 2007). Casey Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 6

(2008) suggested that approximately 15% o f Canadian sex work is street based. Given that percentage, one could therefore estimate that in Nanaimo in 2003 there were over

1,000 women working in sex work in different capacities, including escort services, massage parlours, exotic dancing, Internet sex services, and indoor and street prostitution.

This amounts to 1.2% of the municipal Nanaimo population. Additionally, when sex work is present, so are pimps, johns, and others who benefit from sex work, substantially increasing the number o f community members involved directly in prostitution.

The C ity’s Social Planning Division is actively addressing the associated problems o f addiction, mental health, and public health concerns plaguing the street population who congregate in the downtown core and pose challenges to the C ity’s efforts to revitalize the neighbourhood and fu lfill the community vision that the downtown neighbourhood form “the ‘heart’ o f the city” (City of Nanaimo, 2008a, 1 1).

Signs o f stress noted in the downtown core o f Nanaimo include “ open drug dealing and drug use, open prostitution and evidence o f sex acts, increasing loitering and increasing numbers o f homeless persons” (C ity o f Nanaimo, 2005, p. 7). The social planner (J.

Horn, personal communication, January 21, 2008) realizes that much o f the unwelcome activity in the downtown region is focused on the activities o f sex workers and those who associate w ith them.

According to Tobias’ 2003 study of 20 o f Nanaimo’s street-level sex workers, there were “no organizations specifically dedicated to assist prostitutes in gaining life skills that w ill enhance their ability to exit the sex trade” (p. 35). Respondents recommended that services be developed that embraced a harm reduction philosophy Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 7 offered in “ a safe, non judgmental manner .. .[by] knowledgeable staff w ith experience in drug addiction, trauma and the sex trade ... to promote positive role models” (p. 36).

Major efforts have been made by the City in partnership with community organizations to address the urgent conditions o f homelessness in the m unicipality o f

Nanaimo, where the median household income o f $50,482 is lower than the provincial average o f $54,840 and where 15.2% o f residents report low incomes, notably higher than the provincial average o f 13.9% (BC Stats, Service BC, M inistry o f Labour and

Citizens’ Services, 2007). Nanaimo also has a higher unemployment rate as compared to the province, and affordable housing is a problem w ith 41% o f households in rental housing spending between 30% to 90% o f their income on rent (Nanaimo’s W orking

Group on Homelessness Issues, 2003) and rent costs averaging $642 per month (BC

Stats, Service BC, M inistry o f Labour and Citizens’ Services, 2007). This creates a grim picture for women engaged in sex work who live in a cycle o f poverty and homelessness and offers little promise for reprieve should they exit this lifestyle.

According to Raymond et al. (2001), 92% o f American prostitutes use drugs and alcohol as a way o f coping w ith abuse and experiences in prostitution. Attempts to combat organized crime, drug and alcohol abuse, and poverty are often “ insufficient and unsuccessful” (John Talbot & Associates Inc., 2004, p. 1). However, the City is determined through its commitment to this project to

identify opportunities for collaboration and partnership in addressing social issues; identify new community development initiatives in order to improve livability and quality o f life; [and] serve as a guide and resource for government, community groups and service providers in both program planning and service delivery. (John Talbot & Associates Inc., 2004, p. 2) Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 8

A major influence within the Social Planning Division o f the City is the Social

Planning Advisory Committee, established by City Council in 1991. The Social Planning

Advisory Committee consists o f nine community-at-large members and representatives from the School Board; the Parks, Recreation and Culture Commission; and City

Council. It offers a broad social perspective on the city’s social needs and issues to City

Council and staff and liaise w ith community groups, agencies, the general public, and government sectors. They serve 3-year terms upon appointment by City Council and administer various grant and awards programs.

In 2002, the Social Planning Advisory Committee initiated a collaborative process w ith key community partners to create a social development strategy for Nanaimo. It significantly contributed to ongoing social planning by collaborating with community partners to create the Social Development Strategy and Steering Committee, which has representation from a broad range o f social and economic interests including public agencies, nonprofit organizations, private businesses, local merchants, and schools. A 12- month public consultation process followed. The C ity’s response to the concerns raised by this strategy has been impressive, w ith numerous recommendations initiated and completed. As a result o f the raised awareness o f the associated problems o f addiction, homelessness, and mental health concerns in Nanaimo’s prostitution population, the City committed to this research project and the action envisioned.

Systems Analysis o f the Opportunity

Sex work has deep roots in history and is “ coeval w ith society” (Sanger, 1921, p.

35). A “ global industry, where sex is traded for money, clothing, food, drugs, shelter, or favors” (Stark & Hodgson, 2003, p. 19), the associated consequences o f prostitution for Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 9 women such as violence, trauma, addiction, homelessness, basic health problems, and loss of supportive relationships determine a global social responsibility. The United

Nations has deemed that “the human rights o f women and o f the girl-child are an inalienable, integral and indivisible part o f universal human rights” (“Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action,” as cited in Office o f the High Commissioner for Human

Rights, p. 1) and put the onus on governments to

consider and act upon the conditions which are at the root o f female prostitution: underdevelopment, poverty, drug abuse, illiteracy, and lack o f training, education and employment opportunities [as well as] “provide women w ith alternatives to prostitution by creating opportunities through rehabilitation, job-training and job- referral programmes. (“ Convention on the Elimination o f A ll Forms of Discrimination against Women,” as cited in Office o f the High Commissioner for Human Rights, 1993, p. 7)

This commitment reflects a powerful potential to create a conceptual framework o f the culture o f sex work and o f a globally shared vision to “unshackle underprivileged people from dominant ideologies and power structures” (Flood, 2001, p. 141).

Sex work has always been technically legal in Canada, where Sections 210-213 o f the Crim inal Code only relate to offences regarding the operation o f common bawdy- houses, attempts to solicit, and solicitation for the puiposes o f prostitution in a public place (Rodrigues, 1994). The Criminal Code does make it challenging to prostitute without breaking the law and reflects a silent goal to keep sex work o ff the streets and out o f the public eye. Globally and nationally, much emphasis is placed on the debate o f decriminalizing or legalizing prostitution, as well as on the issues o f child sexual exploitation and the international trafficking o f women for the purposes o f prostitution, yet through the lens o f international human rights, the negative impact o f prostitution on individuals and the responsibility o f the state to support its victims still prevail. Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 10

The Canadian government has only recently taken a clear position on this issue. In

2006, the Standing Committee on Justice and Human Rights (2006) stated,

The government must also work w ith other levels of government, institutions, and non-governmental organizations to develop exit strategies to assist those involved in prostitution who wish to leave in regaining control o f their lives. . . . The Subcommittee believes that a better understanding o f the causes and impacts o f prostitution is essential to the implementation o f policies and programs that w ill have a positive impact on the lives o f individuals engaged in prostitution and communities in general, (pp. 87-88)

In a letter responding to the committee’s recommendations, Robert Nicholson

(n.d.), M inister o f Justice, declared that the Canadian government “ continues to address prostitution by focusing on reducing its prevalence. This involves prevention, education and awareness initiatives, supporting programs that encourage those involved in the sex trade toward exit programs, and focusing on consistent enforcement o f the crim inal law”

(The Way Forward section, f 2)

Provincially, in 1995 the British Columbia Interministerial Assistant Deputy

M inister Committee on Prostitution and the Sexual Exploitation o f Youth developed a

Provincial Action Plan on Prostitution. Among the recommendations that were implemented was the formation in 1996 o f a Provincial Prostitution Unit, which established Community Action Teams throughout the province consisting o f “provincial and municipal government representatives, service providers, youth, caregivers, and other concerned individuals who work together at the community level to address prostitution- related issues” (Government o f Canada, 2003, Article 6:1029). The resulting Nanaimo

Community Action Team has essentially been inactive for the past 3 years.

Cognizant o f the human rights o f the women within the community, the City of

Nanaimo is determined to address the social issue o f prostitution and develop Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 11 recommendations consistent w ith federal recommendations for the development o f dedicated community resources to support the development o f a “ systemic understanding o f the multihued, multidimensional reality o f the whole, extraordinary system” (Gerzon,

2006, p. 95). Nanaim o’s location as the central access point for sex workers from other communities makes it unlikely that the visible sex work population w ill diminish or dissolve. Indeed, Nanaimo shares much o f its transient sex work population w ith urban centres such as Victoria and Vancouver. The City is looking to understand the culture o f this population and develop shared responses to provide support (J. Horn, personal communication, January 21, 2008).

In other urban communities throughout Canada, dedicated supports include peer support services, court diversion programs, residential programs for women exiting sex work, educational and community awareness programs aimed at reducing the sexual exploitation o f children and youth, and residential and day-treatment programs designed specifically for sex workers w ith drug- and alcohol-dependence issues. In Nanaimo there are few services w holly committed to supporting sex workers beyond some residential and outreach supports and mental health and additions services, as well as drop-in support at the Women’s Resource Centre. These services do not necessarily address or support many o f the specific issues and concerns faced by sex workers. Prostitution and drug/alcohol addiction can be seen as dual disorders, and the addition o f mental health disorders commonly faced by sex workers can create a triad o f disorders. These are compounded by circumstances commonly faced by women in street prostitution such as homelessness due to a lack o f affordable housing; poverty; unsafe environments and relationships, which lead to violence, trauma, and drug and alcohol addictions; and a lack Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 12 o f education and skill or opportunity to make positive changes (Hotaling, Burris,

Johnson, Bird, & Melbye, 2003).

The Nanaimo Women’s Centre received $45,000 in federal funding in 2007

(Government o f Canada News Centre, 2007) to provide drop-in and life skills support for street prostitutes. The Government’s Homelessness Partnering Strategy also provided

$302,450 to Haven Society for The W illow Wrap Around Initiative Integrated Housing

Program (Government o f Canada News Centre, 2008), known locally as W illow Wai, which provides long-term residential support for exiting sex work. However, neither funding objective is sustainable (J. Horn, personal communication, June 18, 2008).

The inclusion of Tillicum Lelum Native Friendship Centre as a key stakeholder was integral to this research. The centre offers a wide array o f services to the aboriginal population o f Nanaimo, including health services and outreach needle exchange in the downtown area. Aids Vancouver Island is also an active participant in addressing health concerns related to H IV and AIDS among Nanaimo’s sex workers, offering free testing, needle exchange, counselling, and harm reduction approaches to sex workers.

The RCMP in Nanaimo, funded by the municipality, has demonstrated a commitment to supporting women in sex work who suffer from drug addiction by offering them the opportunity to attend Clearview Detox in lieu o f charges when they are arrested for solicitation. Opening up choices such as this reduces the effects o f isolating and intimidating sex workers, which often occurs under heavy enforcement, even lim iting their ability to exit street-level work (Pivot Legal Society, 2007). Crown Counsel demonstrated its support o f this initiative by ensuring sex workers’ release on the condition they attend and participate in detoxification. The RCMP also offer johns Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 13 arrested in prostitution stings the opportunity to attend restorative justice sessions w ith the John Howard Society to receive education and address harm through fees payable to

Clearview Detox (S. Baher, personal communication, A pril 13, 2008).

W hile in Clearview Detox, sex workers have the opportunity to be referred for outpatient addictions counselling at the Adult Addictions Clinic funded by the Vancouver

Island Health Authority. They also can be referred for residential supportive recovery treatment at Athena House, which is run by Clearview Detox, or to the W illow Wai program, which provides them w ith stable housing and life skills training for up to a year.

The success o f this court-diversion strategy has been largely dependent on the vision and initiative o f members who develop positive relationships w ith the sex workers. Court diversion also reduces the possibility o f criminal records and encourages making positive choices (The Prostitution Awareness and Action Foundation o f Edmonton [PAAFE],

2007).

The municipally funded RCMP is currently partaking in a Prolific Offender

Management Project being piloted by the M inistry o f Public Safety and Solicitor General to address recidivism through an evidence-based wraparound team approach in partnership w ith community resources. This project may eventually target some o f the sex workers in the downtown core, yet without effective, evidence-based treatment approaches in place for sex workers, the City recognizes the potential benefit for prolific offenders involved in sex work may be lost (J. Horn, personal communication, January

21, 2008). The active involvement o f police, courts, and the legal system may contribute to alleviating public perception and fear o f crime in the downtown core. This is significant as 42% of British Columbians, compared to 10% o f Atlantic Canadians, cite Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 14 crime as a community priority (Roberts, 2001), reflecting a need for local government to respond to public safety concerns and perceptions. Fear o f the Nanaimo downtown core is an experience shared by businesses, the City, residents, and social service providers

(City o f Nanaimo, 2005).

The residents o f the neighbourhood of Nob H ill in downtown Nanaimo have formed a social committee to address concerns about sex workers and drug addicts who frequent the community park and streets. They have also created a blog on the Internet called Dear John Nanaimo (http://dearjohnnanaimo.blogspot.com/) to identity sex worker users, their vehicles, and licence plate numbers in an effort to deter patrolling for sex workers in the neighbourhood. The Downtown Business Merchants o f Nanaimo is committed to revitalization o f the area and to a reduction o f public fear. Its philosophy is based on “ local leadership” and “ action-oriented change” (Main Street National Trust for

Historic Preservation, 2000), enhancing the potential for including residents and merchants as stakeholders in this opportunity.

Developing a worldview of sex work reflects the interrelatedness o f all stakeholders in the system (Flood, 2001). This action research project sought to stimulate learning and a common language in understanding sex work in Nanaimo, as well as develop a vision through the “ reinforcing process o f increasing clarity, enthusiasm, communication and commitment” (Senge, 2006, p. 211). The C ity recognizes that the time has come to directly address the specific needs o f sex workers on the streets and expand the supportive initiatives currently in place (J. Horn, personal communication,

January 21, 2008), which reflect caring and commitment to a shared vision (Senge,

2006). There exists a rich opportunity in Nanaimo to form collaborations w ith social Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 15 services agencies, in partnership w ith the legal, medical, and business communities under the umbrella o f a dedicated service to support women engaged in prostitution. Achieving an appreciative and collective dynamic o f community stakeholders grounds the potential o f this action research project to achieve “thoughtful tolerance” (Flood, 2001, p. 143) of the community’s sex workers and to “broaden action and deepen research” (Flood, 2001, p. 143).

Organizational Context

Since its incorporation as a coal-mining city on December 26, 1874, the City of

Nanaimo has served a different community (City o f Nanaimo, 2008a). Nanaimo has become the second largest urban centre on Vancouver Island, w ith an estimated population in 2007 o f 83,469 people (BC Stats, Service BC, M inistry o f Labour and

Citizens’ Services, 2007). The Coast Salish natives first inhabited the area thousands o f years ago and named it Sne-ney-mous, meaning meeting place; indeed, it remains a gathering place, including among others marginalized, transient people moving through the urban triangle o f the port cities o f Victoria, Vancouver, and Nanaimo (City of

Nanaimo, 2008a).

The City o f Nanaimo is currently under the administration o f mayor John

Ruttanand eight City Council members appointed through municipal elections that are held every 3 years. Under their direction, the city manager and three general managers administer the municipality. Ted Swabey manages Development Services, which includes the Planning and Development Division responsible for the development of policies and programs that support the achievement o f the vision identified by the community in Plan Nanaimo, the official community plan. This vision is one reflecting “ a Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 16 community that respects people... .Change in the city w ill be based on the foundation of community participation” (City of Nanaimo, 2008a, 1). The objectives o f the community vision are considered “criteria for determining wellness,” (City o f Nanaimo,

2008a, 1 2) which speaks to the C ity’s commitment to positive change. These objectives aim to (a) provide leadership for change, (b) support and foster community based initiatives, (c) build partnerships to facilitate the growth o f a healthy community, and (d) work cooperatively to achieve the community vision (City o f Nanaimo, 2008a, f 2).

The mission statement o f the City reflects its dedication to improving the lives o f its citizens w ith a “purpose to preserve, protect and enhance the quality o f life in

Nanaimo through the facilitation o f municipal services in an equitable, efficient and effective manner” (City o f Nanaimo, 2008a). The City o f Nanaimo as an organization demonstrates transformational leadership where core values are embedded w ithin its philosophical approach and even the language is inclusive. These values consist o f the fo llo w in g :

Honesty: We deal openly and directly w ith our peers and customers. Integrity. We do what we say, and we live by our values. Quality. We provide the best possible service w ith the resources available. Teamwork: We work together to achieve our common goals. Accountability. We accept responsibility for our decisions and actions. Pride: We have a personal commitment and dedication to our work and customer. Respect: We treat our peers and customers w ith courtesy and dignity. Communication'. We share information and gather feedback throughout the organization and w ith our customers. (City o f Nanaimo, 2008a,f 4)

W ith Nanaimo sharing a similar social concern over street prostitution w ith other urban British Columbian communities, it is tim ely for the City to review its response to survival sex work. The broader brush strokes o f many o f the C ity’s designs to alleviate concerns over the downtown street population can no longer be applied to the women Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 17 involved in sex work, as the City now commits to the creation o f specific approaches to support their safe exit from the streets (J. Horn, personal communication, January 21,

2008).

Social Planning is a sector o f Community Planning w ithin the Planning and

Development Department o f the Development Services Division of the City o f Nanaimo.

Prim arily policy driven, the department is responsible for the C ity’s long-range planning policy, such as the O fficial Community Plan, as well as neighbourhood, environmental, social and heritage planning initiatives. The department works w ith the community to define and achieve its vision for the future o f the city. The City o f Nanaimo’s Social

Planning Department has been actively involved with merchants, social services agencies, and consultants in formulating ways to reduce the visibility and social impact o f those involved in sex work, addiction, and homelessness, while endeavouring to find ways to support their improved health and safety. The social planner “provides support and information to Nanaimo’s social agencies, brings together key people to address emerging social issues” (C ity o f Nanaimo, 2008b, ^ 2).

“Responding to the needs o f the unstable state and instability in social life .. . requires reflexive, courageous and creative thinking” (Morton-Cooper, 2000, p. 17).

Through creatively engaging in community situations, as suggested by this research project, the C ity is better supported to use its power to act on them (Block, 2000).

Bellman (1990) stated, “A problem well defined is halfway to solution” (p. 79), which aptly describes the commitment the City o f Nanaimo shares w ith me in undertaking this project and our mutual vision to lead the community toward positive change. Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 18

The City o f Nanaimo is poised to move beyond meeting the broader needs o f the community’s homeless and address the urgent needs o f specific populations including those women in the community whose survival depends on their engagement in street prostitution. M y research has provided appropriate, viable, and validated recommendations to support launching transformative action to achieve sustainable solutions and options for survival sex workers in the community o f Nanaimo and in other comparable communities. Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 19

CHAPTER 2: REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE

This literature review explores the core concepts relevant to my research question, which asks what conditions w ill support the development and integration o f community resources to assist women in transitioning from survival sex work. The literature has provided me w ith a frame o f reference for drawing comparisons, making correlations, and applying reflective inquiry.

In this chapter I examine the literature on prostitution, looking at the suggestibility o f the terminology involved and the unique conditions and impacts o f prostitution on women and their communities. I explore Aboriginal involvement in the survival sex trade along w ith the effects o f prostitution on the physical, psychological, financial, social, and spiritual domains o f women’s lives. I then examine transitioning strategies for survival sex workers, including peer mentorship, outreach, court diversion, education, and other areas o f social support. Finally, I discuss the literature on community issues related to prostitution, which clarifies the role o f community development and social planning w ithin this process and provided me w ith a conceptual context for understanding how the City o f Nanaimo can foster unique opportunities to contribute to the development o f integrated community support for women involved in survival sex work.

Culture and Consequences o f Survival Sex Work

Defining Prostitution

Sex work in this research project refers to a contractual arrangement for sexual services for “ an explicitly agreed upon payment” (Kuo, 2005, p. 57). Intimacy, commonly associated w ith sexual activity, is not requisite in sex work. Prostitutes Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 20 provide sex in exchange for money, clothing, food, drags, shelter, favours (Stark &

Hodgson, 2003), or other items o f value. “ Canadian legislation has defined the exchange o f sexual services for financial compensation as ‘prostitution’” (Pivot Legal Society,

2007, p. 2).

Terminology Associated With Prostitution

A consideration o f terminology is important, because words reflect disparate opinions on social issues. Language is powerful, and for women engaged in prostitution who wear other demoralizing labels such as drug addict, mentally ill, homeless, and diseased, the additional delineation of prostitute is stigmatizing, traumatizing, and disheartening. The dualism reflected in euphemisms has contributed to an ongoing debate on their meaning and intent, adding to a polarized understanding and interpretation o f the issue (Matthews, 2008). Euphemisms are powerful in transmitting messages and interpreting meaning. For example, the term sex worker, used to describe women actively involved in or having exited sex work, is a popular euphemism in Canada, the United

States, and Holland (Farley, 2003).

According to the Report o f the UN Special Rapporteur (Huda, 2006), terms such as sex work and sex worker reflect “ a profound misinterpretation o f the current practice of prostitution throughout the w orld.... the sharp distinction between the ‘exploitation of prostitution’ and ‘forced labour’ would be conflated by the use o f the terms ‘sex work’,

‘sex workers’ and ‘clients’” (p. 10). According to Davidson (1998), only about 1% of women engage in prostitution o f their own volition rather than through coercion or for survival. Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 21

Farley (2003) suggested there were “ organizations that obscure the harm o f prostitution” (p. xvi) by indicating that it is a job or form o f labour, where sex workers are active contributors to the local economy. It then becomes im plicit that prostitution is a voluntary practice. Prostitution is more commonly a survival option (Farley, 2003), resulting in enduring harm to the women who engage in it. Matthews (2008) has added to the debate on euphemisms, suggesting that the term sex w ork contributes to “ distancing, sanitizing and rationalizing prostitution” (p. 41), where the word work, normally used to reflect the impersonal sale o f labour, now reflects the sale o f “ an intimate part o f oneself from which it is difficult, if not impossible, to disassociate oneself’ (p. 41).

However, not all sex workers have experienced abuse, violence, exploitation, trauma, and neglect. They have varied backgrounds; some have made the deliberate choice to work in the sex industry (Casey & Paterson, 2008) and some “ experience prostitution positively” (Kramer, 2003, p. 188). The term sex worker is seen by some to reflect a political orientation that advocates for improved working conditions (Matthews,

2008).

It is not my intent to be linguistically prescriptive, but to remain cognizant and respectful o f all perspectives, particularly those reflected in the language used by the stakeholders and participants in this research project. Therefore, for the purposes o f this project, I use the terms sex worker, sex work, prostitute, and prostitution to describe women engaged in prostitution, survival sex w ork to describe street-based prostitution, and transitioning and exiting to describe the process o f moving away from street-based survival sex work, whether to other venues or out o f the sex trade altogether. In the same vein, I w ill use the terms client, customer, john, and prostitute user for those who transact Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 22 w ith sex workers and the term pim p for those “ who coerce, groom, abuse and exploit women involved in prostitution” (Matthews, 2008, p. 132).

Continuum o f Sex Work

The imagery evoked by the word prostitution is far removed from those popular media depictions o f high-priced working girls commanding large sums for sexual services, which fail to expose the potential harm to the women (Farley, 2003). Sex work occurs in many venues, and only a small percent o f prostitutes are engaged in visible street prostitution (Benoit & M illar, 2001; Rabinovitch, 2003), although the numbers are often higher in larger urban centres (Arnold, Stewart, & McNeece, 2000). Sex work is conducted in escort agencies, massage parlours, bawdy houses, brothels, bath houses, bars, and night clubs (Rabinovitch, 2003), as well as karaoke bars, trick pads, private homes, public docks, back alleys, parks, truck stops, fishing boats (McCreary Youth

Foundation, 2004), and exotic dance and strip venues (Rabinovitch, 2003; Ugarte, Zarate,

& Farley, 2003). This study focuses on women who prostitute on the street for their survival. “ Street prostitutes, particularly those who work in the ‘bad areas’ o f town, or the

Tow stroll’, make the least money and have the lowest status in this hierarchy” (Lewis,

Maticka-Tyndate, Shaver, & Shramm, 2005, p. 149).

Representation o f Aboriginal Women

The westernized archetype of Aboriginal women is often a caricature o f a fetching maiden or Indian princess, associated w ith the western frontier o f colonialism

(Valaskakis, 1999) and characterized by the image o f Pocahontas, whose “ social imaginary is m onolithic, a representation rooted in ambiguous, sexualized fantasies that construct her cultural identity” (p. 123). Her story functions as a compelling depiction o f Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 23 the stark reality o f miscegenation. Being Aboriginal and female, Native women are double dehumanized as squaws (LaRocque, 1994) and “ devalued, defiled and objectified” (Valaskakis, 1999, p. 123).This contributes to the commonly held notion that

Aboriginal women are sexually available at any cost to non-Aboriginal men. The ssignificance o f this stereotype is m ultifold and reflects real concerns related to social perceptions o f Aboriginal women and girls involved in prostitution:

Many concerns and issues face Aboriginal women, especially in the urban centres. A few examples include racism, poverty, housing, health and welfare, education and skills for meaningful employment, unemployment, transportation, alcoholism and its consequences, increasing youth prostitution and suicides. (Oulette, 2002, p. 86)

There is disproportionate Aboriginal representation among Canadian prostitutes

(Amnesty International Canada, 2004; Rabinovitch, 2003). In a Canadian study in the downtown eastside o f Vancouver, 52% o f prostitutes described themselves as Aboriginal or Metis (Farley et al., 2003). According to Statistics Canada (2008), in 2006 Aboriginal people account for 3.8% o f the Canadian population. This suggests a gross and tragic overrepresentation o f Aboriginal women and girls in prostitution and further reflects the sustained negative impact o f colonization (Farley et.al, 2003). Furthermore, urban

Aboriginal survival sex workers need support w ith complex issues, often feeling “ caught between two worlds, the Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal” (Oulette, 2002, p. 88). This struggle is compounded by the feeling, described by many women transitioning from survival sex work, of being “ suspended between two worlds” (Mansson & Hedin, 1999, p. 72), struggling in the space between a fam iliar subculture and the culture o f the mainstream world outside o f prostitution. Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 24

Factors Influencing Survival Sex Workers

Engel (1977) pioneered the biopsychosocial approach to treatment, which is now a mainstay in therapeutic approaches, including mental health and addictions, as a tool to explore personal change processes:

The proposed biopsychosocial model provides a blueprint for research, a framework for teaching, and a design for action in the real world o f health care.. . . In a free society, outcome w ill depend upon those who have the courage to try new paths and the wisdom to provide the necessary support, (p. 136)

The model resonated w ith clinicians seeking more empathic and compassionate approaches to helping others (Borrell-Carrio, Suchman, & Epstein, 2004).

Understanding from a biopsychosocial perspective the factors that influence women involved in survival sex work contributes to a further understanding o f the holistic continuum o f services needed for their successful transitioning from the negative aspects o f their trade. Exploring the additional dimension o f the spiritual, where spirituality is understood to mean “ an active process in that individuals are empowered, puiposeful beings capable o f seeking well being” (W ills, 2007, p. 434) w ill support a more comprehensive understanding o f the literature related to survival sex work.

Using a biological perspective, Farley and Barkan’s (1998) study on violence and posttraumatic stress disorder w ith prostitutes in San Francisco captured statistics that may typify the experiences o f many survival sex workers. O f the 130 prostitutes interviewed,

50% reported physical health problems, w ith an average o f 10% reporting cardiovascular symptoms, liver disorders, respiratory symptoms, and neurological symptoms such as seizures.

It is often presumed that there are widespread infection rates o f FHV/AIDS among sex workers, yet Casey and Paterson (2008) stated that is an exaggeration and that in fact Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 25 the actual infection rate is approximately 5%. In spite o f the panic that began in the

1980s, when sex workers were seen as responsible for the frequent transmission o f the disease, extensive research has indicated the opposite, and in fact it is intravenous drug users, whether sex workers or not, who are most vulnerable to infection and subsequent transmission (Matthews, 2008).

There is a valid concern about sex workers and infection and the transmission o f sexually transmitted diseases, which include syphilis, gonorrhea, Chlamydia, and heipes, as w ell as chancroid, which creates a vulnerability that assists w ith the spread o f

HIV/AIDS and, although typically found in third world countries, has recently spread among women in North America (Liberator, 2006). Research by Farley et al. (2003) detailed other common medical problems experienced by prostitutes, including tuberculosis, diabetes, cancer, arthritis, tachycardia, malaria, anemia, and hepatitis, as well as problems associated w ith abortions, pregnancy, and infertility. Studies further indicated that prostitutes experience gastrointestinal disorders, such as ulcers, diarrhea, and colitis, as w ell as neurological symptoms, including migraines, memory loss, numbness, seizures, and dizziness. Women in prostitution also report respiratory problems, including asthma, lung disease, bronchitis, and pneumonia. Additionally, 12% o f the women studied described injuries related to violence wh ile working, including broken ribs, bruises, cuts, abrasions, sexual assaults, and “ teeth knocked out by pimps and johns” (Farley et al., 2003, p. 53).

A study by Potteratet al. (2004) indicated that there was a high m ortality rate due to violence against prostitutes, particularly in Canada, where murder accounted for 34 known deaths o f working prostitutes between 1992 and 1995. In BC, 8% o f female Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 26 murder victim s between 1981 and 1990 were sex workers. Furthermore, the study indicated that over 60% o f the suspected murderers o f prostitutes between 1992 and 1998 were prostitute users.

The literature demonstrates a particular concern w ith the psychological impact of prostitution, whether its orientation is physiological, trauma related, or drug affected. In a study by Sanders (2004), “ sex workers considered the emotional and psychological consequences o f selling sex as a hazard equal to that o f physical violence and health related concerns” (p. 570). Farley et al. (2003) reported that 17% o f the 854 active or former prostitutes studied described having severe emotional problems, including depression, suicidality, anxiety, extremely low self-esteem, and mood swings.

Research indicated that women involved in the survival sex trade were commonly neglected and/or sexually abused and sexualized at a young age (Hedin & Mansson,

2003; Widom, Spatz, & Kuhns, 1996) and turned to prostitution for financial support when escaping from chaotic fam ily circumstances (Abramovich, 2005). Farley and

Barkan’s (1998) study on violence experienced by prostitutes spoke volumes about the experiences often normalized in the survival sex trade:

1. 57% reported a history o f childhood sexual abuse, by an average o f 3 perpetrators;

2. 49% reported that they had been physically assaulted as children and 82% were

physically assaulted as adult prostitutes w ith 55% o f those assaults by johns;

3. 83% had been threatened with a weapon;

4. 8% reported physical attacks by pimps and johns resulting in serious injuries from

gunshot wounds, knife wounds and injuries from attempted escapes; Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 27

5. 68% had been raped while working as prostitutes, 48% raped more than 5 times,

and 46% raped by johns.

Addiction to drugs and alcohol plays a prominent role in the lives of many survival sex workers, often as a way o f coping w ith or escaping pain due to trauma

(Sakamoto, 2007). According to Farley and Barkan (1998), 75% o f prostitutes studied reported a drug abuse problem, while 27% reported a problem w ith abusing alcohol.

Smith (2006) described addiction and sex work as “intertwined ... [where] women perform sex work as a means to support their every [,s7c] increasing appetite and need for more drugs, particularly so once they become addicted to the drug” (p. 71) and cited a lack of immediate services such as detoxification and safe housing, as w ell as unrealistic wait lists and pre-entry requirements to treatment services, as significant barriers for the women dealing with addictions. Farley and Barkan stated,

Whether drug abuse tends to precede prostitution, or whether drugs were used after entering prostitution to numb the pain o f working as a prostitute is unclear. Clinical experience suggests that drug and alcohol abuse may begin in latency or adolescence as a form o f self-medication after incest or childhood sexual assault. (1998, p. 45)

Survival sex workers experience numerous obstacles in areas related to their social development. They are a diverse group of individuals with differing ethnicities, education levels, and life experiences (Abramovich, 2005). Studies have shown a consensus in their desire to be physically and psychologically safe and sound and to earn money (Sanders, 2004). They experience challenges when transitioning out o f sex work, such as in forming and sustaining trusting relationships, particularly w ith men (Matthews,

2008). Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 28

In order to understand the culture o f survival sex work in Nanaimo, other aspects o f their lives must be considered. “ Street prostitution has become highly contested since the claims o f communities and sex workers are typically polarized” (West, 2000, p. 109).

Many o f Nanaimo’s prostitutes are mothers, whose children have been taken into the care o f the government or fam ily members (Tobias, 2003). Their desire for fam ily and kinship is evident in their gathering in groups on the streets, m ingling w ith other homeless and addicted individuals. Tobias’ (2003) study reflected the fact that many o f Nanaimo’s sex workers spent their childhoods w ith drug-addicted or alcoholic parents or as wards o f the state, and the m ajority had childhood and/or adolescent experiences o f sexual and/or physical abuse. Some had previous careers in nursing, waitressing, banking, or as government employees, until they typically “met a man who swept [them] o ff [their] feet” (Tobias, 2003, p. 12) and were quickly introduced to drugs and subsequently prostitution. Many o f the women have police records for solicitation or drug-related offences, which impacts their employability (Matthews, 2008).

Farley and Barkan (1998) stated that 84% o f participants reported current or past homelessness. Manzoni, Fischer, and Rehm (2007) linked unstable housing to prostitution, stating that female injection drugs users were twice as likely to engage in sex work. Manzoni et al. (2007) further concluded that “ female drug users are most likely to be involved in sex work when affected by processes o f marginalization” (p. 361).

Spirituality related to prostitution is not a widely studied area in the literature, yet when spirituality is equated to the resilience o f transitioning sex workers, it becomes evident it is an area deserving further exploration. As W ills (2007) suggested, “ The active nature o f spirituality is also evidenced in behavioral outcomes” (p. 429). Prince (2008) Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 29 completed a long-term study on resilience in African American women living in a transitional home for prostitutes and found the following:

(a) Resilience is an ever-changing process that is different for each person when meeting life ’s challenges; (b) Spirituality is a sustaining force when encountering difficult times; and (c) A culturally sensitive support system and establishing social connectedness fosters resilience, (p. 31)

Twelve-step programs such as Alcoholics Anonymous and Narcotics Anonymous often support women dealing with addictions during transitioning:

Central to the Narcotics Anonymous program is its emphasis on practicing spiritual principles. Narcotics Anonymous itself is non-religious, and each member is encouraged to cultivate an individual understanding— religious or not— of this “spiritual awakening.” (Narcotics Anonymous W orld Services, 2007, p . 2)

Stark and Hodgson (2003) stated that some men at 12-step meetings exploit women who disclose their involvement in prostitution. The authors suggested that women need prostitute-specific 12-step meetings to freely discuss emotional, physical, and sexual abuse.

Spirituality is often associated w ith the intrinsic w ill to survive and thrive. It is evident from the literature that survival sex workers are thwarted, damaged, and sometimes destroyed in virtually every known area of functionality. In a study by Farley et al. (2003), “ equating prostitution with death, one woman stated: ‘Why commit suicide?

I ’ll work in prostitution instead’. . .. [Another] woman explained that she felt ‘spiritually assaulted’” (p. 53) in prostitution.

Those women who transition into lives o f wellness successfully demonstrate the resilient strength o f self and spiritual integrity evident in purposeful transformative experiences: “ Our spirituality gives purpose and meaning to our lives. It grows out o f our Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 30 soul or central sense o f self; without a strong sense o f self, we would have little inclination to move out into the world” (MacKeracher, 2004, p. 172).

Transitioning Strategies and Approaches

This section examines some o f the literature related to strategies for supporting women transitioning from survival sex work, including the characteristics o f successful transition strategies, peer support, outreach, and court diversion.

The Transition Continuum

The decision by women to transition out of sex work is precipitated by a variety o f reasons. Sanders (2007) stated it was often in reaction to a significant life event related to the sex industry, such as a violent attack, an “ accumulation o f negative incidents relating to a life permeated by drug misuse, crim inality, and danger” (p. 86), or to other events such as pregnancy. It may also be part o f a naturally progressive process to end their involvement in the sex industry.

In order to plan a continuum o f services to support transitioning survival sex workers, it is important to arrive at an understanding o f what transitioning is and what it entails. Matthews (2008) offered three features o f transitioning, which include (a) meeting the women’s basic needs,(b) knowing that exiting involves “being drug-free, re­ integrated w ith fam ily contact, being in education, training or work, having a secure home, gaining financial independence and developing a new sense o f se lf’ (p. 89), and

(c) recognizing that relapse is probable.

Numerous studies in the literature suggested the ideal components o f a continuum o f service designed to support women transitioning from survival sex work. Sanders

(2007) suggested a graduated exit plan supported by specialized services to help women Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 31 get back into training, education, employment, or volunteer work, as well as vocational skills training. However, Matthews (2008) said, “ Many agencies adopt a largely reactive approach and in some cases offer a piecemeal response which may involve addressing one particular issue such as drug addiction without offering a comprehensive package”

(p. 131).

Matthews (2008) suggested that the harm reduction approach, which is at the core o f many philosophical approaches adopted by agencies that support sex workers, may fa il to address underlying social, economic, and political issues and perpetuates rather than addresses the material base o f the harms. Ideal transitional services access a range o f community services to meet the physical, psychological, social, and spiritual needs o f survival sex workers, focusing on areas o f disconnect in their lives by implementing “ solutions that are locally planned and involve all affected parties”

(Nelson, 2004, p. 91). Social work is “not practiced in a vacuum or at the discretion of the practitioner alone . .. [but is a] social responsibility for the way in which services are delivered” (Dudley, 1978, p. 40). Too often organizations and individuals work in isolation, rather than in concert with one another, and are not all involved in community development decision-making processes (Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives, 2007).

Nelson stated, “To effectively address prostitution and drug usage, entire communities can develop strategic plans that involve neighborhoods, law enforcement and social service delivery systems” (2004, p. 91).

The wraparound model o f providing service is an effective “treatment process rather than a single intervention for a specific problem area . .. [where] its goal is to ensure that the individual is adequately support to be maintained in the community” Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 32

(Bruns, Suter, &Leverentz-Brady, 2008, p. 241). Treatment needs to target critical areas identified by the prostitutes, including supportive aftercare. A study by Mansson and

Hedin (1999) identified four challenges faced by survival sex workers after transitioning from the trade, including “ (1) working through and understanding the experiences o f a life in prostitution, (2) dealing with shame, (3) living in a marginal situation, and (4) dealing w ith intimate and close relationships” (p. 67).

The wraparound practice o f support needs to include consistency o f wraparound principles, collaborative partnerships, and capacity building and supportive working conditions for the involved professionals. It must ensure adequate services and supports to provide the fu ll range o f support, as well as evaluative processes to measure process and outcomes and ensure accountability is in place (Bruns, 2004). Walker and Schutte

(2004) suggested that to be effective, team members’ efforts should not be stymied by excessive document requirements, seeking funding, or inconsistent support at the management level.

A study conducted for PEERS by Benoit and M illar (2001) offered suggestions for supporting sex workers wanting to transition out o f sex work as well as those who had already transitioned. The resulting recommendations suggested that comprehensive services should include access to the following:

Make available more outreach workers to assist sex workers wanting to exit the trade; Provide ready access to second-stage supportive housing; Provide access to appropriate mental health services for exited sex workers dealing w ith low self-esteem and other psychological problems stemming from the stigma attached to their former work life; Provide access to academic education, including the means to complete high school; Provide access to vocational training that is affordable and meaningful; Provide access to employment opportunities that match their skills and interests; Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 33

Provide access to exiting programs specifically targeting adults, (p. 10)

Transitioning from survival sex work is a process that may involve numerous attempts, w ith each attempt involving a deeper commitment to a lifestyle change (Dalla,

2006). Sanders (2007) suggested that “the processes o f change out o f sex work involve a combination o f strategies including reduced engagement, time out, career breaks, reentering part-time involvement, and ‘d rift’ before complete removal” (p. 81). Bridges

(2007) asserted,

Transition is not just a nice way to say change. It is the inner process through which people come to terms w ith a change, as they let go o f the way things used to be and reorient themselves to the way that things are now . . . managing transition means helping people to make that difficult process less painful and disruptive, (f 2)

Peer Support

Pheterson (1993) declared that “no association w ith prostitution enjoys honorable status in contemporary mainstream societies” (p. 43), yet research has strongly supported the idea that association w ith experiential women who have successfully transitioned from sex work into professionally supportive roles can enhance the capacity o f women who are considering or are actively transitioning. Silver (2004) suggested, “ The development o f people’s capacities is fundamentally progressive; the goal o f capacity building is to make people the central actors in their own lives” ( | 4).

Everyone has the capacity to change. However, not everyone has the willingness to pursue change because “ deep change means surrendering control ... [and] distorts existing patterns o f action and involves taking risks” (Quinn, 1996, p. 3). As Diers (2008) stated, “Unfortunately, the tremendous untapped capacity on the streets is typically Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 34 buried beneath labels such as ‘homeless’, ‘prostitute’, and ‘high-risk youth’ that identify people as nothing more than a problem” (p. 1).

The changes experienced by women who have transitioned from the world of survival sex work are hallmarks o f learned experience that have the effect o f being profoundly influential on peers still active in the trade. According to Casey and Paterson

(2008), “Past and current sex workers are the experts o f their own lives ... [and] lived experience produces unique, privileged knowledge” (p. 6). Hedin and Mansson (2003) concluded that “ supportive social relationships are crucial for the break from prostitution” (p. 234), and Hotaling et al. (2003) suggested that “because o f the shame and social stigma associated w ith prostitution, survivors and those involved feel a greater trust for those who have had sim ilar experiences” (p. 259).

Outreach Services

It is widely known that survival sex work creates risks for the women engaged in it, yet there often far too few community resources that provide outreach support services and treatment options to assist them in transitioning o ff the street (Arnold et al., 2000). ft is during this time o f transition that women need more support and assistance than may be available in their own social circle. As Mansson and Hedin (1999) state,

The need for professional support has been greatest during the breakaway itself and shortly thereafter; and thus during periods in which the women have had to deal w ith crisis reactions, shame and self-contempt. In addition, they have needed to both emotionally and cognitively work through their problems and to understand the experiences in their lives as prostitutes, (p. 74)

Norton-Hawk (2001) offered some practical suggestions for outreach services, where participation “would allow the women to achieve a sense o f self-efficacy while also facilitating delivery o f service” (p. 417), including “ a telephone crisis hotline, Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 35 distribution o f literature to prostitutes where they work and live, education for prostitutes about available services” (p. 417).

Close collaboration between prostitutes and outreach workers, coinciding w ith collaboration between outreach workers and police, may lead to the successful capture o f violent customers (Penfold, Hunter, Campbell, & Barham, 2004) and reduce the

“unacceptable level o f client violence in street prostitution” (Penfold et al., 2004, p. 365).

Legal Issues and Court Diversion

“ Criminal legislation cannot address the causes o f prostitution; it merely perpetuates unequal power relations” (Brock, 1998, p. 140). The Criminal Code o f

Canada does not prohibit the exchange o f sex for money, but prohibits certain activities associated w ith it, including those related to prostitution in common bawdy houses, procurement, and, more specific to survival sex workers, communicating in a public place for the purposes o f prostitution (Rodrigues, 1994). “ The power to legislate and address the exploitative aspects o f prostitution lies w ithin federal jurisdiction, yet the impact is experienced most significantly at the municipal level” (The Prostitution

Awareness and Action Foundation o f Edmonton, 2007, p. 6)

Sanders (2007) suggested that “the legal frameworks and regimes that criminalize female sex workers rein force nefarious cultural messages about sex work and negative attitudes, myths, and stereotypes about the women who work in the industry” (p. 93) It is important to recognize that “ in sex work there are significant links between struggles over working conditions, protection from violence, health and legal rights” (West, 2000, p. 115) and in order for municipalities to support the women in their communities Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 36 working in the survival sex trade, they must first recognize the lim itations o f their authority:

Municipalities have independent power to control prostitution through municipal by-laws and other local measures. Because municipalities receive their authority from the provincial legislature, the same restrictions that apply to provincial powers to regulate prostitution in terms o f overlap with federal criminal jurisdiction also apply at the local level. Accordingly, municipalities cannot create outright prohibitions o f prostitution that would be akin to criminal legislation. (Barnett, 2008, p. 25)

According to the Pivot Legal Society (2007), “ enforcement patterns vary widely among different cities across Canada” (p. 8). M unicipalities do have the power to establish zones and to designate a zone for a particular purpose, such as street prostitution. Diers (2008) has proposed, “ W ith neighbourhood business districts as w ith public spaces, the most appropriate way to ensure safety is to focus not on driving illegal activity out but rather on attracting legitimate activity in” (p. 2).

Survival sex workers spend time in courthouses as victim s, witnesses, and accused persons. Participating in a complex and often overwhelming court process can exacerbate the trauma experienced by prostitutes who have been raped. Anderson (2003) stated, “Because of courts’ willingness to admit evidence o f their prior prostitution, raped prostitutes may suffer hum iliation and traumatic stress on the witness stand. The judicial system’s bias against prostitutes who are raped mirrors the mistreatment they face elsewhere” (p. 90).

Fining or charging women for prostitution-related offences is frequently ineffectual: “ Court diversion schemes for women are much more appropriate than fines

[and] programmes that are run independently o f the criminal justice system provide women w ith the holistic services and support they need to begin processes o f change and Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 37 transition” (Sanders, 2006, p. 2). Various Canadian municipalities offer alternative programs to sex workers and johns charged by police for prostitution-related offences.

These programs include “john schools” or “kerb crawler’s re-education programmes ... offered to kerb crawlers as an alternative to being charged or going to court... [and which] embrace a number of objectives including rehabilitation and education”

(Matthews, 2008, p. 128). Fischer, W ortley, Webster, and K irst (2002) suggested however that john schools perpetuate the notion o f prostitutes as victim s: “ A t the heart of the ‘John School’ ideology is the image o f the ‘John’ as a moral, social, legal and economic perpetrator or ‘villain’, causing a multitude o f‘victim s’ requiring effective intervention and repair” (p. 405).

Community Issues Related to Prostitution

W ith much recent media attention in Nanaimo on issues o f homelessness, addiction, poverty, and survival sex work in the downtown core, as well as related concerns on how these impact the downtown revitalization vision and strategy, the city stands at the threshold o f change. The social pressure to address the negative impacts on vulnerable people, including survival sex workers, coupled w ith business and neighbourhood pressures to enhance the downtown core, has generated tension for the municipal Social Planning Department (J. Horn, personal communication, January 21,

2008).

The potential exists for the development o f a change model to support sex workers in Nanaimo and possibly those in other communities w ith sim ilar demographics and considerations. Exploring the visibility o f survival sex workers, as well as the impact o f public fear on communities, and clarifying the roles of community development and Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 38 social planning to achieve grounded community responses for successful transitioning w ill add meaning to the community change initiative proposed in this study.

Visibility o f Survival Sex Work

V isibility adds an interesting dimension to the issues surrounding prostitution. It is often the public behaviours o f survival sex workers that most concern community residents, who are disturbed by the sight o f “women suffering from drug addiction, problems o f physical and mental health and the sight o f an increasing number o f women who appear extremely desperate, damaged and disorganized” (Matthews, 2008, p. 44).

Prostitutes working the streets o f downtown Nanaimo are easily identifiable due to the ravages o f addiction. Emaciated, w ith open sores on their skin and yellow broken teeth from smoking crack, they can be seen gyrating in contorted dances on street comers, their nervous systems overwhelmed by stimulant abuse. They are frequently in various stages o f psychosis and disorientation and engage in loud, demonstrative displays o f anger and emotion. Through their visibility, they depict what Farley (2003) described as a “toxic cultural product... [where] prostitution is to the community what incest is to the fam ily”

(p. x v i).

The visibility o f johns is often less obvious, as they kerb-crawl (Matthews, 2008) downtown streets w ith some degree o f anonymity and discretion in their vehicles and are infrequently targeted in policing initiatives. Pimps are even less visible than prostitutes in

Nanaimo. Sex workers’ boyfriends often act as pimps and spend the money earned to support their own drug use (Tobias, 2003). They are often responsible for introducing women and girls into prostitution and keeping them in it, yet nonetheless, most Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 39 prostitutes in Nanaimo are without stable relationships (Tobias, 2003), suggesting survival sex work is a lonely undertaking.

Lewis et al. (2005) have pointed out that the visibility o f street sex workers attracts the attention o f the police as w ell as the public, and the women are consequently

“the most stringently regulated and the most likely to be found violating the Criminal

Code and municipal bylaws” (p. 163).

Impact o f Public Fear on the Community

Fear might w ell be the common denominator o f all stakeholders in this research project. This includes the public’s fear o f the streets inhabited by street prostitutes and their cohorts, the fear o f economic loss faced by local business merchants, the daily fear o f failure to survive experienced by sex workers, and the fear the City o f Nanaimo faces in its responsibility to respond to all stakeholders while holding the well-being o f the women engaged in prostitution at the forefront o f future planning.

Roberts (2001) conducted a study for the Solicitor General’s office on how

Canadians perceive the crim inal justice system and how their fear o f crime relates to that system. On average, 39% of British Columbians reported fear of being crim inally victimized, which is 8% higher than the national average. The study revealed that “people who report the highest fear levels showed the most support for incarceration and the greatest opposition to rehabilitation” (p. 2). However, studies indicated that in the case o f sex workers, incarceration, although inevitable, is not an effective deterrent and may even keep women in prostitution (Norton-Hawk, 2001).

Much o f public fear is in reaction to the visible concentration o f prostitutes, homeless individuals, drug users, and drug dealers, who often frequent older inner-city Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 40 neighbourhoods (Berdahl & W ilke, 2007), as well as homeless transients from other communities. The inner city, traditionally called the “red light district” o f prostitution, is often confined by the boundary lines o f court-mandated “ red zones.” Not only do many members o f the public feel unsafe in these areas, but the prostitutes and other homeless people also feel unsafe, especially because many o f them live on the streets or in cars or parks, none o f which are safe environments (Berdahl & W ilke, 2007). Keane (1992) suggested that the feeling o f vulnerability associated w ith a neighbourhood is formless, whereas the fear o f being the victim o f a specific crim inal act is concrete. Concrete fear o f the inner city is more likely justified for survival sex workers for whom “the threat of violence is o f constant concern ... predominantly from male clients on the one hand and pimps on the other ... [and] from other prostitutes” (Matthews, 2008, p. 45). Women prostituting on the streets o f the inner city need to change their safety strategies continuously, as “they work in dark, unlit areas away from places o f visibility that can be o f assistance if attacked, and often work later into the night” (Sanders,2006, p. 1).

There is a danger when the street-level social problems that contribute to public fear are not addressed; the community can become polarized and consequently marginalize those people who inhabit the inner city (Berdahl & W ilke, 2007). Many residents react instinctively and harass, assault (Lewis et al., 2005), or drive survival sex workers and addicts out o f their neighbourhood, even if it means displacing them to another neighbourhood (Diers, 2008). There is a distinction, however, between the concepts o f neighbourhood and community, where “ a neighbourhood is the place w ith which we identify . .. [while] communities are defined by our social relationships”

(Diers, 2008, p. 2). This applies to sex workers as w ell as other members o f the Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 41 community. People are typically drawn to the social relationships that define the neighbourhoods they inhabit (Diers, 2008).

Community Development and Social Planning

The w ord community refers to people who live in a specific locality and exercise some degree o f local autonomy in organizing their lives so that they can satisfy the fu ll range o f their daily needs. Community refers to the bonds that link people together.

Carter and M cGoldrick (1999) described the essence o f community “ as the level o f interaction that bridges the gap between the private, personal fam ily and the great impersonal public sphere” (p. 11).

A common need o f communities is m obilization around a common concern. The community development model is used when change in the community is pursued through the participation o f a wide variety o f people at the local community level. The process is “ designed to create conditions o f economic and social progress for the whole community” (Cox, Erlich, Rothman, & Tropman, 1987, p. 5). Effective community development approaches need to incorporate integration, partnership, grassroots leadership, and a strengths-based approach. This involves democratic procedures, voluntary cooperation, self-help, and the development o f indigenous leadership and educational objectives. The goal o f community development is “to alter human attitudes and behavioral patterns through education, exhortation and other methods for stimulating self-development and fulfillm ent” (Cox et al., 1987, p. 7).

The social planning approach is a “technical process o f problem solving w ith regard to substantive social problems, such as delinquency, housing, and mental health”

(Cox et al., 1987, p. 6). Berdahl and W ilke (2007) suggested, Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 42

One o f the most difficult challenges facing policy-makers is deciding how to address the tension between two competing approaches to address street level social problems. There are those who believe that the focus should be on helping people in need— the homeless, the addicted, the mentally ill— and there are those who believe that the focus should be on cleaning up the streets by cracking down on drug dealers, pimps, and gangs, (p. 28)

Rational, deliberately planned, and controlled change has a central place in social

planning, where the extent o f community participation may vary. The approach

presupposes that change in a complex environment requires expert planners who skilfully

guide complex change processes. Social planning establishes, arranges, and delivers

goods and services to people who need them (Cox et al., 1987). Effective social planning

lies in advocating for social justice for all citizens. Beall and Huhtala (2006) stated,

A t its root, the motivation for social planning lies in human rights and social justice: a recognition that beyond the basic rights o f food, clothing, and shelter lay the universal needs o f happiness, safety, freedom, dignity, and affection, all o f which are inextricable from the idea o f a truly healthy community, (p. 10)

Leadership and Community Change

Definitions o f leadership in the literature usually reflect the researchers’

perspectives and the phenomena that interest them. Leadership is often described as a journey o f change and the leader as the agent o f change, often defined in terms o f traits,

behaviours, influence, interaction patterns, role relationships, and position w ithin an

organization or community. To lead is to intentionally influence, whether as an individual

or a social process. Leadership is a behaviour, not a position (Townsend & Gebhardt,

1997), and the attitudes o f followers are usually reflective o f the style o f their leader.

Success comes w ith blending “hum ility, compassion, transparency, inclusiveness,

collaboration, and values-based decisiveness” (Kuczmarski & Kuczmarski, 2007, p. 18).

Hunter (2004) succinctly described leadership as “ character in action” (p. 49), essentially Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 43 an action o f being. By adopting a leadership style that is “ other-enhancing, rather than self-enhancing” (Moms, Brotheridge, & Urbanski, 2005, p. 1325), municipal social planners can exhibit leadership without making a clear distinction between leaders and followers and make major decisions through use o f an interactive process among people who influence each other (Yukl, 2006). “To venture on a journey, one must care about the others on the trip” (Terry, 2001, p. 223).

Servant leaders earn followers (Korac-Kakabadse, Kouzmin, & Kakabadse,

2002); they are not entitled to them. It is the servant leader’s responsibility to develop the values of the people into a “ long-term framework of behaviour that w ill benefit the

[community] and everyone in it” (Autry, 2001, p. 31). The servant leadership potential for the community social planner in this project affords the opportunity to bring clarity and illum ination to the community on behalf o f survival sex workers, who are often “the least privileged in society” (p. 1) but may “ grow as persons . . . [and] become healthier, wiser, freer, more autonomous, more likely themselves to become servants” (Spears,

2002, p. 1).

Change occurs when individuals, organizations, and communities are intrinsically motivated to experience life in a different way fuelled by a potential validation that strengthens a sense o f empowerment. Wheatley (2006) defines m otivation as attention

“ shifting from the use o f external rewards to an appreciation for the intrinsic motivators that give us great energy” (p. 14). According to Sperry (2007), “ What is right or wrong for a particular person is right for wrong for any similar person in all sim ilar circumstances” (p. 98). The community change process proposed by this study appeals to the intrinsic motivation to achieve extrinsic rewards for all community members. The Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 44 literature demonstrates that survival sex workers are indeed among the most vulnerable members o f the community, challenged by a host o f virtually insurmountable obstacles, which they must overcome if they choose to transition to a safer, healthier lifestyle.

The literature provides a reality check for community stakeholders, encouraging them to assume a social justice perspective that advocates for the fair and ethical treatment o f women involved in survival sex work. Yuld’s (2006) guidelines for transformational leadership include leading by example and articulating clear and attainable visions, while acting w ith confidence and optimism. The literature supports the need for the social planner to develop a shared vision w ith all stakeholders to “point toward a better future, meaningful goals and the feeling that one is doing something significant and important” (Maddock, 1998, p. 12).

C onclusion

The literature review explored the research question, inquiring as to the conditions needed to support and develop community resources to assist women transitioning from survival sex work. I examined the literature in relation to the research subquestions, investigating the barriers and obstacles survival sex workers face, the resources and services needed for successful transitioning, and proven approaches and strategies to effectively support women transitioning from prostitution. I have provided a frame of reference to support the research resulting from this project in order to initiate an effective community change strategy to support women transitioning from survival sex w o rk.

M y commitment as a researcher includes fostering the development o f egalitarian communities where all women, as citizens, have fu ll entitlement to the protections o f the Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 45 state with the legal, vocational, academic, and sexual liberties that men enjoy, while still being responsible for their own welfare and fulfillm ent. There are few privileges greater than leading individuals to healing and wholeness, to finding and expressing their passion for life so they too may lead others to wholeness. As a result o f the information gathered through this research, I find myself “ compelled to pass on to the next generation a society less tolerant o f human .. . degradation” (Couto, 1995, p. 15). Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 46

CHAPTER 3: RESEARCH APPROACH AND METHODOLOGY

Research Approach

This action research projects inquired, “What conditions w ill support the development and integration o f community resources to assist women in transitioning from survival sex work?”

The methodology o f action research, as a community-based model emphasizing social action (Morton-Cooper, 2000), served to complement and potentiate the goals o f the City o f Nanaimo in relation to this research project. “ Community-based action research strategies have been used to investigate issues o f concern to social planners”

(Morton-Cooper, 2000, p. 12). Social planning seeks to ameliorate social problems to affect the course o f community change, (Cox, Erlich, Rothman, & Tropman, 1987), and the participatory design o f action research allows “ those w ith a stake in the problem [to] help define and solve it” (Weisbord, 2004, p. 206).

A distinctive feature o f action research is that the research hypothesis is “not a neutral statement o f possibility; it is a statement for or against a preferred discovery”

(Weisbord, 2004, p. 207), allowing for the possibility o f continued action beyond the completion o f the in itia l research process. The action researcher focuses on process rather than results, acting as a catalyst o f change, implementing change plans through raising issues, locating resources, and helping define and analyze problems and develop plans for problem resolution and human development (Stringer, 2007).

The action research process for this project entailed gathering information through qualitative means, where participants actively engaged in observation, reflection, and subsequent action. Moving through an interactive cycle o f looking, thinking, and acting, Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 47 where data were gathered and the situation was defined, described, and subsequently analyzed and interpreted, resulted in a plan o f action that holds the potential to be implemented and evaluated (Stringer, 2007). The sheer sim plicity and fluidity o f the action research model speaks to its potential for efficacy and renewal. “The action research cycle unfolds in real time and begins w ith an understanding o f the context o f the project” (Coghlan & Brannick, 2005, p. 21.

The methodology o f action research was used in this research project w ithin the philosophical frame o f appreciative inquiry, which involves creating forums for dialogue between participants who are invested in making positive change and improvements w ithin the system. This approach emphasizes current and historic successes and strengths with the “collaboration and participation o f a ll voices . .. approaching] change as a journey rather than an event” (Martinetz, 2002, p. 34). The potential to realize positive outcomes w ithin the survival sex worker community in Nanaimo as a result o f this research was enhanced through an appreciative inquiry context. The use o f Stringer’s

(2007) action research interacting spiral, which incorporates a “ look, think and act” (p. 8) routine, helped inform the organizational sponsor o f the needs o f survival sex workers, as did the literature and strategies, successes, and obstacles experienced by other communities addressing this particular issue. Data resulting from the research methods established a community position to support further interventions (Morton-Cooper, 2000) and contributed to the development o f pertinent questions for the focus groups.

Moving through phases of discovery (appreciating), dream (envisioning), design

(co-constructing), and destiny (sustaining) (Coghlan & Brannick, 2005), appreciative inquiry is a cooperative, coevolutionary search for the best in people, their organizations, Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 48 and the world around them, “ seek[ing] what is ‘right’ in an organization . .. and providing] a frame for creating an inspired future” (Watkins & Cooperrider, 2000, p. 7).

The philosophy o f appreciative inquiry is to use the “power o f inquiry to engage our imagination, which influences our actions ... enabling systems to transform themselves”

(Martinetz, 2002, p. 37).

Flood (2001) suggests, “ It is through systemic thinking that we know o f the unknowable . .. [and] it is with action research that we learn and may act meaningfully w ithin the unknowable” (p. 142). Conducting a systemic exploration o f the plight of women in prostitution and the potential participation o f community stakeholders to create positive solutions “ opens up otherwise unimaginable ways in which people may live their lives in a more meaningful and fu lfillin g manner” (Flood, 2001, p. 142).

Project Participants

The purpose o f this action research project was to explore existing resources in the community of Nanaimo that support women transitioning from survival sex work and to create an understanding o f the conditions needed to develop additional services supported by the municipality. Too often “the voices o f the most powerless groups tend to go unheard, their agendas ignored and their needs unmet” (Stringer, 2007, p. 35). The participant selection in this project targeted frontline professionals, community members, and a former sex worker who has become an active advocate for this issue. A ll the participants had direct knowledge o f and/or relationships w ith street sex workers and an understanding o f their needs as w ell as o f the community systems and resources currently available to support them. They added a powerful voice to a systemic interpretation o f the Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 49 issue, and their participation in this research project w ill hopefully encourage their active involvement in future initiatives and outcomes o f the action research cycle.

Weisbord (2004) suggests asking, when selecting participants, “ What’s possible here, and who cares?” (p. 257). I invited Lauren Casey, former executive director of

Prostitutes Empowerment Education and Resource Society (PEERS) and former national coordinator o f the Canadian National Coalition o f Experiential Women (CNCEW), to participate in an individual interview. CNCEW is a coalition o f active sex workers and women who have transitioned out o f sex work and are activists in their communities, promoting the advancement o f equality and human rights for sex workers and the improvement o f their living conditions (Canadian National Coalition o f Experiential

Women [CNCEW], 2006).A goal of CNCEW is to

provide opportunities for women to communicate their ideas directly to legislators, policy makers, and [the] public towards the improvement o f living and working conditions and the combat[ting of] conditions o f violence, abuse, exploitation, slavery and coercion related to sex work.(CNCEW, 2006, f 6)

Representation from the CNCEW informed the research as to the barriers to transitioning out o f sex work and identified what facilitates successful transitions. Lauren

Casey holds a master’s degree in sociology/criminology, specializing in women, sex work, and substance misuse issues, and as an academic, researcher, and national spokesperson brings an experiential perspective to public policy, programming, and services related to the needs and treatment o f sex workers (Casey & Paterson, 2008). Her expertise and voice o f experience were invaluable in this study.

“ In prostitution, women are exposed and vulnerable” (Hughes, 2003, p. 120). The thoughtful selection o f participants for this research project focused on those cognizant o f the potential power dynamic o f representing the needs o f those in the margins o f the Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 50 community (Kirby & McKenna, 1989), who were w illing to contribute to participation in a process that would directly impact practice in their workplace (Glanz, 1998). The problem addressed by the research question was consequently “ shared and experienced” by the participants, who were “workplace oriented” and “ seek[ing] to improve practice”

(Morton-Cooper, 2000, p. 19).

A benefit o f action research is that it “impacts directly on practice ... [and] empowers those who participate in the process” (Glanz, 1998, p. 21). Participants for the focus groups were prim arily from the front lines o f personal and/or professional involvement w ith survival sex workers, so that the streets were, as such, their workplace.

I selected participants using purposeful sampling (Stringer, 2007), so they came from the different stakeholder systems, possessed a sufficient understanding to speak to the research topic, and had the positional influence to propose or participate in change initiatives as an outcome. The unique and identifying attributes o f the participant groups determine how they are affected by or have an effect on prostitution in the community

(Stringer, 2007).

I invited participants via e-mail and included a formal letter o f introduction w ith an attached consent form to participate in the study (see Appendix A). The invitations outlined the purpose o f the research and the time commitment, discussed confidentiality, and provided details about the time, location, duration, and voluntary nature o f participation in the focus group, according to the guiding principles o f Royal Roads

University’s (RRU) (2007b) Research Ethics Policy. The entire research process was supervised under the guiding hand o f my RRU major project supervisor, Dr. David Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 51

Reagan, and organizational sponsor, John Horn. Together we formed the action research team.

A summary o f participation in the research study is represented in Table 1.

Table 1. Participant Summary by Data Collection Method

Data collection N Participants m ethod value Experiential consultant and In te rvie w 1 advocate Focus group 1 NGO professionals 7

Focus group 2 Government employees/managers 6

Focus group 3 Enforcement professionals 7

Research Methods and Tools

This participatory action research study explored the conditions needed to support the development and integration o f community resources to assist women in transitioning out o f survival sex work. In developing a comprehensive understanding o f the social dynamics related to the research question, a systemic visualization o f the cross-cultural stakeholder groups and key people was explored through the action research cycle o f diagnosing, planning, taking action, and evaluating it (Coghlan & Brannick, 2005).

Triangulating m ultiple methods supports gathering rich data and believable findings (Glesne, 2006). The process o f identifying key stakeholders for participation in an action research cycle o f inquiry through a logic model generated my choices o f the primary inquiry tools. I considered the mandates and organizational structures o f relevant agencies and institutions in order to comprehend how the issue had been dealt w ith historically in Nanaimo and other communities. The application o f a logic model based Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 52 on the action research cycle allowed a systematic look at prostitution and informed the choice o f methodology and selection o f participants.

A narrative interview and three focus groups were the data collection tools employed in the study. These methods created an “ atmosphere o f mutual trust and acceptance” (Stringer, 2007, pp. 34-35), which encouraged participants w ith diverse perspectives “to work toward effective solutions to problems that concern them”

(Stringer, 2007, p. 35). The chosen methods and manner in which they were employed diffused power differentials among the participants, who varied from influential executives to frontline workers. The selection o f methods, question design, and research conduct invited and included the voices, needs, and agendas o f all participants.

“ Questions and methods need to be aligned w ith each other ... [to ensure] the internal validity o f a piece o f research” (Punch, 2006, p. 27). Care and consideration were taken in formulating the interview and focus questions and reflecting the iterative process o f elaborating and defining the matters o f interest to m yself as the primary researcher

(Palys & Atchison, 2008). The questions developed for the interview and focus groups

(see Appendixes B and C) varied somewhat in their wording according to the participatory interest o f the group, but were sim ilar in theme. They were open-ended to allow for capturing a broad range o f input in the participants’ own words and neutral to avoid biasing responses and the use o f ambiguous terms and acronyms. Framed without researcher bias (Palys & Atchison, 2008), the questions were developed to explore participants’ perceptions o f the culture o f sex work in the community, the resources and supports perceived to be currently effective in supporting sex workers, and the resources and supports that would enhance existing services. They were designed to capture the Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 53 salience o f participants’ opinions (Palys & Atchison, 2008) and bring forward the best in those discussions to shape future recommendations. I submitted proposed questions to the action research team for their review, critique, and input prior to conducting the individual interview and focus groups.

Individual Interview

“In order to change what is, we need to give speech to what has been, to imagine together what might be ” (Rich, 1979, p. 260). Conducted as somewhat o f an inform al conversation, the interview process recorded the participants’ views and perspectives as w ell as legitimized those experiences (Stringer, 2007). The individual interview with

Lauren Casey, captured as an oral history to explore how her past has led to the present, was an endeavour to ensure her “ voice in history” (Palys & Atchison, 2008, p. 162) and was conducted in an “ egalitarian and respectful manner” (Palys & Atchison, 2008, p.

164). It was important to me as a researcher that I did not “ usurp others’ voices and .. . take for granted some things that perhaps shouldn’t be accepted” (Palys & Atchison,

2008, p. 164).

Stringer (2007) suggests using “ grand tour questions [because they] are sufficiently global to enable participants to describe the situation in their own terms” (p.

70). Grand tour questions include questions that prompt descriptions o f typical occuiTence o f events, as well as questions that focus on specifics. In order to establish the interview as an “ informal conversation” (Stringer, 2007, p. 69), “ guided tour” (Stringer,

2007, p. 71) questions were used to allow Lauren Casey to explore her story from her own perspective. The interview also included the use o f “task questions” (Stringer, 2007, p. 71), which provided specific information. Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 54

As a researcher, I attempted neutrality in my verbal and nonverbal communication, neither affirm ing nor disputing the information being offered (Stringer,

2007). I avoided using leading questions that were unrelated to the participant’s agenda or reflective o f my own “ interpretive schemata” (Stringer, 2007, p. 72).

Focus Groups

Focus groups are essentially group interviews (Kirby & McKenna, 1989; Palys &

Atchison, 2008) and as such, much o f the process o f conducting interviews applied.

Glesne (2006) described interviewing as “the process of getting words to fly ” (p. 79) and focus groups as an opportunity for participants to “ express m ultiple perspectives on a sim ilar experience” (p. 102).

Stringer (2007) proposed that action research processes should take into consideration the following:

1. Maximization of the involvement of all relevant individuals 2. Inclusion o f all groups affected 3. Inclusion o f all relevant issues— social, economic, cultural, political— rather than a focus on narrow administrative or political agendas 4. Ensuring cooperation w ith other groups, agencies, and organizations 5. Ensuring that all relevant groups benefit from activities, (p. 35)

Incorporating these guidelines in the inquiry process enhanced the process and outcomes at all stages.

Focus groups are a useful, flexible method o f collecting qualitative data and when

“administered properly, they are extremely dynamic” (Berg, 2004, p. 124), “ allowing researchers to access substantive content o f verbally expressed views, opinions, experiences, and attitudes” (Berg, 2004, p. 126) at a low cost w ith speedy results. Focus groups as a research method have some possible disadvantages. They do not provide the same depth o f information that an individual interview may provide. Some participants Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 55 may not be as comfortable as others in expressing their opinion openly, particularly if their views may be seen as extreme, and others may be concerned about their presentation in a public setting (Palys & Atchison, 2008).

The potential does exist for continued focus group discussions among the key stakeholders and participants beyond this exploratory research phase (Palys & Atchison,

2008). Focus groups may be extremely useful in developing an action-oriented task force to move the research recommendations forward in the community to achieve sustainability.

Authenticity and Trustworthiness

Quinn (2004) asserts that to “maintain authentic engagement, you have to grow in integrity” (p. 120). Conducting action research w ith integrity ensured that I as a researcher established authentic engagement w ith participants. Verifying interview transcripts, confirming themes w ith participants, and analyzing the results o f the research w ith integrity ensured authentic and reliable results.

I considered research validity or trustworthiness throughout the research design and data collection and interpretation phases (Glesne, 2006). Being cognizant o f my own conceptual framework in conducting research, I was m indful that data emerged and were not interpreted to reflect my own theories, even if they conflicted w ith my presuppositions at the start o f the inquiry process. In this research project I incorporated five o f Creswell’s (1998, as cited by Glesne, 2006) eight verification procedures to ensure validity:

1. Prolonged engagement and persistent observation: M y extensive career in the

field o f addictions and engagement w ith street sex workers contributed to my Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 56

development o f trusting relationships, cultural awareness, and a personal

hypothesis regarding the culture o f sex work.

2. Peer review and debriefing: M y project supervisor and organizational sponsor

provided external reflection on and input into my work

3. Clarification o f researcher bias: I continuously reflected on my own subjectivity

w ithin a systemic understanding o f my m ultiple roles in the community and

monitored bias in my research.

4. Member checking: I shared analytical thoughts and drafts o f the final report with

the research participants to ensure I had represented them and their ideas

accurately.

5. Rich, thick description: M y writing invites readers to enter the context o f the

research.

Engaging in these systematic and rigorous processes ensured the trustworthiness o f the research process, establishing the “ veracity, truthfulness or validity o f the information and analyses that have emerged from the research process” (Stringer, 2007, p. 57). Lincoln and Guba’s (1985, as cited in Stringer, 2007) procedures to establish trustworthiness— credibility, transferability, dependability and confirm ability— were adhered to in this study. These are vital ingredients in a recipe o f change precipitated by the action research process.

Study Conduct

I interviewed Lauren Casey, whose professional expertise is enhanced by experiential knowledge o f the research topic. I made contact w ith her by e-mail and she agreed to participate in this study. I followed up by sending her an electronic copy o f the Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 57 letter o f invitation and research consent form (see Appendix A). The interview was conducted at a time and in a coffee shop o f her choosing in Victoria and took 2 hours to com plete.

The interview w ith Lauren Casey further informed the interview questions and facilitation of the three focus groups conducted w ith individuals from diverse community sectors. Participant selection for the focus groups was clustered by areas o f professional expertise. Each focus group included frontline workers from homogenized stakeholder groups, resulting in a total o f 21 participants. Although my goal was to have six participants in each group, I invited 2 additional individuals to each group to allow for cancellations and still ensure a minimum o f six participants per group (Glesne, 2006).

I telephoned each o f the agencies and individuals targeted for the focus groups to briefly describe the proposed research and invited the participation o f a representative w ith experience working w ith survival sex workers. I then senteach participant an electronic letter o f invitation and research consent form (see Appendix A), which provided information related to the nature o f the study, how the data would be used, and the expectations for the participants in the study. A ll participants voluntarily signed consent forms prior to participating in the focus groups and interview in order to comply with RRU’s (2007b) Research Ethics Policy and the Canadian Institutes o f Health

Research, Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council o f Canada, Social

Sciences and Humanities Research Council o f Canada(2005) Tri-Council Policy

Statement on Ethical Conduct fo r Research Involving Humans. The focus groups were held in private meeting chambers located in C ity Hall on Wallace Street in Nanaimo, a location arranged by my sponsor, John Horn. The focus groups were conducted during Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 58 regular office hours at times that best accommodated participants’ schedules. I scheduled the focus groups for a total o f 2 hours each to allow for introductions and wrap-up or longer group discussions (Glesne, 2006). Each o f the focus groups took a fu ll 2 hours to com plete.

The first focus group consisted o f 7 representatives o f nonprofit agencies involved in initiatives that support street sex workers. One invited participant did not attend. The participants included representatives from transitional housing and support services to homeless people, counseling services for people infected w ith H IV and AIDS, drop-in and outreach support services for women who are prim arily survival sex workers,

Aboriginal outreach harm reduction support and mobile needle exchange services, transitional residential programming for homeless women and sex workers, and community citizen advocacy. The seventh participant managed a commercial building in the heart o f the downtown sector that leases office space to a number o f community services, health and methadone clinics, and an outreach pharmacy.

The second focus group consisted o f 6 representatives o f government-funded or direct service sectors, including an individual involved in crisis response nursing for mental health and addictions; a member o f the RCMP who was instrumental in initiating court diversion strategies, and was currently a board member for Clearview Detox, as w ell as a resident o f the downtown neighbourhood; a manager o f Aboriginal services; a social worker whose focus was working with people with Fetal Alcohol Syndrome; a manager of addiction services for high-risk women and families; and a manager o f a service providing employment support and training for youth and adults. One invited participant cancelled due to illness and the eighth invited participant did not attend. Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 59

The third focus group consisted o f 8 participants representing law enforcement, including representatives from the RCMP Municipal Drug Section, Crime Reduction

Unit, Downtown Bike Patrol, and the Downtown Community Liaison Office. Two participants were from Adult Probation Services. An officer from Municipal Bylaws and a private downtown security guard contracted by local businesses also participated.

The purposeful selection o f focus group participants achieved a somewhat homogenous sampling in terms o f area o f interest and/or occupation, free o f bias related to gender, age, race, or sexual orientation (Glesne, 2006). Participants knew each other in some but not all instances. Glesne (2006) suggested focus groups ideally include six participants per group, w ith a maximum group size o f ten, as larger groups “tend to break into sub-group discussions that are difficult to facilitate and record” (p. 103). The focus groups for this project included between six and seven participants per group. Ground rules, including encouraging each person to speak, keeping track o f time, etc. were provided to the participants to guide the group process. Kirby and McKenna (1989) proposed practical facilitation guidelines and these were followed in each group: (a) introduction and introductory activities, (b) statement o f the basic rules or guidelines for the interview, (c) short question-and-answer discussions, (d) special activities or exercises, and (e) guidance for dealing w ith sensitive issues

I made clear w ith all participants that free and informed consent meant participation was voluntary and participants could withdraw from the study without repercussion or penalty. I also explained that withdrawal after participation in a focus group was not possible, as the participant’s data would be merged w ith the data o f the entire proceedings. I explored confidentiality, as well as the purpose o f the proposed Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 60 research. Prior to conducting the interview and focus groups, I provided the participants w ith a verbal description o f the research study and allowed for questions and discussion in order to ensure transparency during the process.

I recorded the focus group discussions using four audio tape recorders, two digital and two using standard cassettes. Although one o f these recorders had the capability to transcribe voice to text, this did not prove successful in transcription. I took brief notes throughout the process to capture themes and observations o f the group process. I stored all audiotapes and hand-written records in a locked cabinet in my home office until the study was completed, and then erased and destroyed the material. I transcribed the data and the data resulting from the individual interview and focus groups were shared and verified w ith the participants for validation o f the accuracy and authenticity. The emergent data from the interview and focus groups speak in depth to the research objective o f “ generating answers that are m inim ally affected by external influence”

(Palys & Atchison, 2008, p. 172).

Data Analysis

The purpose o f comprehensive data analysis is to construct a distilled, sophisticated account o f the participants’ contributions in order to arrive at a view that captures the complexity o f interactions, activities, inferences, and reflections. Significant features and elements embedded in the data were revealed through thematic analysis

(Glesne, 2006), contributing to an end product o f concepts and ideas that made meaning o f the issue (Stringer, 2007). Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 61

Categorizing and Coding

I used the procedures o f categorizing and coding to identify units o f meaning from participant experiences and perceptions, organizing them into categories that typified those experiences and perceptions. I selected key experiences and perceptions reflected in the data and analyzed them to uncover illum inating elements and themes

(Stringer, 2007). The process o f categorizing and coding encouraged me to put aside my own understandings, intuitions, and interpretations and instead “ focus on the meanings that [were] inherent in the world o f the participants” (Stringer, 2007, p. 99).

Factors that influenced and improved the reliability o f the data coding scheme included clear definition and nonoverlapping of the coding system, maintaining a short period o f time between gathering data and coding them, as w ell as coding while observing data gathering processes. Avoiding the use o f inference by observers and keeping the number o f coding categories manageable and small also contributed to reliability (Palys & Atchison, 2008).

In order to maximize the benefits and reduce researcher bias, data analysis included the verbatim words and phrases o f the participants, in order to “ capture the meanings inherent in people’s experience” (Stringer, 2007, p. 99). Stringer proposed a set o f procedures for categorizing and coding that I adhered to in this research project: (a) reviewing the collected data, (b) unitizing the data, (c) categorizing and coding, (d) identifying themes, (e) organizing a category system, and (f) developing a report fram ew ork.

Ryan and Bernard (2003) suggested 12 techniques researchers can use to scrutinize data, including 8 observational techniques, which involve “pawing through Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 62 texts” (p. 88) while looking for themes found in repetition, indigenous typologies, metaphors and analogies, transitions in content, sim ilarities and differences, linguistic connectors, missing data, and theory-related material. The material can then be manipulated by cutting and sorting, identifying word lists and key words in context, word co-occurrence, and metocoding to discover themes by examining the “relationship among a priori themes” (p. 99).

Use o f Metaphors

One analytic strategy I used in this research project was to explore themes through metaphors. “People often express their thoughts, behaviors and experiences w ith analogies and metaphors” (Lakoff & Johnson, 1980, as cited by Ryan & Russell, 2003, p.

90).

The world a survival sex worker inhabits may be aptly described as a jungle and includes the sex workers and their cohort, who are often homeless, addicted, impoverished, and, in some cases, mentally ill. Johns as w ell as drug dealers and transients also frequent this jungle. The participants in this project also frequent the jungle as spectators, advocates, and supporters. M y metaphor for m yself as the primary researcher was that o f a chameleon, possessing clairvoyance, remote viewing, and aural sensitivity, which aided me as a facilitator o f the process. The community o f Nanaimo expressed as an organizational jungle contains elements o f a world o f “people and groups with divergent interests and worldviews” (Bolman & Deal, 2003, p. 403), where “the gift o f power is important at m ultiple levels: the individual, the group, and the organization”

(p. 404).

Kirby and McKenna (1989) suggested, Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 63

Metaphors provide an avenue to see important elements o f social support, interaction, networking, relationships, and a variety o f other socially significant factors, and allow the researcher to represent action when theorizing about various explanations or relationships, (p. 187)

Ethical Issues

There is no doubt that prostitutes are among the most vulnerable members o f society (Farley, 2003; Rabinovitch, 2003). Recognizing and representing their needs, concerns, and recommendations as they are presented is a significant moral undertaking, w ith the potential for an enduring impact on the women whose lives are being documented. Consequently, ethical considerations were paramount in this research project.

This project adhered to the eight ethical principles outlined in the RRU’s (2007b)

Research Ethics Policy, including (a) respect for human dignity, (b) respect for free and informed consent, (c) respect for vulnerable persons, (d) respect for privacy and confidentiality, (e) respect for justice and inclusiveness, (f) balancing harms and benefits,

(g) m inimizing harm, and (h) maximizing benefit. Undergoing a required ethical review o f the project by the RRU Research Ethics Committee w ithin the Office o f Research formalized my commitment to these ethical principles and, as such, guided my ethical conduct during the research implementation.

I demonstrated a commitment to establishing principles, practices, and procedures that ensured my conduct as a RRU researcher reflected integrity, accountability, and responsibility and met the high standards set out by the RRU (2007a) Policy and

Procedures on Academic and Misconduct in Research and Scholarship. By conducting m yself as a scholar who valued and committed to behaviour reflecting “honesty .. ., respect for others, scholarly competence and stewardship o f resources” (Royal Roads Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 64

University, 2007a, p. 1), I established m yself as an ambassador for the university and the values it upholds.

Respect fo r Human Dignity

The fabric o f this research was woven w ith the humanistic threads o f safety, trust, and respect for privacy, anonymity, and declined anonymity as dictated by the participants (Glesne, 2006). I protected and respected the dignity o f the participants as a primary moral obligation o f the research in order not to exploit or enhance their vulnerability as they shared sensitive and personal information and life experiences

(Glesne, 2006).

Respect fo r Informed Consent

In order to protect the sensitive participant-researcher relationship necessary to delve into issues associated w ith this research project, I obtained free and informed consent through written, signed consent forms from all the participants prior to the start o f the research. I initially invited participants to participate by telephone or e-mail, followed by a formal e-mail inviting their participation and requesting their informed consent. The risks, expectations, and benefits associated w ith participation were explored in a comprehensive manner w ith prospective participants at the outset, and just and inclusive measures were taken to address concerns in a participatory fashion. I made every effort to respect the privacy and anonymity of the participants, disguising identifying information and descriptive data where possible. Participation was completely voluntary, and I informed participants o f their right to withdraw at any point in the project without prejudice. Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 65

Respect fo r Privacy and Confidentiality

Reciprocity is a critical component o f group participation, where all participants agree to honour a commitment o f confidentiality. This is virtually impossible to ensure, yet I made every effort to secure group commitment. I secured all tapes, recordings, and notes produced during the interviews and focus groups in a locked safe and destroyed identifying documents other than letters o f consent upon completion o f the project.

Respect fo r Vidnerable Persons

This research focuses on a population o f women who are vulnerable in many respects, not lim ited to experiences o f sexual abuse, violence, trauma, addiction, homelessness, poverty, mental illness, medical complications, and, importantly, stigmatization. Although active sex workers were not involved as participants, their needs were represented and their emergent patterns o f behaviour were explored w ith compassion and integrity. As a researcher, I had the opportunity to lead authentically w ith behaviour congruent w ith the ethical standards upheld by RRU. M y communication methods were clear, honest, and direct, and I consistently weighed the potential harms and benefits for the participants, making accommodations in the research process as needed to minimize harm and maxim ize benefits. I took care to be respectful o f the relationships I forged and m inimized the impact o f inserting m yself into participants’ lives (Palys & Atchison, 2008).

Consideration o f Researcher Bias

The potential existed for personal bias to influence the research project and outcomes, and I was m indful o f allowing the process to unfold and having the participants involved in the outcomes and their voices heard even if they appeared to Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 66 conflict with others. Through engaging in systematic and rigorous reviews o f credibility, transferability, dependability, and confirm ability (Stringer, 2007) I ensured a credible outcome. Although I approached the sponsoring organization in the role o f consultant, and not as an employee, the potential for participants to cooperate due to pre-existing personal and professional relationships w ith me may have influenced their desire to become involved in this project (Palys & Atchison, 2008). The onus was on me as the researcher to clarify, articulate, and engage in ethical conduct at all times in the process, creating an atmosphere o f safety and trust for others to freely engage in the process, while remaining “critically aware and reflexive” (Palys & Atchison, 2008, p. 143) o f my own philosophical stance on the research topic.

In order to maintain my “ credibility as an effective driver o f change and as an astute political player” (Coghlan & Brannick, 2005, p. 71) it was imperative that my ethical approach contributed to the quality o f the research to arrive at a sustainable project w ith lasting consequences.

C onclusion

The action research spiral o f qualitative analysis used in the conduct o f this project proved to be a productive way to acquire reliable information, through the use of plausible and practical data gathering techniques, and a natural fit in the community change process. Literature on prostitution supports the ideas that “ one o f the central tensions in relation to exiting [sex work] is that there is considerable ambivalence amongst the relevant support agencies ... [and that] if they are to be effective they need to be structured, comprehensive, integrated, [and] individually tailored” (Matthews, 2008, p. 13 l).The methodology used in this action research project provided an opportunity to Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 67 create new partnerships and strengthen existing relationships between participating individuals and groups, generating a shared understanding and approach to the research question.

The inclusive nature o f the process used in this project supported com patibility amid diversity, which generates possibilities for change. Building relationships between participants based on common aims and shared meaning during the process w ill strategically influence larger local and universal systems (Senge, 2006). “ Communities grow from people pursuing questions that have heart and meaning to them” (Brown, as cited in Senge, 2006, p. 309). The inclusive and appreciative approach used in this research project actively stimulated visioning and the potential for profound change in the community in response to my research question. Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 68

CHAPTER 4: ACTION RESEARCH PROJECT RESULTS AND CONCLUSIONS

This research questioned, “ What conditions w ill support the development and integration o f community resources to assist women in transitioning from survival sex work?” In order to develop an enhanced perspective o f the research question and support subsequent learning, I identified the following subquestions:

1. What resources or supports need to be in place?

2. What barriers or obstacles need to be removed?

3. What approaches and strategies effectively support women transitioning from

survival sex work?

Out o f respect for the anonymity o f the focus group participants, I have not used participant identifiers. In this chapter, I identify comments from the focus groups w ith

“FG” and Lauren Casey’s interview comments with “I.”

M etaphors

One method o f qualitative analysis explored in this study was an examination of the use o f metaphors by study participants, as mentioned in chapter 3. According to

Battisti and Eiselen (2008), metaphors allow the researcher to “ address layers o f emotions, resistances and unconscious meaning [where] in most cases different meanings are inherent in a social situation and thus different interpretations o f the problem are possible” (p. 2).

Participants in this study defined and described their perspective o f the research question using over 60 metaphors and analogies. Consideration o f these underlying metaphors enhanced the reflective process and created an “ explicit, transparent and structured” (McClintock, Ison, &Armson, 2003, p. 715) inteipretation o f meaning behind Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 69 the data. The literal reality o f survival sex work on the city streets precipitated a duelling structural analogy o f “building resources” (FG) and “burning bridges” (FG), which involved the conditions that could “bridge the gap” (FG) perceived between the lives o f survival sex workers and mainstream community members. Enforcement measures

“ sweep the streets” (FG) o f prostitutes, while the community is seen as denying the issue by “ sweeping it under the carpet” (I), a carpet woven with the “ common thread” (FG, I) o f the experiences o f survival sex workers.

Metaphors add and extend new meaning to participants’ insights by describing

“ aspects o f a social situation which are inexpressible in regular language” (Battisti &

Eiselen, 2008, p. 5). A participant’s description o f prostitution as “ a comfort zone” (I) was a poignant expression o f the isolation experienced by the women “ look[ing] outside their little box” (FG) from “a little world within a bigger world” (FG). Participants described community members as “mushrooms in the dark about a whole host o f issues, prostitution being one o f them” (FG) and individuals who need to “ see the light” (FG) because “it’s just a hairline that separates us from them [prostitutes]” (FG).

Participants articulated their perceptions o f the community through “ figurative language containing metaphors” (Pierce & Chaippe, 2009, p. 1), describing Nanaimo, in its close proxim ity to Vancouver, as “ a bedroom o f the largest drug population in

Canada” (FG), where transients moved in a “travelling road show” (FG) from one “ skid row” (FG) to another. Survival sex workers were described as perilously “treading water”

(FG) “near the epicenter o f the drug community” (FG), occasionally sleeping in “ fly by night” (FG) crisis houses, described by another participant as a “ butterfly landing zone” Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 70

One participant summarized her frustration w ith the lack o f resources available to support survival sex workers w ith a caricature: “ If prostitutes were a cat or a dog they would be taken care o f in a shelter. ... We should put little fuzzy kitten faces on them all

[in order to provoke a compassionate community response]” (FG). Her “performative approach” demonstrated that “ the realm o f figurative statement production is a viable arena in which existing theories can be examined and broadened” (Pierce & Chiappe,

2009, p. 19) by going “ beyond the outermost layer o f [the] problem . . . [and] contributing] to new interpretations” (Battisti & Eiselen, 2008, p. 2).

Study Findings

In this section I w ill integrate data and comments to support the themes identified through the interview and focus groups and present my findings. I substantiate each finding w ith sample comments collected from the data. Using a qualitative, appreciative inquiry approach to the data collection process, which included an individual interview and three focus groups, I have arrived at an understanding o f themes organized in six major findings for this research project:

1. Survival sex workers regularly face debilitating challenges;

2. Sex workers have the strength and capacity to survive and adapt;

3. Numerous factors impede successful service provision;

4. An available, cooperative, integrative system o f support is essential;

5. Shifting community perspective w ill reduce stigma and marginalization; and

6. Resources are being used in other communities addressing sim ilar issues. Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 71

I collected and analyzed the interview and focus group data separately, yet the comments from the participants held much in common, and findings include comments from both sources.

Finding 1: Survival Sex Workers Regularly Face Debilitating Challenges

A defining moment at the onset o f the first focus group involved a participant bluntly inquiring, “ Who are these prostitutes? Who are these people we’re dealing with?

To say, well, ‘How do we solve the problem?’ we need to know what the problem is”

(FG). A ll participants were asked to identify the personal characteristics or circumstances they have found commonly challenge women transitioning from survival sex work.

Casey distinguished survival sex workers from women involved in other forms of prostitution as follows:

Those are the ones that are visible. They’re street entrenched. A lot o f them are horrifically addicted to some kind o f substance. Some o f them are working for somebody else who may be controlling them in that environment. There’s a lot of exploitation, not much choice. It’s not working for choice. It’s now working for needing to work. (I)

A participant extended the concept o f addiction directly impacting choice, stating,

“ They’re not really contemplating change; they’re fuelling their addiction” (FG), while another said, “The m ajority o f the street sex trade workers are there to feed their drug addiction and then o f course it spirals out o f control” (FG). The theme o f addiction as prevalent among survival sex workers pervaded the data: “Addiction keeps women on the streets, not only to their drug o f choice or alcohol, but also to sex work and to the quick money” (FG). Another focus group participant added his perspective: “ If I had to live like that, I might resort to drugs too” (FG). Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 72

Many participants identified challenges regarding addiction to money and the financial hardship experienced by survival sex workers. As a participant said, “Poverty is an issue. What’s the alternative to selling your body for cash and being able to support yourself at some level?” (FG). The financial challenges faced by women exiting street prostitution may inhibit their motivation to transition out o f it: “ [A prostitute] can make as much money in a day as you can in a month on income assistance” (FG). Another participant addressed the financial needs associated w ith basic survival:

I think that it probably isn’t as easy to find the support you need at times, and we all have to have some ability to live. And to be part o f the underground economy at times is quite frankly more attractive than what the system is able to offer you. (FG)

Financial lim itations often lead to other barriers. “ It’s not always about money.

Sometimes it’s about a place to stay, or food” (FG). Participants characterized homelessness as a significant barrier to meeting basic needs: “ It’s hard to concentrate on getting better if you have no safe housing” (FG). Another participant queried, “ Can you imagine somebody who’s homeless, you know, completely addicted, can’t get into treatment, [and so] not only [has to] get into treatment but has to get into housing?” (FG).

Safety for survival sex workers was a major concern raised by participants. As

Casey pointed out, “ There’s a lot o f violence and these women are not safe right now”

(I). Participants discussed how many survival sex workers experienced childhood trauma and abuse: “ If there was trauma in childhood or abuse or relationships or being turned out at an early age, that’s all a really important piece to focus on as w ell” (FG) said a participant, while another stated, “These people were abused when they were 12 years old. Their fathers were feeding them cocaine so they [could] get into sex so they [could] make money for the father to get more drugs” (FG). Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 73

Another participant described her experience w ith a survival sex worker, whose childhood sexual trauma normalized her choice to stay in prostitution:

I remember one girl I was taking through a court process for a bad date where she was really violently sexually assaulted and [I] tried to talk to her about exiting, and she was saying, “ Why? When I was 10,12, 14, my fam ily was doing it to me. Now at least I get to choose who I’m doing it with and I get paid, so you know it’s okay for me. Right now it’s okay for me.” (FG)

This corroborates another participant’s observation that “ [prostitutes] are conditioned to a violent relationship” (FG).

Facing daily challenges o f addiction, poverty, homelessness, and violence, survival sex workers often miss appointments and consequently find it difficult to obtain medical services at a public clinic when their drug-affected behaviour generates resistance:

Again, the doctors— I ’ve actually escorted women and men into the m all so they can go to that clinic. Because you’re not allowed in the mall. They’ve been banned from the mall. They’re afraid to go in because the police are going to get called and they’re going to get arrested. There’s all kinds o f fear about that that’s brought up about the doctors red-flagging them and stuff. I mean we’ve got to remember who they are. Just to make an appointment is huge. (FG)

Participants unanimously expressed that prostitutes “ lack in education and life skills” (FG), particularly employable skills. There was consensus among most participants that survival sex workers “ suffer from very low self-esteem and often have very few skill sets” (FG). As a participant articulated,

I’m helping this woman do her resume and what w ill she put down for job experience? She’s worked on the street since she was 16 and I’m like, okay, we can fill out all the other stuff. She’s got great communications skills, she would be great in sales, and we can figure out all o f this stuff, but in work experience there’s this huge gap. . . . What is she going to put in there?

A number o f participants spoke o f the sector o f survival sex workers who have mental illnesses or developmental challenges, including fetal alcohol or drug spectrum Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 74 disorder, which a participant described as having an “ invisible disability. . . . [They] end up in the survival sex trade just because o f their vulnerability living with FASD [fetal alcohol or drug spectrum disorder] and their wanting to belong” (FG).

These themes reflect the urgency o f the circumstances and barriers that survival sex workers face on a daily basis and the overlapping issues that conflict w ith successful transitioning.

Finding 2: Sex Workers Have the Strength and Capacity to Survive and Adapt

Survival is a powerful word. When asked to identify the perceived characteristics o f survival sex workers, participants described some attributes common to their experience. Casey stated sex workers possess “really good listening skills, great counselling skills, marketing [and] entrepreneurial skills ... [and are] great multitaskers, able to take a lot o f things on at the same time” (I). A focus group participant commented, “ They do have very good survival skills on the street. They do manage to sustain themselves such as they are, but they don’t have very good life skills to carry on from that point” (FG).

Another strength mentioned by a focus group participant related to the women’s persistence in seeking service: “ [They] have the fortitude to come back time and time again to call and see if they can get in [to detox].” Another participant remarked, “ I find those women that we do see that come back, that do make those changes, are absolutely remarkable human beings” (FG). Casey stated, “ [Sex workers are] strong, [have] lots of strength, [are] very powerful. I don’t know what the trait would be [called] but a lot o f the women can become a real presence” (I). Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 75

One participant suggested, “I f you don’t have your basic needs met, you’re in survival, and if you don’t have your belonging needs met, you’re going to find a place to belong” (FG). Survival sex workers often find that belonging through integrating into the downtown subculture o f other homeless and drug-addicted people. Their capacity to create community is noteworthy. The street-entrenched community substitutes as fam ily for many o f the women, particularly those who are estranged from their own fam ily o f origin or their children, as is the case for many. As a focus group participant explained, it is “because they need a fam ily, and that becomes the street fam ily, and the boyfriend, whether that’s a pimp or not.”

One focus group participant explored the bond as well as the challenge posed when transitioning away from the street community:

It’s not that they have a fam ily they can turn to and say, “ I’d like to get o ff the street” . . . .Their whole sense o f identity is wrapped up in what they do because they provide for the group. Women don’t go out there and turn a trick, take that money, and go o ff somewhere and do drugs. They bring [the money] back to the group. Somebody runs and gets the drugs, comes back to the group, so it’s like their whole sense o f identity is what they provide to the group. So they don’t have that independence where they can independently then go and just say, “ W ell I’m going to clean my life up and I ’m going to fix it up and I’ll walk away from this group that has given me my sense o f security, my sense o f identity, my sense o f belonging and also o f providing for somebody.” Because they do. They provide for each other you know. (FG)

The data captured much of the enduring capacity for survival exhibited by many sex workers. There is no denying that the challenges they face on a daily basis are no less than horrific, yet their capacity to endure and persist was applauded by those who participated in this research study. Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 76

Finding 3: Numerous Factors Impede Successful Service Provision

The key themes that emerged when participants were asked what they or their organization needed to effectively support women transitioning from survival sex work included (a) increased funding, (b) more flexibility in meeting mandates, and (c) additional resources and workers to avoid exhausting the current workers.

A number o f participants explained that working with survival sex workers was not specifically funded or part o f their mandate:

We don’t have funding for this particular kind o f people so it becomes an add-on for what we do. We need to get more resources specifically for survival sex workers. So what happens is we’re taking money out [of] this program to support them. It’s difficult you know because your resources are limited. (FG)

Participants explained they put a lot o f time and energy into grant w riting as well as the record keeping required by funders: “ We just submit these horrible stats .... H o w many prostitutes did you meet? How many condoms did you hand out? It’s all about numbers; it’s not about dealing w ith the actual problem” (FG). Another participant said,

In order to get to the actual work that you want to do we have to jum p through the hoops, fillin g out the damned paperwork and justifying our very existence, which takes 90% o f our time and leaves 10% o f our time to do the actual work, which we can only do 4% of. (FG)

Restrictive mandates in the workplace also concerned participants. One explained,

“In our agency one of the things I ’ve been fighting for is a little more flexibility in how I do my job and the resources to back that up” (FG). Most participants expressed frustration w ith a lack o f dedicated resources to support the women they work with:

A lot o f them don’t necessarily want out, but for those o f them that come to me— [She may] say, “ Help me. I ’m desperate,” w ith a needle sticking out o f her arm, [but] I have nowhere to send her to treatment. I have no services to offer. (I) Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 77

One focus group participant expressed frustration w ith the volume o f turnover among professionals working with survival sex workers and how that impacts building trusting relationships with the women: “It’s the damned lack of consistency. ... You know, we’re here today gone tomorrow” (FG). Some participants attributed turnover to workers being “ susceptible to donor or helper exhaustion” (FG).

In spite o f the inevitable vicariously traumatizing impact o f working with survival sex workers, it is the evident that the participants o f this research project, many who work in frontline capacities, face their own unique challenges and barriers to doing the effective work they so passionately undertake.

Finding 4: An Available, Cooperative, Integrative System o f Support Is Essential

There was consistency in the data as to what was needed in the community to support women transitioning from survival sex work. Most participants expressed the idea that integration and collaboration among existing services w ill enable comprehensive service delivery. As a participant described, “Integrated .. . everything from enforcement to all o f the services and resources available all are on the same page and agreed to .. . . This is how we’re going to act in an integrated manner to make this all work” (FG). Another participant suggested, “W orking together— like everybody putting all their crap aside, put[ting] all their little agendas aside, and say[ing], ‘We’re really committed to helping these people. Let’s set up a continuous sort o f program’” (FG).

It was unanimous among participants that the community needed dedicated professionals and resources including outreach, drop-in, and peer support as well as a building to house services. One focus group participant expressed a concern common throughout the findings regarding services: “ It’s not only lack o f resources, it’s the Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 78 resources being designed for the specific issues that these women face” (FG). Participants in all focus groups described a form erly available drop-in resource as a model for the support needed for survival sex workers:

The Living Room was great. They had access right away to the CRT [Crisis Response Team]. They had access to the nurses. They had access to everything. They kept people o ff the street. It was well ru n .... It acted as a conduit and a place for people to be in a safe environment. When they took that out o f there, man, it was like they blew the streets up. (FG)

The need to involve experiential women in supporting survival sex workers as w ell as planning and coordinating services was unanimously expressed by all participants. “Peer support would be fantastic here. They need to talk to another woman.

They need to know there’s hope, hope to get o ff the street,. . . [and believe,] ‘I could do it too’” (FG). Another participant bluntly stated, “ From a common sense approach ... they’re getting peer support now, [but] it’s just negative support. So they need positive peer support” (FG). Casey described an ideal peer-based continuum:

The outreach component... [is a] daytime drop-in kind o f thing, where there’s more access to services. It’s onsite at some place that has a program offered .. . incorporating everything in between from court support to medical support to addressing homelessness, housing issues ... [w ith] support workers available to help remove the barriers. (I)

Casey further recommended having “the aftercare component... a weekly support group where people can go and meet and talk about what’s going on today .. . and offer each other support” (I).

A preference for residential services was expressed by a number o f participants:

We have a 24-hour problem but an 8 to 4 solution. Everyone goes home. So you’re going to go out to these people and give them all support between 8 and 4 and then you’re going to kick them to the curb and say, “ Fend for yourself.” So what are they going to do? O f course they’re going to go back to their normal social network [because] that’s where they belong; that’s where they feel supported. (FG) Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 79

Participants identified a community need to have dedicated professionals whose primary mandate was to build relationships and support survival sex workers, particularly providing outreach policing and crisis mental health and addiction support. As an enforcement focus group participant suggested, “ The elements to effectively support these women would be a dedicated position or even a task force w ith the sole responsibility for the street workers” (FG). Another participant stated,

I think the relationship piece is essential be it w ith ... the police or with crisis workers or the probation officer or whoever it is that is long term. Long-term relationship is key to these women because it takes so long for them to actually build trust w ith anyone that if they can establish somewhat o f a core relationship w ith somebody, that relationship needs to be there, and it needs to be a safe place .. . and there needs to be dedicated positions that should deal w ith that. (FG)

Some women in the survival sex trade need more intensified support due to additional challenges such as developmental delays or fetal alcohol or drug spectrum disorder. Such challenges increase their potential for being exploited. As a participant described, “There was this one girl that was giving blow jobs, like for what, fifty cents or a dollar or something like that. That just shows you she’s not making very straight choices. She’s definitely challenged” (FG). The developmental capacity o f survival sex workers varies: “ There is a real spectrum out there. ... I think o f one girl right now who has her degree and she is living on the streets. There [are] a couple o f girls who are slower. They are very low on the IQ scale” (FG).

Survival sex workers who become pregnant or have babies also need specialized support:As a participant pointed out, “A lot o f the workers have been pregnant and having babies in the last year because the johns are paying them more to have sex without the condoms. In certain cases we have 24-year-old girls out there that have six children” Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 80

(FG). Another participant clarified, “ A lot o f them don’t have their children anymore.

Their children are in care” (FG).

The data suggested that there were some dedicated services in the community to support survival sex workers, as well as other professionals who offer support and services aside from their primary mandates. It became evident during data collection that the continuum o f service was fragmented at best, and there were significant gaps in much needed resources to effectively support prostitutes. Additionally, enhanced interagency and professional collaboration appeared to be needed for effective service and communication.

Finding 5: Shifting Community Perspective Will Reduce Stigma and Marginalization

Many participants identified an urgent need in the community to shift from a moral to a social perspective o f the issues surrounding survival sex work. As a participant said, “ There needs to be a concerted effort that looks at the real complexity o f the problem, because in dealing w ith these women there’s a real complexity o f issues” (FG).

When asked what community changes needed to be put in effect to support women transitioning from survival sex work, Casey responded, “Prostitution is not something that’s funded or that’s even talked about.... It boils down to looking at it as a social issue and not a legal [or] a moral issue” (I).

Participants explored the necessity for the community to address the issue o f survival sex work from a social perspective to avoid stigmatizing and marginalizing the women involved and to provide for them as deserving citizens o f the community. As

Casey explained, “ Sex workers don’t want to be treated like victim s.. . .The worst thing anyone could do is say, “ You poor thing. How can I help?” I f s just so patronizing” (I). A Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 81 focus group participant elaborated on the added stigma attached to Aboriginal women engaged in prostitution: “I f they’re Aboriginal prostitutes, the bigger picture is even less.

I mean housing, even our own [Aboriginal] staff have a hard time renting housing ... so if it’s hard for working-class Aboriginal people it’s ... doubly hard for the street- entrenched Aboriginal population” (FG). A fellow participant added, “It's not discrimination. It’s structural, inherent racism” (FG).

Most participants identified the lack of affordable and appropriate housing as a pressing community issue: “ There are some pieces missing in the community, different housing options. There are pieces o f that solution, but not all o f the pieces” (FG). A focus group participant clarified some o f the housing issues faced by survival sex workers:

They end up w ith landlords who know what the housing market is and they’re completely abusive. I know lots o f women who’ve had to have sex w ith their landlord to hold on to some crumby little room in an attic ... so it’s like they kind of end up right back even if they try to get housing. (FG)

Many participants said m unicipally funded RCMP court diversion options should be consistently employed: “ Give them a choice. You either go on to a rehab or a detox program or some other program that w ill help you out or you’re going to go to ja il” (FG).

Another participant pointed out, “ Incarceration or fin es or some sort o f penalty by the court is meaningless unless there are opportunities for treatment and housing that go w ith that process” (FG).

Participants explored the nuisance factor o f visible sex work and the resulting impact on businesses in the downtown core: “ We have businesses that complain about..

. prostitution... .They think it’s bad to have prostitution ... in or around their business”

(FG). Another participant added,

Everyone needs to set aside what they personally want for their particular Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 82

organization and say, “ How do we all work together? How does business work with social and how does social work w ith business? And how do we all work w ith enforcement? And then we get the political part o f it thrown into our mix. How would we work with that as well?” (FG)

Focus group participants explored the community’s negative perception o f survival sex work and the resulting challenges the women face when transitioning out o f it: “ They’re so disconnected from mainstream culture and mainstream society. And it’s such a huge chasm between yourself and that world it’s unbridgeable I think for those folks on many levels” (FG). One member of the enforcement focus group said,

We are trying to minimize the nuisance aspect on neighbourhoods. The more we enforce, I think, the more we tend to marginalize the prostitute groups. They aren’t going to stop prostitution. What we are going to do is push them out o f the downtown.... So w ith an increase in enforcement, I think sometimes what you are going to do is put them at greater risk. That helps the neighbourhoods, the downtown perhaps. Does it help the plight o f the girls? I don’t think it does. (FG)

The nuisance factor o f prostitute users patrolling neighbourhood streets was also discussed: “ So w ith the johns, their cruising and stopping and picking up, nothing’s illegal according to the Criminal Code. And that’s what’s really frustrating to the residents.... If there was no demand, the girls wouldn’t be there” (FG). Another participant added, “I always find it interesting that we blame the sex trade workers. And if there was no demand there would be no [stroll]” (FG).

A ll the participants in this research project were passionate in their concern to shift the community’s perspective o f survival sex work away from a judging, moralistic position to one o f compassion, empathy, and inclusion.

Finding 6: Resources Are Being Used in Other Communities Addressing Similar Issues

Participants gave examples o f services in other communities that they regularly refer survival sex workers to. As a participant explained, “ Services for survival sex Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 83 workers, we don’t have them in Nanaimo, and most of them you can find in Vancouver,

Kelowna” (FG). Another participant added, “I think it comes back to the continuum of care, starting w ith an emergency shelter system is basic” (FG). A focus group participant described an emergency service she often refers to,

I'm not saying the Sandy Merriman in Victoria is the end all be a ll... but at least there we had women that came in. They could be high, they could be drunk, they could show up at 3:00 in the morning because that was when the last hour was, after the bars closed. It was safe. It was 15 beds. We need something like that, not necessarily that, but something like that as a jumping o ff point. (FG)

Participants unanimously agreed that collaboration w ith PEERS was essential: “I wish we had PEERS here because it would be easier to have a society here or a division o f it” (FG). Court diversion was also described as a needed intervention: “ PAAFE

(Prostitution Awareness and Action Foundation in Edmonton)... seems to work quite w e ll.. . . [It] really worked with court diversionary programs and getting women basically into housing and schooling and trying to teach them life skills” (FG).

Nanaimo’s geographic proxim ity to Victoria and Vancouver and resulting transient population o f prostitutes as well as the treatment options developed in those cities were also explored:

There’s a lot o f new women transitioning through Nanaimo. Every single time we go out we see new faces. So I think what happens is that while they may come here originally not completely entrenched in the street life, that quickly happens and they kind o f get taken into one o f the groups that are out there. (FG)

Involvement of the community at a provincial or federal level might impact legislation related to prostitution. As a participant suggested,

I think the laws, the way they are, don’t really meaningfully contribute to a solution to minimize the disorder and nuisance that prostitution causes. I think all it does is serves to further marginalize these girls. I don’t think the laws give us any tools to deal with the issue it wants to deal w ith .... I don’t think it’s the state’s role to judge m orality unless you can say there is clear, convincing harm to Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 84

another person. (FG)

This led to further discussions around the decriminalization o f prostitution. As a focus group participant said,

I don’t think that even if you made prostitution itself illegal that there is much o f a stomach out there in society to send . .. [people] engaged in that activity to court when really they’re a victim themselves and that is why they are breaking the law or causing a public disorder (FG)

The participants in the research project were pragmatic in their vision o f an ideal continuum o f service for the survival sex workers in the immediate community. Many participants extended that vision to include reciprocal services throughout the province and suggested ways that community collaboration may strengthen services in and beyond

Nanaim o.

Conclusions

As a result o f assimilating and integrating the data gathered from the interview and focus group inquiry process, I have reached five conclusions:

1. Survival sex workers are extremely vulnerable and resilient;

2. The community needs to support survival sex workers as fellow citizens;

3. Resources must be coordinated, collaborative, and accessible;

4. Service providers and agencies need support to maximize efficacy and minimize

burnout; and

5. Systemic community collaboration w ill increase service capacity.

Conclusion 1: Survival Sex workers Are Extremely Vulnerable and Resilient

According to Matthews (2008), more women want to transition from street sex work than is realized, and “the m ajority o f those involved in street prostitution w ill need considerable help and support to overcome the various impediments they face” (p. 131). Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 85

It is apparent from the literature and the data resulting from this research project that survival sex workers face an array o f obstacles due to homelessness, poverty, addictions, traumatic experiences, and mental and medical illness (Farley, 2003; Hedin & Mansson,

2003; Smith, 2006). Most prostitutes also deal w ith histories o f sexual abuse, extreme violence, and consequences from criminal involvement in addition to low self-esteem and a lack o f education and employable skills (Farley, 2003; Rabinovitch, 2003; Hedin &

Mansson, 2003; Matthews, 2008).

A significant number o f survival sex workers have fetal alcohol or drug spectrum disorder or other developmental challenges, often concurrent w ith mental health and addiction disorders. As Smith (2006) points out, “Many o f these women have the capacity o f a six-year-old yet live in the body o f a 25-year-old.” (p. 73). Smith also points out that “those affected w ith Fetal Alcohol Spectrum Disorder have a difficult time, not only accessing services but also in completing programs” (2006, p. 78). A focus group participant pointed out the challenge o f identifying developmental disorders in women who are profoundly addicted to drugs: “ Symptoms that would seem apparent if they weren’t under the influence o f drugs are masked by the fact that they are using so much.

So it is hard to say w ith certainty it’s because they have a disability versus the drug addiction” (FG).

There is no doubt that survival sex workers are among, if not the most, vulnerable members o f the community. However, they may also be among the most resilient. When describing positive attributes o f survival sex workers, Casey said, “ I’d say at the top of the list is resiliency. [They are] very resilient... able to overcome obstacles with ease . .. to overcome and flourish in spite o f adversity” (I). Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 86

Survival sex workers are often mothers, whose children have been removed from them, causing some o f them to experience “the total collapse o f their worlds” (Hedin &

Mansson, 2003). The women have the remarkable capacity to forge fam ily and community w ith their peers on the virtual streets. Sakamoto (2007) suggested that the women protect each other and often share the few belongings they have, such as tampons and money, because the values o f reciprocity and loyalty are paramount in their subculture. A focus group participant explained,

This is the kind o f underground economy ... that keeps people connected w ith other people.... I think when a woman makes it from the street she loses that sense o f community and it creates a lot o f isolation and makes it really d ifficult to make it work, to make it take. (FG)

The literature and these research findings abound w ith descriptions o f the challenges women experience when working in the survival sex trade. The profile o f a survival sex worker in Nanaimo does not appear to deviate from global portrayals in the literature. The resourcefulness and capacity o f these women to survive in spite of constant severely adverse circumstances is testimony to the very characteristics that support the successful transitions and transformations that many experiential women have achieved.

Conclusion 2: The Community Needs to Support Survival Sex Workers as Fellow Citizens

Gerzon (2006) provides the metaphor that assumptions lie beneath the surface, and the goal o f excavating them is not to convince others, but to learn. Many assumptions are made about the histories, motives, and needs o f survival sex workers, which often lead to their stigmatization as a group. As Pheterson (1993) says, “Being a prostitute is a female role for which there is a mixture o f radical contempt, compassion, support, and opposition” (p. 59). The culture of the community incorporates values and beliefs as well Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 87 as underlying shared assumptions about appropriate behaviour (Detert, Schroeder, &

Mauriel, 2000). A focus group participant said, “ There [are] lots o f rules, there [are] lots o f regulations, in terms o f how people are supposed to speak, how they’re supposed to act. I mean we have certain expectations that they may not be able to meet” (FG).

The need to educate community politicians, service providers, and residents was discussed by research participants. Survival sex workers are often viewed as nuisance people, much as marijuana grow houses are considered nuisance properties. As a participant stated, “ Society generally sees this population as invaluable and parasites”

(FG). Furthermore, survival sex workers are frequently held responsible for their situation as their drug use is considered by many to be a deliberate choice. Violence and sexual assault are also often considered a natural consequence o f their choices. As

Sanders (2004) states,

Women who work as prostitutes, by contrast, appear to be risk taking by the standards o f others in the community and are excluded from the rights to protection granted to other citizens, and are placed outside acceptable conceptions o f fem ininity. Failure o f women to take appropriate actions to prevent risks and danger are considered immoral and to lack citizenship responsibilities, (p. 559)

A study by Lewis, Maticka-Tyndale, Shaver, and Schramm (2005) indicated

“women’s experiences o f stigma expanded beyond their working lives. Former as well as current women sex workers experienced scrutiny, attack, and police harassment both during and after work” (p. 156) and “people living in the neighbourhoods where they worked ‘threatened’ them and tried to ‘chase them from the area’” (p. 157). One focus participant expressed this potential for survival sex workers to become lost citizens o f the community: “They get to the point where they want to get out and they go, ‘W ell why Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 88 should I get out? Nobody looks after me. Nobody cares about me. The police don't believe me.’ You know, where do they go?” (FG).

It was emphasized by a number o f participants that women in the survival sex trade are citizens o f the community and should be accorded the same rights and protection as other community members. Lewis et al. (2005) stated, “ Although sex work per se is not illegal in Canada, sex workers are neither afforded the rights, nor carry the responsibilities, associated w ith employment in Canada” (p. 149). A focus group participant explained,

It’s the conceptual notion o f deserving and undeserving people. So if you are somebody who has a disability and your circumstances are deemed by the society to be beyond your control, then you are a deserving, vulnerable person that we should help. If you are, in the Calvinist tradition, someone who made a whole bunch o f bad choices, for whatever reason, then you are an undeserving poor [individual].

Benoit and Shaver (2006) stated that “ the bulk o f the research to date separates sex work from other occupations, an approach that reifies the assumption that the former represents an identity category, rather than an economic activity pursued for a variety o f reasons” (p. 25).

Sex workers often “ appear as one-dimensional, rather than as people whose work represents only one part of their multi-faceted lives” (Benoit & Shaver, 2006, p. 246) and they need “ strategies that work to help them develop sustainable lives, whether inside or outside the [sex] industry” (Benoit & Shaver, 2006, p. 246). They have the same right as all people to achieve autonomy in their affairs by being self-initiating, volitional in their behaviours, and w illing ly engaging in proactive change processes (Sheldon, 2003).

Pheterson (1993) explained,

Women who claim self-determination as prostitutes lose victim status and Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 89

ideological sympathy. In other words, a whore is viewed either as a casualty of the system or as a collaborator w ith the system. Regardless, she is not considered an ally in the struggle for survival and liberation, (p. 58)

The m unicipality needs to take a positional stance against the stigmatization o f any members o f the community, including those most vulnerable, such as survival sex workers. As a focus group participant pointed out,

Over time we all have all kinds o f success stories, but we don’t spend a lot o f time promoting them. We don’t spend a lot o f time saying that every individual has the potential. We say it to ourselves but we’re not educating the public about that.

Pheterson (1993) stated,

Notions o f honor and worth w ill continue to permeate our perceptions and laws; the goal is not to erase such values but to render them consistent w ith human rights. Legal, social, and psychological authorities could nurture rather than sabotage such consistency by removing the stigma attached to prostitution, (p. 60)

The onus is on the community to support women transitioning from survival sex work as many o f them have lost all contact with former friends and many fam ily members, and their only ties are w ithin the subculture o f the street (Hedin & Mansson,

2003). They may “ find themselves between two worlds, the one they want to leave and the one they want to join. Both worlds fill them w ith ambivalence and insecurity” (Hedin

& Mansson, 2003, p. 231).

Conclusion 3: Resources Must Be Coordinated, Collaborative, and Accessible

It was evident from the data that survival sex workers possess a myriad o f strengths and skills that might provide the foundation for transitional success. Taking a strength-based approach to service for sex workers w ill invite them to participate in crafting their own solutions and enhancing their innate skills. A humanist stance suggests everyone has the capacity to change and grow, and it is important to understand and enhance the capabilities o f sex workers particularly in terms o f “ systematically Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 90 examining survival skills, abilities, knowledge, resources, and desires that can be used in some way to help meet [their] goals” (Early & GlenMaye, 2000, p. 119).

It was unanimously expressed by research participants that the challenges sex workers face are complex and overlapping, and they require support from virtually every sector o f the community in order to successfully transition from, or reduce the harm of, their street-based survival. A focus group participant explored community engagement as a concrete marketing approach:

[Take] a larger abstract perspective... .Here’s the society we’re working with. It’s a market-based society. It’s based on social utility. It’s based on investment and expenses. So let’s transform the language we use a little bit to help people and present them as a great investment in time, in money, in effort. (FG)

As Gerzon (2006) suggests, “ We need to use communication tools that remove walls, not reinforce them; build bridges, not destroy them; and foster innovation, not prevent it” (p. 148).

Participants described the need for a continuum o f services working harmoniously and collaboratively to support sex workers, using a wraparound model o f treatment, which was also referred to as a continuum o f service. One focus group participant said,

I think there needs to be a continuum o f services from first contact to the kind of services provided at the Women's Resource Centre where women can come when they need and receive inform ation and education in terms o f getting their needs m et. (FG )

As Bruns (2004) suggests, “ Wraparound provides a method through which teams come together to create and implement plans to meet needs, achieve outcomes, and improve lives” (p. 1). The wraparound approach would support women overcoming obstacles common to survival sex workers and achieve tangible outcomes: “Theory and research both support the importance o f individualized care for individuals w ith complex Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 91 needs. This may explain why individualization is a cornerstone o f the wraparound process and systems o f care” (Brun, 2004, p. 5).

Participants in the research process indicated that court diversion processes should be included in the continuum o f services for survival sex workers: “ Sex workers are left vulnerable to abuse by those more powerful than themselves and are at the same time in danger o f breaking the law while trying to make a living” (Benoit& M illar, 2001, p. 9). It is inevitable for survival sex workers to violate section 213 o f the Criminal Code, which prohibits communication in a public place for sexual purposes (Pivot Legal Society,

2007). “ Ironically and tragically, the more dependent a woman is upon prostitution for her income, the more forced she is to break a law and the more hindered she is from reporting abuse” (Pheterson, 1993, p. 44). A focus group participant expressed the sentim ents o f many other participants:

Charging and penalizing women who are involved in survival sex just furthers the division between them and any sense o f recovery or any opportunity to make changes in their life. Because survival sex is a miserable business, but it’s survival. And then to take them into the court system and say, “Now we’re going to punish you for actually surviving, for doing the one thing that you were left w ith that you could do to survive” [does not] send a message that is going to bridge any sort o f gap or connection w ith the society at large for these women. (FG)

It was evident from the research that peer support would be the most immediate ingredient needed in a recipe for community change. In the interview Casey recommended having a program like PEERS and including “people who have been there, done that” (I). The voices o f experiential women in their own transitional processes reflect the unique experiences o f survival sex work and make for empowered advocacy.

As Pheterson (1993) suggests, too often “ adult women who work as prostitutes are not deemed capable enough to speak for themselves or to determine their own lives (they are Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 92 treated like wayward children)” (p. 60). Casey and Paterson (2008) state, “ An

‘experiential’ person has first-hand, lived experiences o f illic it substance use and sex work in their past” (p. 6).

The development o f a continuum of services for sex workers must include specialized supports for Aboriginal women. One focus group participant described

Aboriginal women as “not valued” (FG) by the community. Farley (2003) suggests that the overrepresentation o f Aboriginal women in prostitution in Canada is “ a consequence o f their marginalized and devalued status in Canada, w ith a concomitant lack o f options for economic survival” (p. 63).

A focus group participant described the women she worked w ith as usually

“hungry, cold, tired, and wet” (FG). The urgency o f meeting basic needs including housing cannot be overstated. As a focus group participant stated, “ There needs to be some kind o f housing-first model, some low-barrier housing” (FG). Research widely supports the prioritizing o f supportive housing for those involved in the sex trade (Benoit

& M illar, 2001; Rabinovitch, 2003; Smith, 2006).

Kirby and McKenna (1989) suggested that “research activities should empower the people who are usually merely the objects o f research” (p. 41), which prostitutes often are. The community needs to welcome, accommodate, and empower women transitioning from survival sex work, or they w ill inevitably return to where they do feel welcome:

“ When they’re exiting the street they’re leaving behind a culture that in many ways has cared for them very deeply” (FG). Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 93

Conclusion 4: Service Providers Need to Be Supported Personally and Professionally

The consistent tone o f participant voices throughout this research was profoundly compassionate for those members o f the community struggling to survive in the sex trade. “ For a community to be whole and healthy, it must be based on people’s love and concern for each other” (Fuller, as cited in SPARC-BC, 2008, f 1). However, without adequate supports in place for the workers, many w ill be rapidly exhausted by the demands o f the work. As a participant pointed out,

We need to create opportunities for people and understand that there’s donor exhaustion and donor fatigue, and if you keep going to the well, over time people go, “I’m tired, I can’t do this any more.” You can’t keep responding to other people’s pain without turning o ff at some tim e.... We call it burnout. (FG)

Survival sex workers often cycle repeatedly through social services before reporting any noticeable improvement in their situation. A study by Hedin and Mansson

(2003) reported that 25% o f women who exited prostitution did so without contact or support from their families and usually relied on the support o f social workers or professionals to assist in their transition. Many service providers who have developed positive rapports w ith the women, and stay w ith them through this experience, soon become fatigued: “ Compassion fatigue refers to an emotional state w ith negative psychological and physical consequences that emanate from acute or prolonged caregiving people stricken by intense trauma, suffering, or misfortune” (Bush, 2009, p.

25).

Burnout can occur in any setting, yet compassion fatigue is unique to those in nursing, counselling, and caregiving professions (Bush, 2009; Joinson, 1992). Virtually all the participants in this study who had frontline involvement with survival sex workers were vulnerable to burnout, particularly when the work was outside o f their primary Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 94 mandate. As a focus group participant described, “ O ff the side o f your desk. ... It’s not what your real job is” (FG). According to Joinson (1992) burnout may be inevitable:

“Because your profession sets you up for compassion fatigue, you’ll almost certainly experience it at some point in your career” (p. 119). Conversely, research on intrinsic motivation suggests that when people “ feel that their needs for autonomy, competence, and relatedness are supported, then they are enabled to go further in their efforts to change and to maintain healthy behaviors they have already adopted” (Sheldon, 2003, p.

85).

Hand in hand w ith professional burnout is a relatively high rate o f turnover among the workers who support prostitutes in the community. This lack o f consistency in developing productive relationships w ith the women was a concern brought forward by participants and was attributed to a lack o f resources for adequate staffing, which in turn was affected by the continuous effort required o f nonprofit agencies to secure funding and manage the record-keeping required by funders. Participants in the focus groups were asked what they needed to be effective in supporting survival sex workers. Their responses included (a) increased funding capacity for existing workers to do outreach,(b) adequate funding to provide basic and aftercare services and dedicated workers, and (c) sustainable funding to dedicate more time to client service and less time to seeking funds.

As a participant explained, “ [I would like] a stable funding stream because I spend about

50% o f my time w riting grants to keep us open and I could be spending the time working in programs” (FG). Another participant summarized the theme o f concerns related to funding: “ Everybody that works in this field is overwhelmed and overworked and underresourced” (FG). Stable funding would support the development o f consistent Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 95 wraparound services in order to effectively support survival sex workers. This in turn would incorporate support for the service providers. As Bruns (2004) suggests,

Supporting high-fidelity wraparound requires more than merely providing high- quality support to wraparound programs and their staff. Just as important is the overall level o f support to wraparound teams provided by the policy and funding context, often known as “the system.” (p. 8)

Timely and appropriate interventions and supports for professionals w ill enable enduring and meaningful relationships w ith the women involved in sex work as well as more positive outcomes for the women, the professionals, and ultimately the community.

Conclusion 5: Systemic Community Collaboration Will Increase Service Capacity

It was evident from the research that survival sex workers access virtually every type of social services support currently available in the community and that it would be an enormous challenge to obtain sustainable funding to create resources to fill all gaps in service. When asked what resources they refer to in other communities to support survival sex workers, focus group participants identified services throughout BC that are not available locally and suggested other communities could be included in a planned continuum o f care. Interprovincial reciprocity o f service provision would enhance the quality o f care for survival sex workers in and beyond the immediate community. As a focus group participant said, “ We would have a coordinated effort o f treatment centres w ithin the province. Nanaimo could send their problem to Kelowna and vice versa” (FG).

Both existent and needed services need to be ascertained in order to identify solutions that w ill allow the provision o f a fu ll spectrum of support. This continuum o f support would involve the integration o f available services in other communities. The m unicipality needs to spearhead the adoption o f a broader systemic perspective and invite collaboration and resource sharing w ith other communities w ithin the province, Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 96 particularly those who share w ith Nanaimo a migratory population o f chronically addicted, impoverished, and homeless people. As a focus group participant explained,

We have the most temperate climate in the country... .We are practically a bedroom o f the largest drug population probably in Canada, if not North America. Drug prices are cheap. The addict population is very, very friendly. [We have] the most liberal attitude on drugs in the country. Why would you be homeless without a bed in Toronto, if you could be homeless in Vancouver and Nanaimo? (FG)

Casey spoke o f the mentorship and leadership resulting from collaboration w ith organizations involved w ith survival sex workers: “ The organizations are where the advocacy is happening and they’re across Canada. Everyone has a different mandate but.

. . the issues are the same” (I).

A focus group participant said, “ In the downtown East Side [o f Vancouver] they created a clinic specifically for people living on the streets that actually meets their needs, that doesn’t turn them away because they can’t meet the needs the clinic has” (FG).

Meeting women’s needs in a tim ely manner is critical. As Smith (2006) states,

Women’s needs are multidimensional. The availability o f a wide range o f health and treatment services is crucial. Many sex workers are often ambivalent about accessing services or afraid o f punitive consequences. Opportunity must be taken when it arises otherwise the opportunity can be lost if treatment is not immediately available or readily accessible, (p. 78)

Meeting the needs o f the women involved in survival sex work was a priority for many participants and precipitated discussions on the need to adopt a model o f peer support programs used successfully in other communities. As a participant described,

I too have had the opportunity to deal w ith PEERS out o f Victoria. They seem to be a very well-organized, professional, dedicated group o f people that are having some great successes and doing some really effective work. That is certainly something that we shouldn’t be saying no to if we get the opportunity to deal with them . (FG ) Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 97

The linkages between outreach social services, policing, and mental and medical supports evident in other communities spoke to the sort o f wraparound model participants indicated they would like to see established locally:

The program in Victoria where they’ve got... basically a CRT [Crisis Response Team] w ith dedicated police resources, w ith a medical member, a psychiatric member. They have offices but they don’t have any appointments such that it’s just their starting point and they’re basically mobile. They go out and advocate and they identify a short list o f people that are the highest priority and they work through the top ten cases one at a time, and as they have a success they move to the next one. (FG)

The community o f Nanaimo has a unique opportunity to contribute to the development o f a sustainable, systemic, provincial response to support the development and integration o f resources to assist women in survival sex work. A structured, nonreactive response coupled w ith solid funding supports w ill produce effective interventions, as w ill a proactive strategy aligned w ith best practices (Matthews, 2008).

Scope and Limitations o f the Research

There are five factors that may restrict or lim it the application o f the research findings and conclusions:

1. A member o f a downtown neighbourhood association was invited to participate in

a focus group, but was unable to attend. One participant did identify herself as

living in the downtown core. However, I would have preferred to include the

perspectives o f more community residents, rather than lim it the community voice

prim arily to professionals.

2. A medical doctor and university educator were invited to participate in the focus

groups but were unable to attend, which lim ited the scope o f the study. Although

virtually all other professional sectors that work w ith survival sex workers Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 98

participated, I would have liked to include medical and education perspectives on

the issue.

3. Nanaimo has a large community o f survival sex workers relative to a community

o f its size and development, which may be accounted for in part by its close

proxim ity to Victoria and Vancouver. The research findings may not be

applicable to all other comparable communities, which may not have such a large

representation o f survival street-based sex work.

4. I lim ited the number o f individual interviews with experiential women to one

person, who had a very comprehensive professional perspective but whose

personal experience was not streetbased. I would have liked to interview women

actively working as survival sex workers in Nanaimo to seek out their

perspectives on existing and desired resources. However, I needed to contain the

scope o f the study due to a lim ited amount o f time.

5. The study was limited to the community o f Nanaimo. Conducting a similar study

in other communities w ith comparable demographics and survival sex workers

may have expanded my understanding o f the issue and how it is addressed

elsewhere, as w ell as broadened the scope o f possibility for systemic solutions.

C onclusion

The very willingness o f the m unicipality to support the research and development o f a plan to assist women transitioning out o f survival sex work reflects the first imperative step in a successful community change process. As Gerzon (2006) said, a

“ community can develop the clearest, most inspiring plans. But if those involved do not Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 99 feel heard and engaged, and if their concerns are not taken into account through genuine dialogue, those plans w ill not be well executed” (p. 171).

Weick and Saleebey (1995) address the concept o f community responsibility in stating, “Any individual or human grouping needs and deserves the sustained support o f the collective, as represented by a community” (p. 147). The findings and conclusions presented in this chapter express the collaborative voices o f many community contributors in a united appeal to support those deserving women o f the community whose voices are often unheard. Transposing voice into action is the first step in the journey o f transformational community change. Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 100

CHAPTER 5: RESEARCH IMPLICATIONS

In this chapter I w ill present recommendations that address my research question,

“ What conditions w ill support the development and integration o f community resources to assist women in transitioning from survival sex work?” I w ill now discuss these recommendations and associated organizational and community opportunities for action, as w ell as the implications for future research.

Study Recommendations

The action component o f the action research cycle invites building on what is in order to develop something new. The City o f Nanaimo has a unique opportunity to develop and model a community change initiative for the benefit o f survival sex workers in the municipal jurisdiction, as well as to model change strategies for other communities.

This action research study provides the information and recommendations sought by the municipal social planner to build on the existing capacity, strengths, and services in the community. This community change proposal w ill not only enhance the lives o f the women whose livelihood depends on survival sex work, but the community as a whole.

“ In Nanaimo, social planning involves the assessment of community needs, building community cooperation, providing support to citizen participation, and encouraging the community to become active in social issues” (City o f Nanaimo, 2008b, f 1).

The m unicipality as an organization is not strategically positioned to implement the recommendations directly, so much as to support the community in developing a response. Building on the successes o f the C ity’s strategy to reduce homelessness, where action is driven by the collaboration and input o f the Nanaimo W orking Group on

Homelessness, it is my recommendation that the social planner initiate a Nanaimo Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 101 working group on prostitution, as a separate entity or as a task force w ithin the W orking

Group on Homelessness, and include the participation o f Aboriginal organizations, residents, businesses, service providers, and experiential women, as w ell as volunteers and service clubs. I suggest the proposed working group on prostitution develop a change strategy to address the goals o f the social planner and those expressed by the participants in this study. Nelson (2004) suggested, “ To effectively address prostitution and drug usage, entire communities can develop strategic plans that involve neighborhoods, law enforcement and social service delivery systems [resulting in] dramatic savings to the community” (p. 91).

The proposed strategy would address the following six recommendations, each o f which I w ill discuss in depth:

1. Develop a wraparound continuum o f care;

2. Develop a plan to fund a dedicated facility;

3. Form partnerships with other communities;

4. Provide training and support to nonprofit organizations;

5. Strengthen and restructure enforcement practices; and

6. Educate and include the community in the change process.

Recommendation 1: Develop a Wraparound Continuum o f Care

There was consensus among the participants o f this study that many service providers are unsure or unaware o f existing resources available to support women in prostitution and that the information needs to be readily available to facilitate referrals in a tim ely manner. Participants also indicated they need a collaborative and cooperative system in place so efforts are not duplicated, as well as to allow for effective case Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 102 management. The proposed continuum o f care needs to enhance and capitalize on the trust-based relationships developed between professionals and survival sex workers.

It is my recommendation to use the wraparound model in developing a continuum o f care for survival sex workers. The community-based wraparound process is an action- driven process. The sex worker and w ith her identified service providers and social supports create an individualized plan to meet her unique needs, implement the plan, and then meet regularly to monitor progress and make necessary adjustments. The process concludes when the members o f the team reach consensus that a formal process is no longer needed (Bruns et ah, 2004). The wraparound team requires supportive and collaborative partnerships, capacity building for service providers, available and accessible community supports and services, and an evaluative process to ensure accountability and measure process and outcomes (Walker, Koroloff, & Schutte, 2003).

In order to effectively support women transitioning from survival sex work using a wraparound approach, a comprehensive network o f available services needs to be identified and gaps in service rectified. This would result in an efficient, collaborative use o f local and regional resources to support sex workers in all identified areas o f need. In order to achieve this continuum o f care, I propose the follow ing five steps be taken:

1. Incorporate data collection in the municipal biannual homelessness census to

gather information on the needs o f survival sex workers in Nanaimo.

2. Commission a comprehensive needs assessment to determine (a) essential

services to support survival sex work, including those identified in the census; (b)

existing prostitute-specific services in the community; (c) agencies offering

support to sex workers outside o f their primary mandate; (d) gaps in essential Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 103

services; (e) services used outside o f the community w ith the potential to address

the gaps; and (f) nonexistent essential services.

3. Develop a plan to fill identified gaps in service provision with available resources

including government-funded agencies, nonprofit organizations, local businesses,

service clubs, and the private volunteer sector o f the community, as w ell as

resources outside o f the community.

4. Deliver an educational workshop to introduce and clarify the wraparound process

to service providers who work with survival sex workers. This w ill enable any

and all service providers throughout the identified continuum o f care to initiate a

wraparound process in a tim ely and collaborative fashion.

5. Develop and distribute a resource list o f available local and regional supports to

identified agencies and supportive groups and individuals to assist in the

wraparound referral process.

Recommendation 2: Develop a Plan to Fund A Dedicated Facility

One o f the major obstacles facing community service providers who participated in this research study is the lack o f a physical place to offer support to women involved in survival sex work. Many participants lamented the closure o f the downtown drop-in resource, the Living Room, which one focus group participant described as follows:

A place we could take people and we could refer people. We could drop them o ff for a hearty meal. We could go there and talk to them. That’s a really big thing we’re missing, an area like that, a building specifically. A building the girls could go into . . . [where] they could contact services and possibly wash their clothes, access counseling, do a 16-step group if they want.

The findings from this study indicate not only is a drop-in resource urgently needed, but also it should house peer mentorship education and support programs (sim ilar Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 104 to the Sex Workers Addressing Treatment, Elements, and other programs offered by

PEERS Victoria), as well as services unique to Nanaimo. This resource should be available on a daily basis, w ith nightly outreach support.

There are options for funding such a resource. It is my recommendation that funding pursuits include (a) allocating 2010 funds for social development grants toward this facility, (b) supporting nonprofit agencies with grant-writing expertise to secure funding, (c) developing a fund-raising strategy involving local businesses and private donations, and (d) direct court diversion fines from prostitution-related offences toward a resource.

In October 2008, as a direct result o f this research project, the social planner for the municipality, and sponsor o f this study, recommended to the Social Planning

Advisory Committee that it dedicate $60,000 in funds to “projects that improve the chances o f success for sex trade workers attempting to exit the industry” (J. Horn, personal correspondence, November 10, 2008). In January 2009, $40,000 o f those funds was allocated to the Women’s Resource Centre. The centre w ill use the funds to partner w ith the Haven Society to offer drop-in support once a week for sex workers (Spalding,

2009). M y recommendation is that the Social Planning Advisory Committee make the fu ll amount o f funds for social development grants for 2010 available for the expanded development o f a dedicated resource offering (a) drop-in support, including food, clothing, laundry, and use o f telephone and fax machines; (b) referrals to services using the wraparound model; (c) outreach evening support, including handing out condoms and other needed harm reduction items; (d) peer mentoring; (e) the Sex Workers Addressing

Treatment program (Casey & Paterson, 2004); and (1) life skills and employment Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 105 coaching. I would strongly urge a provision to funding would be the inclusion of experiential women in all aspects o f service design and delivery.

I further recommend the proposed working group on prostitution support the successfully funded agency w ith the application processes to acquire sustainable funding from other sources, as suggested in Recommendation 4. Potential funders may include the Vancouver Island Health Authority, Office for the Solicitor General, Status o f

Women Canada, and other public grants.

The unique difference w ith how Nanaimo has historically managed court diversion is that donations received from johns were diverted to support the detoxification and rehabilitation o f the sex workers, as well as initiatives to prevent the sexual exploitation o f children and youth (S. Baher, personal correspondence, February

10, 2009). This is an opportunity to encourage the municipally funded RCMP to consistently engage in court diversion options for prostitution-related offences and have the funds donated to the dedicated sex worker resource.

The social planner for Nanaimo has initiated an impressive response to homelessness in the community. The data from this study suggests an urgent need for the community to create affordable housing opportunities for survival sex workers, particularly Aboriginal women. The literature suggests that when survival sex workers make the decision to transition and accept help, “they became w illing to do anything and it is in that moment that immediate housing is required” (Smith, 2006, p. 73).

Homelessness creates a challenge for transitioning as a participant pointed out:

One o f the main circumstances is that they don’t have a physical place to go. Some o f them are living in pimp-type situations and if they do decide to transition or to get out o f the prostitution situation they don’t have a physical home or just a place to call home. (FG) Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 106

Housing should not be conditional; it is a fundamental human right. It is apparent from the literature that housing needs to be prioritized before women can successfully move through a transition plan to leave survival sex work, particularly when they are often met w ith “discrimination based on race, substance use, gender, gender identity or

‘looking homeless’ [and] . .. few believe the government w ill ever provide sufficient and/or appropriate social housing” (Sakamoto, 2007, p. 20). The community has short­ term emergency housing options for women available and is actively creating opportunities for low-income affordable housing. Involvement with a continuum o f services housed in a dedicated resource w ill assist in providing survival sex workers the requisite life skills and treatment opportunities to support their transitioning success. One tangible result w ill be the ability to acquire and sustain safe, affordable housing. Safety is paramount as studies reflect that violence is “both a cause and a consequence o f homelessness for women” (Sakamoto, 2007, p. 18).

I recommend that some funds available to address homelessness in the community be diverted toward providing the facility and associated treatment options to assist survival sex workers in achieving the stability and skill they need to succeed in maintaining long-term housing. I further propose, based on the evidence in the literature, that sustainable housing opportunities be prioritized for survival sex workers, particularly

Aboriginal prostitutes, who face barriers even more complex than their non-Aboriginal peers.

Recommendation 3: Form Partnerships With Other Communities

Survival sex work occurs in many urban communities in BC, and the data from this study indicate that some sex workers move in a transient fashion through the Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 107 geographic triangle formed by the port cities o f Vancouver, Nanaimo, and Victoria.

Victoria and Vancouver have programs in place to support women in prostitution, and

Nanaimo would benefit from their experience and expertise in order to extend its own network o f services, as w ell as offer opportunities to reciprocate in sharing locally developed resources. Lorenz (1982) suggested,

Not every community-based organization needs to provide a totally comprehensive range o f services. When another provider already has the capacity to deliver a particular service, it is unrealistic to duplicate it, particularly in a cutback economy.... It is often politically prudent, if not necessary, to demonstrative cooperative arrangements and referral processes, (p. 249)

Casey and Paterson (2008) corroborated: “Forming partnerships w ith organizations outside the community may also be a means o f increasing the impact and sustainability o f your plan” (p. 45). I recommend the social planner for Nanaimo work closely with the social planners in Victoria and Vancouver to develop a unified plan of shared information and support for women involved in survival sex work and share significant findings with the proposed Nanaimo working group on prostitution for distribution to community-based service providers.

The participants o f this action research project unanimously deemed peer-based support as essential for transitioning survival sex workers. Casey considered it imperative the community develop “ a safe place where people can go to be w ith like-minded people

. . . without being judged” (I). Weisbord (2004) stated, “The key leadership policy I advocate is involving those who do the work in planning and coordinating the work. The best methods for doing that tend to be simple” (p. xx).

The peer support model is grounded in the literature as solid evidence-based practice. Larger urban centres in close proxim ity to Nanaimo offer peer support services Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 108 through PEERS, which has locations in Vancouver and Victoria. It is my recommendation that the proposed working group on prostitution form ally invite collaboration w ith PEERS to assist the community in developing a sim ilar peer mentorship program in the community.

I also recommend the proposed working group on prostitution form partnerships w ith similar groups in Victoria and Vancouver to present a regional conference on survival sex work issues, hosted at the new Nanaimo convention centre. The conference presenters would include researchers, practitioners, and experiential women, whose findings would contribute to the knowledge base and expertise o f service providers and community members in Nanaimo. Media coverage of such an event would also bring prevalent issues related to survival sex work to the consciousness o f the residents o f the municipality.

Recommendation 4: Provide Training and Support to Nonprofit Agencies

The recommendations put forward by this study rely heavily on resources provided by volunteer and nonprofit organizations offering services and supports to survival sex workers, under the assumption that these organizations have the sustainable funding capacity to provide existing support as well as enhance services. The data from this study suggest this may be an unrealistic assumption and the reality is that nonprofit organizations in Nanaimo are struggling w ith increasing challenges to maintain or secure funding, while satisfying the overwhelming measurement and evaluative paperwork requirements o f government funders in order to meet the increasingly changing and complex needs of the women they work with. The inevitable by-product o f these challenges is that clients served become exhausted and discouraged by bureaucratic Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 109 requirements, while the same bureaucratic process often stymies the workers.

Furthermore, without adequate, sustainable funding, an agency’s existence is continually threatened (Lorenz, 1982). It is in the m unicipality’s best interests to support and sustain the nonprofit agencies providing valuable service in the community.

Bumley, Matthews, and McKenzie (2005) conducted a study examining the experiences o f Nanaimo’s nonprofit child and fam ily service organizations and the consequent impact o f the contracting process on organizational practices, accountability, and services. The study’s resulting recommendations called for increasing collaboration between nonprofit organizations, coordinating the voluntary sector to supplement staffing, and improving relationships between government funders and nonprofit organizations. Based on my findings during this study, those remain appropriate recommendations for consideration, w ith the addition o f practical support to nonprofit organizations on the grant w riting process to secure funding.

Participants from the nonprofit sector in this study indicated that in addition to justifying existing funding, they spend innumerable hours writing applications for funding. “There is an ongoing workload challenge in meeting the needs o f the clients and fu lfillin g the specific requirements o f government funding” (Burnley et al., 2006, p. 79).

Most participants from this study are very skilled clinicians and experienced service providers; however, they may not necessarily have specialized training in the technical art o f writing funding applications, an imperative skill when competing w ith other nonprofit organizations for the same funds. Furthermore, it is a skill in itself to know where to secure funding appropriate, in the case o f this study, to the needs o f supporting women transitioning from survival sex work. Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 110

I recommend the m unicipality provide training workshops and expert consultation in the areas o f funding research, grant writing, and budget preparation to nonprofit organizations in the community offering services to sex workers. Additionally I suggest the m unicipality support the formation o f a peer review committee to assist in preparing grant applications and to “ work cooperatively to assure that only quality programs are allowed to survive” (Lorenz, 1982, p. 248). The goal o f this recommendation is to support the community o f nonprofit organizations to work collaboratively in a system o f cooperative competition.

I further recommend the municipality support nonprofit organizations in finding ways to recruit and use volunteers to offset the chronic staffing shortages reported by participants o f this study. A number of agencies, including Nanaimo RCMP Victim

Services, use trained volunteers to provide service for extremely vulnerable people.

Inviting them to share their expertise may support nonprofit agencies to develop volunteer support services.

Linkages between agencies need to be improved in order to develop a cooperative rather than a competitive model. W hile there is an appreciation for the contribution o f volunteers, there is recognition that appropriate methods for recruiting and retaining volunteers are needed. (Burnley et al, 2006, p. 78)

Recommendation 5: Strengthen and Restructure Enforcement Practices

As a result o f participant input during this study, I recommend the Nanaimo

RCMP create a dedicated position for a member to work closely with survival sex workers. Lewis et al. (2005) confirmed, “Liaison officers could work to facilitate better police/community (sex worker) relations” (p. 166). It was abundantly clear during the focus groups that many RCMP officers in Nanaimo consistently demonstrate a compassionate, supportive attitude toward survival sex workers. Some members develop Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 111 and maintain interaction w ith the women over long periods o f time and are able to act promptly if the women are missing, which contributes to their safety. Certain members have earned the trust o f survival sex workers, essential when supporting the women through traumatic experiences, such as violent sexual assaults and subsequent court testimony. It would be invaluable to have one dedicated “ go-to” member to support survival sex workers in the wraparound process, alert them when violent offenders or

“bad dates” are in the area, and track the whereabouts o f the women to effect an immediate response should they go missing.

M y second recommendation is for the RCMP to actively explore alternate measures for prostitutes and johns charged w ith prostitution-related offences. A member o f the enforcement focus group stated,

We always have to answer to public perception, and I think the public wants to hear that we are doing something about prostitution, so there is going to be a public perception [o f court diversion] that’s positive even if they don’t know the outcomes or what happens after the fact.

Sanders (2006) said, “ Court diversion programmes that are run independently o f the crim inal justice system provide women with the holistic services and support they need to begin processes o f change and transition in order to exit prostitution” (p. 2).

It was also recognized by participants that there are benefits and drawbacks to establishing red zones in the downtown core to prohibit street prostitution and associated drug activity in specific areas. Brock (1998) said, “ Clearly, the legislators, the courts and the police cannot make prostitution disappear” (p. 138). Some participants said red zones make it difficult for women to find and follow up with services, and because many treatment services are located w ithin the red zone, sex workers often need waivers to access appointments or attend the methadone clinic. The primary benefit perceived by Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 112 participants is that red zones make it safe for residents and business consumers to occupy the downtown core. Participants expressed a concern that without red zones, the

concentration o f survival sex workers and drug users and dealers in the downtown core

w ill increase, particularly w ith enforcement efforts in Vancouver and Victoria to deal w ith the nuisance factor o f transient people prior to the 2010 Olympics. It is my recommendation that the m unicipality conduct further research into this issue, in

consultation with service providers, enforcement officials, community residents, and

experiential women. I further suggest that the continuum o f services, including outreach

for survival sex workers, should originate at the periphery o f the red zone. Norton-Hawk

(2001) suggested, “Arresting prostitutes forces them to hide their activities, which

increases the level o f violence. The punitive approach needs to be replaced by a

community-situation rehabilitative model” (p. 415).

Recommendation 6: Educate and Include the Community in the Change Process

As West (2000) pointed out, “ Street prostitution has become highly contested

since the claims of communities and sex workers are typically polarized” (p. 109). A

focus group participant said, “ In order to support this and to bring this all in and have a

place for this all to happen, the community has to be supportive o f it. And they won't

support it unless they know what it is.”

The municipality has an opportunity to influence a shift in public perception of

prostitution away from moral judgment and stigmatization toward an inclusive,

supportive social approach. I recommend four ways to contribute to a positive shift in

public perception:

Model inclusiveness by prioritizing survival sex workers in current low-income Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 113

housing initiatives;

Organize a campaign to educate community members about prostitution. Some

approaches could include (a) a public education forum where professionals and

experiential women speak to the issues surrounding survival sex work and

preventing the sexual exploitation o f children and youth and (b) a reimaging

campaign to express positive messages about survival sex workers.

Encourage and support ongoing engagement by service providers, experiential

women, and residents in the Nanaimo Community Action Team. Support the

Nanaimo Community Action Team tradition of holding a downtown annual walk

for awareness o f prostitution and sexual exploitation.

Invite active participation in solutions from residents and community members by

creating volunteer opportunities for involvement in the proposed initiatives.

Educating residents o f the community on issues related to survival sex work w ill go far in evoking an empathic response to the women. Involving experiential women and community members in advocacy and community development opportunities w ill create a shared spirit o f personal ownership o f the community. When the m unicipality models a supportive, compassionate, and realistic attitude toward survival sex work, it sets a precedent for residents to follow and for other communities to observe and emulate.

Notions o f honor and worth w ill continue to permeate our perceptions and laws; the goal is not to erase such values but to render them consistent w ith human rights. Legal, social, and psychological authorities could nurture rather than sabotage such consistency by removing the stigma attached to prostitution. (Pheterson, 1993, p. 60) Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 114

Study Recommendations Conclusion

This action research study examines the viable leadership potential for the municipality to effect change in the lives of women struggling for survival in the sex trade. The recommendations resulting from this research are intended to coalesce the somewhat fragmented services that do exist in the community into an integrated response fully supported by the m unicipality and are rife with opportunity for participation by all members o f the community.

The recommendations build on one another and support mutual successes. A coordinated effort initiated by the city w ill bring together a committee o f people dedicated to the development and implementation o f an effective strategy. By using coordinated wraparound approaches, professionals in the community w ill be better equipped to support the women they work with. The residents and businesses o f the community are clearly part o f the solution, and the m unicipality needs to raise public awareness around this issue in order to create a sense o f communal responsibility.

Accessing the expertise and experience o f other communities, while modeling a cohesive community approach, w ill engender a systematic response to a common concern among urban municipalities in BC. The m unicipality can lead the way to acquiring a resource to house peer mentoring and drop-in services, and by contributing to the fund raising skills o f nonprofit organizations, as well as working w ith businesses and community volunteer services, it w ill enable a sustainable response. Developing a facility offering a multitude o f services from trained professionals, experiential women, and volunteer community members w ill provide sex workers asylum from the violence o f the streets and a place to regroup, access inform ation and support, and make personal choices. For some women, Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 115 those choices may include transitioning into a state o f personal fulfillm ent, free of violence, squalor, and public humiliation.

Organizational Implications

Community development has much to do w ith dealing w ith the problems o f marginalized groups and often occurs when people in the community form organizations to provide long-term capacity for problem solving. Advocacy is required to achieve the goals o f community development, deteriorate personal and institutional discrimination, ensure others have access to needed resources and opportunities, and improve social conditions.

The state ought to see its role as being to facilitate the process o f inner-city community development— invest money in ways and in institutions that people in the inner city direct them to do, and then provide the supports necessary for inner- city people to solve their own problems in the ways that they themselves collectively choose. (Silver, 2004, f 18)

This action research project under the organizational sponsorship o f the social planner for the municipality o f Nanaimo exemplifies the process o f community development through responses to social injustices that neglect the fundamental human rights of women involved in survival sex work. The social planner for the municipality seeks to support the community to develop and integrate resources and treatment for survival sex workers in areas of health and well-being, as w ell as to support the businesses and residents o f the community who are impacted by the visibility and problematic subculture associated w ith the survival sex trade. The data from this study provide direction from which the recommendations emerge.

Women who prostitute often work 7 days a week, late into the night, under demanding physical conditions. Women who transition from survival sex work apply Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 116 themselves vigorously to creating the physical, emotional, and social conditions necessary to succeed in an often-unforgiving world and against virtually insurmountable expectations. Possibly no other sector o f society experiences the vortex o f complex hurdles faced by survival sex workers. Few can claim to have the degree o f resiliency and survival skills they possess. The prevailing stance o f this research project is to support the social planner to advocate for sex workers’ fundamental human rights and contribute to the development o f “ an influential vision [that] reflects the insight o f an individual or group that has deeply contemplated the core issues” (Quinn, 1996, p. 200).

Community is strong to the extent that individuals identify w ith and support one another and work together for the common good. Strong communities can play a leading role in the mitigation, removal and prevention o f problems on the street and in the reintegration o f the people involved. (Diers, 2008, p. 2)

Implications for Future Research

It is evident from the literature that the individual, community, and global implications o f survival sex work are extensive. Many studies have focused on the negative consequences and legal repercussions o f survival sex work. This study attempts to take that information further by suggesting community options for addressing these consequences and ensuring the safety and well-being o f the women affected. The following implications warrant further study:

1. This study and resulting conclusions and recommendations are specific to the City

o f Nanaimo, and the guidelines for developing a community response to street

prostitution could be applicable to other communities w ith similar demographics

and concerns.

2. The time and capacity o f this research project lim ited the scope o f participation.

Interviews with other experiential women, as well women actively involved in Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 117

survival sex work, would have enriched the data.

3. The scope of this study did not allow comprehensive participation from sectors

such as education, medicine, residents, business owners, and representatives from

service clubs. A study o f the values and views o f community residents toward

survival sex work and the willingness o f community residents to embrace a

change initiative would be valuable.

4. The research explored the intangible as well as tangible spirit and energy included

in the healing processes, from individual and societal perspectives. Further

research into the area o f spirituality and intrinsic m otivation among sex workers

would enhance approaches to service and treatment.

5. Municipal bylaws and enforcement practices create opportunities to improve

safety for survival sex workers and the community, yet they can also further

marginalize sex workers. Further research into constructive legislative approaches

to survival sex work would stimulate positive systemic change.

C onclusion

This action research project examines the issues related to survival sex work from a feminist perspective that seeks to support all women in the community. The participatory design o f the project invites input from all stakeholders in the community to

define the problem and design solutions. Under the sponsorship o f the social planner for the m unicipality, I am acting as a positive change agent in my role as researcher, taking

an advocacy and social justice perspective w ith the intended goal to create a viable vision that meets the needs o f survival sex workers, as w ell as translates their needs into

effective, sustainable responses. Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 118

CHAPTER 6: LESSONS LEARNED

This chapter brings this qualitative study to a close. Action research— with “ its intent... to provide a place for the perspectives o f people who have previously been marginalized from opportunities to develop and operate policies, programs, and services”

(Stringer, 2007, p. 207)— was the ideal research methodology for this project. M y goal is to contribute to the process o f future researchers who undertake action research projects. I have learned five significant lessons from my own experience as a researcher: (a) ideal learning is collaborative, (b) effective learning hinges on communication, (c) leadership embraces change, and (d) maintaining a posture o f self-awareness incites personal grow th.

Ideal Learning Is Collaborative— Invite Others into the Process

M y experience as an addictions counsellor has taught me the importance o f asking for help when needed. I had the good fortune throughout this journey to have access to insightful, empathic, and consistent support from a chosen group o f individuals, and I never hesitated to accept their assistance. I selected these research companions through a purposeful process, and my choices never failed me.

M y faculty supervisor guided me w ith ease through each step o f the way, providing clear, knowledgeable, and applicable direction. His telephone calls to teach and guide me through the process o f data analysis were invaluable. He suggested I review the works o f previous learners, whose outstanding efforts provided a useful template o f styles. He answered my questions promptly and made him self available at all times. Most importantly, he gave me the validation I needed when I floundered, and his recognition of my hard work and personal style motivated me throughout the process. Thanks to his Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 119 approach, I enjoyed and now understand the research process and would happily involved myself in future projects.

M y project sponsor helped ensure a smooth data collection process, and his positive approach to the potential change opportunities in the community as a result o f my research enlivened my interest in the chosen topic. I also worked closely w ith an experienced editor, whose skill and expertise took away the pressure o f dealing with technicalities and allowed me to hone my w riting style. Most importantly, all o f these individuals had an unfailing sense of humour and keen sense o f tim ing for offering kind and encouraging words, which gave me the impetus to cany on whenever I felt overwhelmed and discouraged.

Effective Learning Hinges on Communication—Employ Active Listening Skills

MacKeracher (2004) described learning as constructive, transformative, and interactive “because we make meanings through exchanging information w ith our environment, most particularly w ith other persons” (p. 8). Perhaps the most valuable lesson I learned in relation to conducting future research came from the interview process. I conducted one interview in this project w ith a participant whose wealth of knowledge, personal and professional insights into the issue, and riveting spirit of advocacy were integral to the success o f achieving unique outcomes. When transcribing that interview, however, I found that I had become so engaged in dialogue w ith her that I did not always ask questions in a way that elicited more detailed responses. I carried this lesson into the focus groups and demonstrated more constraint w ith my input, while carefully listening to the participant’s responses. This resulted in rich data and a wealth o f material to analyze. Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 120

Leadership Embraces Change— A llow Events to Unfold

Building on the metaphor concept woven throughout this thesis, I see m yself as a chameleon, adaptable to changing environments and flexible in response to diverse demands and pressures. I changed career paths after the onset o f my studies at RRU and entered the professional realm o f education and consulting. I also chose to pursue accelerated undergraduate studies to complete a bachelor’s degree concurrent w ith my m aster’ s.

There were times during this process when all these commitments became overwhelming, and I relied on some o f the practical information management skills I learned during my studies. For example, mind mapping proved to be very useful in sorting out my conceptual process and organizing information in a way that made sense for me. I used voice recognition software for journaling throughout the research process and capturing ideas while driving.

Technology does play a significant role in the research process, one I grossly underestimated. Computers do crash on a whim. Recording devices do not just capture participants’ voices, they also capture passing train whistles, lawn mowers, pen tappers, and sneezes. I have learned that transcribing is in itself a skill, albeit an often tedious and frustrating one. In the future I would be inclined to hire a transcriptionist. Thankfully, I paid attention to the suggestions made during residency to be vigilant about backing up my work and using m ultiple recording devices. I made the assumption that the meeting rooms at City Hall where the focus groups were conducted would be acoustically ideal for recording, but found that to be erroneous. In the end I was able to transcribe the bulk o f the data, but am left w ith a lingering regret that some participants’ comments were lost Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 121 due to background noise. For future research I w ill make sure to pretest equipment and acoustics.

Timing is hard to predict. M y best attempts to anticipate and schedule were often waylaid by unforeseen events and by life in general. I did not except the new and exciting professional opportunities that arose during my studies at RRU and am most grateful for the skills in self-directed learning I acquired at RRU to meet those challenges. I also did not expect to become a grand Mother on the second day o f my second residency, and my growth has almost paralleled my granddaughter’s.

This project has provided a metamorphic opportunity for me to apply all the learning I have acquired throughout this journey, in different cultural settings and political environments. M y self-esteem is now expressed in many ways, including, as

Branden (1994) described, “ in an attitude o f openness to and curiosity about new ideas, new experiences, new possibilities o f life” (p. 43).

Maintaining a Posture o f Self-Awareness Incites Personal Growth

Action research, by its very definition, is not an inert process. The only previous practice I had in participating in action research was during my second residency at RRU when I engaged in a team exercise exploring the connections between leadership, learning, and change. That exercise and the data that emerged stayed w ith me during this research process as I continuously experienced those three interactive processes. A t the point o f determining the dominant themes contained in the data, I began to recognize the intricacy o f the relationship between leadership, learning, and change and how they evolve in tandem. I set a personal goal to observe my own personal growth throughout every phase o f my learning. By remaining open to change w ithin myself, I continuously Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 122 realized I was learning more than I had ever anticipated, not only about the topic I was researching, but also about m yself and my potential for leading the way to sustainable change for others.

I am humbled by the opportunity to participate in such a change process. W ith every research study I read, including my own transcripts, I was struck and profoundly moved by the voices o f the women surviving in the world o f sex work and by their capacity for endurance and their determination to prevail. I learned so much from the experience and expertise o f the participants in the study, whose commitment to support survival sex workers fuelled my own. This project provided me an opportunity to learn at a significant level and to watch my own change process unfold, bringing forward elements o f leadership that I know w ill endure forever.

In the early days o f pursuing my master’s degree in leadership at RRU, I read the poem “The Invitation” by Oriah Mountain Dreamer (1995). One line spoke to me o f the importance o f the continual self-awareness needed to strengthen the foundation o f m yself as a researcher: “ It doesn’t interest me where or what or w ith whom you have studied. I want to know what sustains you from the inside when all else falls away” (Mountain

Dreamer, 1995, f 11).

A t the end o f the day, I am committed to being a leader who embraces and models lifelong learning and change. Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 123

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Appendix A: Letter o f Invitation and Research Consent Form

M y name is Sue Howard and I would like to invite you to participate in a research project conducted by m yself as part o f my requirement for Royal Roads University’s

Master o f Arts in Leadership program. M y credentials with Royal Roads University can be established by telephoning Dr. Gerry Nixon, (acting) director o f the School of

Leadership Studies at [telephone number].

Purpose

This document constitutes an agreement to participate in my action research project. The organizational sponsor o f the project is John Horn o f Social Planning

Department of the City o f Nanaimo. The objective o f my research project is to explore the question, “ What conditions w ill support the development and integration of community resources to assist women in exiting street prostitution?” The outcome w ill include recommendations to be shared w ith the sponsoring organization.

The research w ill consist o f 2-hour interviews and focus groups. The foreseen questions w ill examine what resources or supports in Nanaimo need to be in place, what barriers or obstacles need to be removed, and which approaches and strategies in other communities have been proven to effectively support women exiting street prostitution.

In addition to submitting my final report to Royal Roads University in partial fulfillm ent for a Master o f A rt in Leadership, I w ill also be sharing my research findings with the

City o f Nanaimo social planner.

Confidentiality

Pseudonyms w ill be used throughout the research process to protect the

anonymity o f participants. A ll data w ill be recorded in hand-written format and/or tape Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 137 recorded where appropriate. Participant information and raw data w ill be summarized in an anonymous format in the body o f the final report. A t no time w ill any specific comments be attributed to any individual unless specific agreement has been obtained beforehand. A copy o f the final report w ill be housed at Royal Roads University and w ill be publicly accessible.

Voluntary Participation

Participation is voluntary at all times and the participant can withdraw at any time without reprisal. Participants w ill be provided with contact information for the Royal

Roads University project supervisor and City o f Nanaimo project sponsor for any additional questions or concerns that may arise. If you have any questions now or at any time during the study, you may contact Sue Howard at [telephone number].

I have read the information on the consent form for the study on exploring the conditions needed in Nanaimo to support the development and integration o f community resources to assist women in exiting street prostitution.M y questions have been answered to my satisfaction. By signing this letter, I give free and informed consent to participate in this action research study.

Name: (Please P rint): ______

S igna ture: ______

Date: Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 138

Appendix B: Individual Interview Questions

Please introduce yourself. Feel free to include details such as age, education, and

current personal information you wish to share.

1. Describe your fam ily background.

2. Describe some of the experiences that led you to your current professional and

academic interests and expertise.

3. In your experience what factors contribute to exiting sex worksuccessfully?

4. What are some o f the challenges you find that prevent successful exiting?

5. Are there any aspects o f sex work or personal characteristics of sex workers you

feel would be beneficial outside o f sex work?

6. In relation to exiting, describe the significance of

a. addiction to sex work.

b. addiction to drugs and/or alcohol.

7. What strategies, services, or supports do you feel are ideally needed in a

community to support women exiting sex work?

8. What is your opinion o f court diversion strategies for sex workers?

9. How do you understand peer support to benefit sex workers?

10. Is there anything else o f importance related to this issue you wish to contribute? Community Support for Survival Sex Workers 139

Appendix C: Focus Group Questions

1. What is your role in your organization and in the community?

2. What characteristics or circumstances do you perceive as creating challenges for

women transitioning out o f survival sex work?

3. In your experience, what are some of the changes or elements you or your

organization need to effectively support women transitioning out o f survival sex

w ork?

4. In what circumstances do you refer sex workers to other community resources?

W hich resources do you use the most?

5. What are the benefits o f peer support and court diversion programs in supporting

women engaged in prostitution?

6. What resources or services do you feel Nanaimo needs to develop to support

women transitioning out o f survival sex work?